Auglaize County, Ohio - Chapter 7: Wayne's Campaign, 1905 (part 1 of 2)

Chapter 7: Wayne's Campaign

The defeat of St. Clair's expedition was a great disappointment to the general government, and alarmed the entire population west of the Alleghanies.

On the recommendation of General Knox, President Washington urged upon Congress the necessity Of immediately enlisting an army of five thousand troops for the protection and defense of the citizens of the Northwestern Territory. We are amazed, at the present day, at the opposition that was brought to bear against the measure. For a time it seemed that selfishness, personal and partisan jealousies, were in the majority. They protested that the frontier was not worth the sacrifice of blood and treasure it was costing ; that the nation had not the money necessary to carry on the war ; that, by withdrawing from the Northwestern Territory, and by making the Ohio river the boundary, and, by treating with the Indians, a peace might be restored to this frontier.

After much bitter controversy and opposition to the bill, Congress arose to the emergency by the passage of it. To appease the opposition, Washington appointed embassies to treat with the Indians. General Putnam and Heckewelder, the missionary, visited the tribes on the Wabash and were kindly received. The peace messengers, Colonel Hardin to the northwest, and Major Truman to Sandusky, carried with them under flags of truce, medals, presents and messages from the Secretary of War and President Washington. The medals, gifts and messages were taken by the Indians, and the bearers of them were slain.

Caleb Atwater, the first historian of Ohio, while acting as Indian agent at Prairie du Chien, in July, 1828, states that he saw the medals and speeches in the possession of the elder Caray Mannee, the principal chief of the Winnebagoes.

diameter, and purported, no doubt truly, to have been made, at the expense of a gentleman of Philadelphia, and by him sent as a token of General Washington's friendship to the Indians."

The Indians in every instance would hear of no terms of peace that did not promise the removal of the whites from the northern side of the river.

After securing the passage of the bill for recruiting an army of five thousand men, President Washington had yet another critical task to perform. Bitter rivalries existed among the large number of generals without commands, now that the Revolutionary War was over. Many of them aspired to the command of the new army to be raised. It was a difficult matter for the Executive to select a man suited in all respects for such a charge. General Morgan, General Scott, General Wayne, Colonel Darke, and General Henry Lee, all received consideration. From the names

-enumerated, General Wayne was selected. Some idea of the jealousies that prevailed may be formed from the letter written by General Lee, then Governor of Virginia, to President Washington, in which he stated that the appointment caused "extreme disgust" among all orders in the Old Dominion.

Of all men, Wayne was the best fitted for the great campaign. In the Revolutionary War no other general, American, British, or French, won such a reputation for hard fighting and great courage. He had been taught in a school of experience, for the early campaigns in which he took part were waged against the gallant generals and splendid soldiery of the British king.

In the spring of 1792 the recruiting of the army was commenced; and in June General Wayne moved to Pittsburgh and proceeded to organize and- drill an army that should be capable of subduing the savage nations of the Northwest. "Train and discipline them for the service they are meant for," said Washington, "and do not spare powder and lead, so the men be made marksmen."

In December, 1792, the newly recruited forces were moved down the river, twenty-two miles to a point called Legionville. The army, having been called by that name, was divided into four sub-legions. At this point the troops were exercised in all the 'evolutions that were considered necessary to render them efficient soldiers in a campaign against savages. Firing at a mark was practiced daily, and rewards given to the best marksmen. The troops soon attained an accuracy that gave them confidence. "The dragoons received thorough drills in the use of the broad-sword, whilst the infantry were led to place entire confidence in the bayonet, as the certain and irresistible weapon before which the savages could not stand."

On the 30th of April, 1793, General Wayne broke camp and proceeded down the river to Cincinnati, intending to quarter his troops at Fort Washington. But on his arrival he found the vicinity of the fortification unsuitable for drills and maneuvers, and he chose a site one mile further down the river. As it was the only place he could find that met with his approval, he called his encampment "Hobson's Choice." The army remained at this

The efforts of the United States government to establish treaties of peace and friendship with the hostile tribes of the northwestern territory began in the early part of 1792 and was continued until August 16th, 1793. In October of that year the army moved to Greenville, eighty miles north of Cincinnati, where it went into winter quarters. The effective force under General Wayne, October 23rd, was three thousand six hundred and thirty men. In addition to this force there were a number of men who became known far and wide, of friendly Choctaw Indians, under the command of a chief, called General Hummingbird. These Indians performed the duties of scouts during the campaign. Included with these there were also a number of wild white Indian fighters. "They were far more useful to the army than the like number of regular soldiers or ordinary rangers.

"It was on these fierce backwoods riflemen that Wayne chiefly relied for news of the Indians, and they served him well. In small parties, or singly, they threaded the forest scores of miles in advance or to one side of the marching army, and kept close watch on the Indians' movements. As skilful and hardy as the red warriors, much better marksmen, and even more daring, they took many scalps, harrying the hunting parties, and hanging on the outskirts of the big wigwam villages. They captured and brought in Indian after Indian, from whom Wayne got valuable information. The use of scouts, and the consequent knowledge gained by the examination of Indian prisoners, emphasized the difference between St. Clair and Wayne. Wayne's reports are accompanied by many examinations of Indian captives. Among these white scouts there were some who were known far and wide for their personal prowess and daring adventures. They were all men of great bodily strength, and endowed with wonderful powers of endurance, agility and eyesight, and who were masters in the use of their weapons. Several of them had been captured by the Indians when they were children, and had lived for years with them before their restoration to the whites ; so that in their captivity they acquired the speech and customs of the different tribes.

"William Wells was a man of such extraordinary prowess as to merit special notice. He was captain of the mounted division of spies. Attached to Wells' command were the following men:

Mahaffey, Robert McClellan, one of the most active men on foot that ever lived ; William Miller, Henry Miller and May, former Indian captives. "

"Wells was taken captive by the Miamis, when he was a hoy twelve years of age, and grew to manhood among them, living like any other young warrior; his Indian name was Black Snake, and he married a sister of the great warchief, Little Turtle. He fought with the rest of the Miamis, by the side of Little Turtle, in the victories that the Northwestern Indians gained over Harmar and St. Clair, and during the battle it is said he killed several soldiers with his own hand. Afterward, he became harassed by the thought that perhaps he had slain some of his own kindred; dim memories of his childhood came back to him, and he resolved to leave his Indian wife and half-breed children and rejoin the people of his own color. Tradition relates that on the eve of his departure he made his purpose known to Little Turtle, and added, 'We have long been friends; we are friends yet, until the sun stands so high (indicating the place) in the heavens; from that time we are enemies and may kill one another.' Be this as it may, he came to Wayne, was taken into high favor, and served with signal success until the end of the campaign."

"Captain Wells and his four companions were confidential and privileged gentlemen in camp, who were only called upon to do duty upon very particular and interesting occasions. They were permitted a carte blanche among the horses of the dragoons, and when upon duty went well mounted ; whilst the spies commanded by Captain Kibby went on foot, and were kept constantly on the alert, scouring the country in every direction."

"One of Wells' fellow spies was William Miller. Miller, like Wells, had been captured by the Indians when a boy, together with his brother Christopher. When he grew to manhood he longed to rejoin his own people, and finally did so, but he could not persuade his brother to come with him, for Christopher had become an Indian at heart. In June, 1794, Wells, Miller and a third spy, Robert McClellan, were sent out by Wayne with special instructions to bring in a live Indian, in order that he could interrogate him as to the future intentions of the enemy. McClellan, as has been stated, was remarkably swift of foot- and afterward became a famous plainsman and Rocky Mountain man. They proceeded with cautious steps through the Indian country, and crossed the St. Mary's river, and thence to the Auglaize river,, without meeting any straggling party of Indians. In passing up the Auglaize they discovered a smoke ; they then dismounted, tied their horses, and proceded cautiously to reconnoiter the enemy. They found three Indians camped on a high, open piece of ground, clear of brush or any underwood. As it was open woods, they found it would be difficult to approach the camp without being discovered. Whilst they were reconnoitering, they saw not very far distant from the camp, a tree which had lately fallen. They returned and went round the camp so as to get the top of the fallen tree between them and the Indians. The tree-top being full of leaves would serve as a shelter to screen them from observation. They went forward on their hands and knees, with the noiseless movements of the cat, till they reached the tree-top. They were now within seventy or eighty yards of the camp. The Indians were sitting or standing about the fire, roasting venison, laughing, and making other merry antics, little dreaming that death was about stealing a march upon them. Arrived at the fallen tree, their purpose of attack was soon settled ; they determined to kill two of the enemy and make the third prisoner. Mc- Clellan, being swift of foot, was to catch the third one, whilst to Wells and Miller was confided the duty of shooting the other two. One of them was to shoot the one on the right, the other the one on the left. Their rifles were in prime order, the muzzles of their guns were placed on the log of the fallen tree, the sights were aimed for the Indians' hearts - whiz went the balls, and b*oth Indians fell. Before the smoke of the burnt powder had risen six feet, McClellan was running at full speed, with tomahawk in hand, for the Indian. The Indian, having no time to pick up his gun, bounded off at the top of his speed, and made down the river ; but by continuing in that direction he discovered that McClellan would head him. He turned his course and made for the river. The river here had a bluff bank about twenty feet high. When he came to the bank he sprang down into the river, the bottom of which was a soft mud, into which he sank to the middle. While he was trying to extricate himself out of the mud, McClellan came to the top of the high bank, and, without hesitation, sprang upon him as he was wallowing in the mire. The Indian drew his knife ; Mc- Clellen raised his tomahawk, told him to throw down his knife, or he would kill him instantly. He threw down his knife, and sur- rendered without any further effort at resistance." The others . came up and secured the prisoner, whom they found to be a white man ; and to Miller's astonishment it proved to be his brother Christopher. The scouts brought their prisoner, and the scalps of the two slain warriors, back to Wayne. At first Christopher was sulky and refused to join the whites; he was, therefore, put in the guard-house. After a few days he became more cheerful, and said he had changed his mind. Wayne set him at liberty, and he not only served valiantly as a scout through the campaign, but acted as Wayne's interpreter. Early in July he showed his good faith by assisting McClellan in the capture of a Pottawattamie chief.

"On one of Wells' scouts he and his companions came across a family of Indians in a canoe by the river bank. The white, wood rangers were as ruthless as their red foes, sparing neither sex nor age; and the scouts were cocking their rifles when Wells recognized the Indians as being the family into which he had been adopted, and by which he had been treated as a son and brother. Springing forward he swore immediate death to the first man who fired, and then told his companions who the Indians were. The scouts at once dropped their weapons, shook hands with the Miamis, and sent them off unharmed."

After the erection of Fort Greenville and other buildings necessary for the accommodation of the army, a detachment was sent to re-occupy the ground made memorable by the disastrous defeat of St. Clair, over three years before. The detachment reached the locality on Christmas day, 1793, and built a stockade which was significantly called Fort Recovery. During the construction of the stockade a reward was offered for every human skull found on the battlefield. Six hundred of these relics were collected and buried within the stockade. Said one of the legion, "when we went to lie down in our tents at night, we had to scrape the bones together, and carry them out to make our beds."

After the construction of the stockade and block-houses, the place was garrisoned and placed in charge of Captain Alexander Gibson, when the remainder of the troops returned to Greenville.

penetrating the wilderness as far as the mouths of the St. Mary's and Auglaize rivers, and brought in reports, daily, of the movements of the .Indians. But a short time elapsed before it was discovered that the British garrisons at Detroit and on the Maumee river were the instigators of the assaults for which the savages were making preparations. The Chickasaw Indian spies reported that white men and Indians were patroling the country in different directions. One party of the scouts discovered a large party of white men and Indians at Girty's town (St. Mary's) moving in the direction of the Shawnee towns on Mad River.

On the 30th of June, an escort of ninety riflemen and fifty dragoons, under the command of Major McMahon, arrived at Fort Recovery in charge of a provision train and encamped around the walls of the fort. Soon after their arrival they were attacked by a force of more than a thousand Indians led by the celebrated chief, Little Turtle.

"They assailed the fort with great fury, rushing up to within fifty yards of it, some of them carrying axes and hatchets for the purpose of cutting down the pickets ; but they were met with such a galling fire from the fort that they recoiled and in a short time retreated to the woods. They, however, rallied a second time, but kept at a more respectful distance, and kept up a heavy and constant fire during the remainder of the day. The garrison, in the mean time, kept up a brisk and most effective fire throughout the day. At the approach of night the enemy withdrew. The night was foggy and very dark, which afforded the Indians an opportunity to remove their dead and wounded by torchlight, which occasionally drew a fire from the garrison. The enemy succeeded in removing all their dead, except eight or ten bodies that lay near the walls of the garrison.

The attack was renewed the next day, but was attended with results no more successful than on the previous day. Late in the afternoon, the enemy withdrew in disgrace from the field on which they previously had gained the greatest victory in the history of their race.

"During the engagement on the second day, a man, judged to be a person of some distinction, from a three-cornered hat and plume and gay apparel which he wore, was seen moving about among the Indians, but at too great a distance from the fort, it was thought, to be reached by a rifle shot. However, a friendly Chick- asaw Indian, who was in the fort, loaded his gun with more than a double charge of powder, and fired at him. He was not seen afterward, but the next day his three-cornered hat and plume were found on the ground.

There is but little doubt that the British and Indians expected to find the cannon, hidden by the Indians after St. Clair's defeat, and to use them in their assault upon the fort. The Indians turned over a great number of logs during the assault in search of the cannon. Fortunately the guns had been found by the troops of the garrison, and did good service during the siege.

During the siege the balls were heard continually striking against the pickets and logs of the block-house. After the Indians had retired, it was observed that the outside of the pickets and block-houses were everywhere perforated with bullets, and a number of ounce balls were picked up on the outside, fired at such a distance as not to have momentum sufficient to penetrate the logs.

The loss of the enemy in the two days, is believed, was very heavy, but the exact number will probably never be known. Isaac Paxton, .who was in the engagement, was of the opinion that the number of Indians could not have been less than fifteen hundred.

According to the official report, made at the time, there were twenty-two killed and thirty wounded. Among the killed were Major McMahon, Captain Hartshorn, and Lieutenant Craig. Among the wounded were Captain Taylor, of the dragoons, and Lieutenant Darke, of the legion. Captain Gibson, who commanded the fort, behaved with great gallantry, and received the thanks of the commander-in-chief, as did every officer and soldier of the garrison, and the escort, who were engaged in that most gallant and successful defense.

On the 28th of July, 1794, Wayne's army left Fort Greenville on the march into the Indian country. It was the best disciplined army that ever went to battle in the Western country. The fighting capacity of the soldiers, acquired by nearly eighteen months of severe military drill, caused much talk among the frontiermen themselves, and gave them confidence. A Tennessee private in writing home remarked "that hunters were apt to undervalue the soldiers as marksmen, but that Wayne's riflemen were as good shots as any hunters he had ever seen at any of the many matches he had attended in the back-woods." They marched twelve miles that day, and encamped on the banks of Stillwater creek, a branch of the Miami. On the following day they marched fifteen miles and encamped a mile beyond Fort Recovery, at one o'clock in the afternoon. The next morning (July 30th), Captain Gibson, commander of Fort Rocovery, joined the main army. They marched twelve miles this day, and encamped at three o'clock P. M. on Beaver creek, four miles west of the Mercer county reservoir. The army rested a day at this point to give the pioneers time to construct a bridge across a swamp through which the creek flows. An additional corps was, also, ordered to clear a road from the swamp to the St. Mary's river. The bridge across the swamp was constructed by cutting blocks six feet long from large trees, and setting them in a vertical position in two rows in the water and soft mud, which was about five feet deep. On these blocks stringers were laid and across them split timber to form the floor of the bridge. Portions of the bridge are still to be seen in the swamp. On the 1st of August, the bridge and road being completed, the army moved forward before sunrise, and marched twelve miles to the St. Mary's river, where they arrived at three o'clock', and encamped on a beautiful prairie. There they remained two days and built Fort Adams* and left a company of a hundred men to protect it under the command of Lieutenant Underhill.

"At some time within the two days, Newman, a member of the quartermaster's corps, deserted, and went over to the enemy, acquainting them of the plans of the campaign." It had been Wayne's design to reach the headquarters of the savages, Grand Glaize, undiscovered, and in order to do this, he had caused two roads to be cut, one toward the foot of the rapids (Roche de Bout), the other to the junction of the St. Mary and St. Joseph, while he pressed forward between the two ; and this stratagem, he thinks, would have been successful but for the deserter referred to. On the third of August a tree fell upon General Wayne, which might have put an end to his existence ; but, fortunately, he was not so much injured as to prevent him from riding slowly the next day. On the 4th of August they marched ten miles and encamped at three o'clock in the afternoon. The day following they marched fifteen miles and encamped at four o'clock P. M. The weather was extremely warm, and water was so scarce that they were .obliged, at times, to dig holes in boggy places to obtain a scanty supply. On the 6th the army marched twelve miles through a drizzling rain, and encamped at two o'clock P. M. At some time in the day they crossed a trail where twenty Indians had passed.

After a march of six miles, on the 7th, they passed the Upper Delaware town on the Auglaize river. The inhabitants had evacuated the village a short time before the arrival of the army.

On the 8th of August the army marched at five o'clock in the morning and reached the junction of the Auglaize with the Maumee river at half-past ten o'clock.

Over half the distance traversed on the morning of the 8th was through luxuriant cornfields in roasting ears. The army encamped a short distance above the junction of the two rivers. General Wayne, in his report to the Secretary of War, in referring to the locality, writes: "We have gained possession of the grand emporium of the hostile Indians of the West, without the loss of blood. The very extensive and highly cultivated fields and gardens show the work of many hands. The margin of those beautiful rivers, the Miamis of the lake (or Maumee) and Auglaize, appear like one continued village for a number of miles, both above and below this place ; nor have I ever before beheld such immense fields of corn, in any part of America, from Canada to Florida."

It had been Wayne's plan to reach the headquarters of the savages, at the mouth of the Auglaize, undiscovered ; and in order to do this, as has been stated, he had caused two roads to be cut, one toward the foot of the rapids and the other to the junction of the St. Mary and St. Joseph rivers, while he pressed forward between the two ; and this without much doubt would have been successful but for Newman who deserted at Fort Adams.

The first duty of the General after taking possession of the locality was the construction of a strong stockade fort, with four blockhouses, serving as bastions, at the confluence of the rivers, which he named Fort Defiance.

"Soon after the encampment of the army at the mouth of the Auglaize (August nth), the General dispatched the spies, Wells, McClellan, Miller, May and Mahaffy, down the river to secure information of the intentions of the enemy, and if possible to bring him a prisoner. The spies proceeded cautiously down the river until opposite the site of Fort Meigs, where there was an Indian village. The party, dressed and equipped as Indians, rode into the village, stopping occasionally, to talk with the villagers in their language, and giving them the impression that they were Indians from a distance who had come to take part in the expected battle. After passing safely through the village, they met some distance from it, an Indian man and woman on horseback, who were returning to town from hunting. They made them captives without resistance and immediately set off for Defiance.

"A short time after dark they passed near a large encampment of Indians, who were merrily amusing themselves around their camp fires. Ordering their prisoners to be silent under pain of instant death, they went around the camp until they got about half a mile above *it. They then held' a consultation, tied and gagged their prisoners, and rode back to the Indian camp with their rifles lying across the pommels of their saddles. . They inquired when they had last heard of General Wayne and the. movements of his army, and how soon and where the expected battle would be fought. The Indians standing about Wells and his party were very communicative, and answered the questions without any suspicions of deceit in their visitors. At length an Indian who was sitting at some distance apart said in an undertone in another tongue to some who were near him that he suspected these strangers had some mischief in their heads. Wells overheard ft, gave the preconcerted signal, and each fired his rifle into the body of an Indian not more than six feet distance. The moment the Indian made the remark, he and his companions rose up with their rifles in hand, but not before each of the others had shot their man. The moment after Wells and party had fired they put spurs to their horses, lying with their breasts on the animals' necks, so as to lessen the mark to fire at, and before they had got out of the light of the camp-fires the Indians had fired upon them. As McClellen lay in this position, a ball entered beneath his shoulder-blade and came out at the top of his shoulder ; Wells' arm was broken by a ball, and his rifle dropped to the ground ; , May was chased to the smooth rock in the Maumee, where his horse fell and he was taken prisoner.

"The rest of the party escaped without injury, and rode full speed to where the prisoners were confined, and mounting them upon horses, continued their route. Wells and McClellen being severely wounded, and their march slow and painful to Defiance, a -distance of about thirty miles, ere they could receive surgical aid, a messenger was dispatched to hasten to the post for a surgeon and guard. As soon as he arrived with the tidings of the wounds and perilous situation of these heroic and faithful spies, very great sympathy was manifested. Wayne's feeling for the suffering soldier was at all times quick and sensitive. We can, then, imagine the intensity of his solicitude when informed of the sufferings and perils of his confidential and chosen band. He instantly dispatched a surgeon and a company of the swiftest dragoons to meet, assist, and guard these brave fellows to headquarters, where they arrived safe, and the wounded in due time recovered.

"May> who was taken prisoner, having formerly lived among the Indians and ran away from them, was recognized. They told him the second day before the battle: 'We know you; you speak Indian language ; you not content to live with us ; to-morrow we take you to that tree' - pointing to a very large burr oak at the edge of the clearing near the British fort - 'we will tie you up and make a mark on your breast, and we will try what Indian can shoot nearest it.' Accordingly, the next day he was tied to that tree, a mark made on his breast, and his body riddled with at least fifty bullets. Thus ended poor May!"

From his corps of scouts, General Wayne received full and accurate information of the Indians, and of the aid that they expected to receive from the English of Detroit and elsewhere. After a careful consideration of the situation and number of the enemy, and the number, condition and resources of his own army, he decided that he was ready for battle. But true to the spirit of peace, advised by Washington, he made a last effort to negotiate a peace with the enemy. Christopher Miller, once a captive among the Indians, was chosen to carry the message under a flag of truce. Miller, however, valued his own personal safety more than the general did, and remonstrated against so hazardous a duty.

He declared that there was undoubted evidence that the Indians were resolutely bent upon battle, and would listen to nothing of which he might be the bearer. He added further, that he knew them of old, and was satisfied that they would roast him alive, in defiance of his white flag, and sacred character as embassador. Wayne, however, was not to be diverted from his purpose. He assured Miller he would hold eight or ten Indians then in camp as hostages for his safe return, and if the enemy roasted him, he swore that he would compel all his prisoners to undergo the same fate ; but concluded with an assurance that the Indians, when informed of his determination, would dismiss him in perfect safety, for a regard'to the lives of their friends.

Reluctantly, and with many dark prophecies of the fate which awaited him he consented to go upon the mission, and having taken leave of his friends, he set off at a rapid pace for the Indian camp. When within view of it, he hoisted a white flag upon a pole and marched boldly forward. As soon as they beheld him approaching, they ran out to meet him with loud yells, brandishing their tomahawks, and crying out in their own language, "Kill the runaway !" Miller, who well understood their language, instantly addressed them with great earnestness, and in a few words made known the cause of his visit, and the guarantee which Wayne held for his safe return. To the first of the intelligence they listened with supreme contempt. A long conference ensued, in which many chiefs spoke, but nothing could be determined upon.

On the next day Miller was ordered to return to Wayne, with an evasive message. He accordingly left them with great readiness, and was returning with all possible dispatch, when he met the general in full march upon the enemy, having become tired of waiting for the return of his messenger.

The troops, as well as the horses and cattle having been much refreshed, by a five days' rest and luxurious living on green corn and other vegetables, on the 15th of August took up their line of march to meet the enemy. They crossed the Maumee opposite their encampment ; the men on foot wading the river, which was not very deep at that time, and proceeded down the river and encamped at one o'clock at a point where there was an abundance of corn. On the next day (August 16), the army continued the march and encamped nineteen miles from Defiance. On the 17th they advanced twelve miles and encamped at the head of the rapids. At some time in the afternoon the spies from the two armies met and exchanged shots. The parties retreated immediately in the direction of their respective armies. One of the horses belonging to the Americans was wounded.

On the 1 8th the army moved ten miles down the river to Roache de Boeuf, and encamped at three o'clock in the afternoon. The army had advanced forty-one miles from Defiance, and being near the enemy began to throw up works in which to deposit the heavy baggage of the troops during the expected battle. The place was called "Camp Deposit. " During the 19th, the army continued the labor on the works ; and on the morning of the 20th, after every kind of baggage had been deposited in the fort, under a sufficient guard for its protection, the army took their line of march, and continued their route down the margin of the river.

The men were in high spirits. The army consisted of two thousand regulars, and eleven hundred mounted men under General Scott. The companies of riflemen under Captains Butler and Gibson were on the left of the army outside, some distance from the musket-men, and outside of them, on the left, were the Kentucky mounted men under Scott. A select battalion of mounted volunteers moved in front of the legion, commanded by Major Price, who was directed to keep sufficiently advanced so as to give timely notice for the troops to form in case of action, it being yet undetermined whether the Indians would decide for peace or war.

About eleven o'clock the army had advanced five miles, when Major Price's corps received so severe a fire from the enemy that he was compelled to retreat. In retreating his corps passed through the front guard of regulars on foot, commanded by Captain Cook and Lieutenant Steele, which threw them into some confusion. However, in fifteen minutes the order of battle was formed in two lines, when the charge was sounded. The ground for miles was covered with a thick growth of timber, which rendered the operation of cavalry exceedingly difficult. The Indians occupied a thick wood in front, where an immense number of trees had been blown down by a hurricane, the branches of which were interlocked in such a manner as greatly to impede the exertions of the regulars.

The Indians were formed in three parallel lines at right angles to the river, and displayed a front of more than two miles. Wayne rode forward and reconnoitered their positions, and perceiving from the weight and extent of the fire, that they were in full force, instantly made disposition for the attack. "He ordered the first line of the infantry to advance with trailed arms, so as to rouse the savages from their cover, then to fire into their backs at close range, and to follow them hard with the bayonet, so as to give them no time to load. The regular cavalry were directed to charge the left flank of the enemy ; for Wayne had determined 'to put the

"It would be difficult to find more unfavorable ground for cavalry; nevertheless, the dragoons rode against their foes at a gallop, with broad-swords swinging, the horses dodging in and out among the trees and jumping the fallen logs. They received a fire at close quarters which emptied a dozen saddles, both captains being shot down. One, the commander of the squadron, Captain

Mis Campbell, (a curious name, but so given in all reports) was kille'd ; the other, Captain V an Rensselar, a representative of one of the old Knickerbocker families of New York, who had joined the army from pure love of adventure, was wounded. The command devolved on Lieutenant Covington, who led forward the troopers, with Lieutenant Webb alongside; and the dragoons burst among the savages at full speed, and routed them in a moment. Covington cut down two of the Indians with his own hand, and Webb one.

were then roused from their hiding places with the bayonet; as they fled they were shot down, and if they attempted to halt they were at once assailed and again driven with the bayonet. They could make no stand at all, and the battle was won with ease." Such was the rapidity of the advance, and the precipitation of the retreat, that only a small part of the volunteers could get up in time to share in the action, although there can be no question that their presence, and threatening movement, contributed equally with the impetuous charge of the infantry, to the success of the day.

General Wayne, in his official report to the Secretary of War, states that "the bravery and conduct of every officer belonging to the army, from the generals down to the ensigns, merit my highest approbation. There were, however, those whose rank and situation placed their conduct in a very conspicuous point of view, and which I observed with pleasure, and the most lively gratitude. Among whom I must beg leave to mention Brigadier General Wilkinson, and Colonel Hamtramck, the commandants of the right and left wings of the legion, whose brave example inspired the troops. To those I must add the names of my faithful and gallant aides-de-camp, Captains De Butt and T. Lewis, and Lieutenant Harrison (afterwards President W. H. Harrison), who, with the Adjutant General, Major Mills, rendered the most essential service by communicating my orders in every direction, and by their conduct and bravery exciting the troops to press for victory/'

When the attack on the Indians was commenced, Lieutenant Harrison, one of the Wayne's aids, addressed the General, saying, "I'm afraid you'll get into the fight yourself, and forget to give me the necessary field orders."

The number of federal troops engaged in the action did not exceed nine hundred, and from all accounts it is estimated that the enemy numbered nearly two thousand.

The battle, though very decisive in its results, was too short to be very sanguinary. The American loss was thirty-three killed and one hundred wounded. Of the wounded eleven afterward died. The Indian loss was much more severe, and has been variously estimated at from forty to one hundred. The uncertainty with regard to the number of Indians slain, is owing to the great exertions made by the Indians to remove their dead. Wayne reported that the Indian loss was twice as great as the whites, and that the woods were strewn with their dead bodies and those of their white auxiliaries. A number of the slain were white men from Captain Caldwell's company of the British regulars. Antoine Lasselle, of that company, was -captured.

In forty minutes from the commencement of the action, the Indians abandoned themselves to flight, and were closely pursued for two miles, the cavalry halting only when near the walls of Fort Miami, and so strong was the resentment of the Kentucky troops against the English, that it was with great difficulty that they were restrained from making an immediate attack upon it. They advanced within pistol shot, and insulted the garrison with a select volley of oaths and epithets that were very irritating to the instigators of Indian atrocities. The commandant of the fort, Major Campbell, became so indignant that he addressed a note to General Wayne, on the following day, with regard to his intentions ; Wayne responded that he thought that they were sufficiently evident from his successful battle with the savages.

"The Englishman wrote in resentment of this curt reply, complaining that Wayne's soldiers had approached within pistol shot of the fort, and threatening to fire upon them if the offense was repeated. Wayne responded by summoning him to surrender the fort, a summons which he of course refused to heed.

"Immediately upon the receipt of the second note of Major Campbell, General Wayne and his staff reconnoitered the fort in every direction, and decided that an assault upon the fort with the means at his command was not practicable.

"The army remained in the vicinity of Fort Miami three days and three nights, during which time they burned all the houses and destroyed all the fields of corn and vegetables in the neighborhood to within one hundred yards of the fort. The volunteers were sent eight miles down the river, and burned and destroyed all the possessions belonging to the Indians and Canadians within that distance, among which were the houses, stores, and property of Colonel McKee, the British Indian agent. A small party of dragoons were sent over the river, who burned and destroyed all the houses and cornfields that were under cover of the fort.

the 20th were buried with all the honors of war by a discharge of three rounds from sixteen pieces of ordnance, charged with shells. The ceremony was performed with the greatest solemnity. On the 23rd of August, the army broke up their encampment, and returned to Camp Deposit, where they had left their baggage and stores on the 20th. Continuing the march on the 24th they halted at two o'clock at their old camp of the 17th."

Isaac Paxton, from whose journal we are quoting, states further, that on August 25th, "The legion continued their march, and encamped on the ground which they had occupied on the 16th.. This morning, a detachment remained in the rear of the army, and soon after the legion had taken up their line of march, they saw eight Indians coming toward the camp. They attacked them, killed one, and wounded two of them.

"On the 26th, the legion continued their march, and at two o'clock arrived on the ground where they had encamped on the 15th. Dr. Carmichael, through neglect or inadvertance, had placed a number of the wounded men in wagons among spades, axes, picks, and other articles, in consequence of which and the jolting of the wagons over bad roads, they suffered extremely. All the wounded that were borne on litters and on horseback were sent forward to Fort Defiance, where they crossed the Maumee river by wading, and at three o'clock encamped on the south bank of the river one mile above the fort, where they remained until th 14th of September. The seventeen days spent at this point were occupied in fortifying and strengthening the fort to make it sufficiently strong to be proof against heavy ordnance.

"Flour became very scarce before the army left Defiance, but they had plenty of corn which was becoming dry enough to grate, and abundance of vegetables - pumpkins, beans, melons and fruits.

"On the 29th of August, all the pack-horses belonging to the quartermaster and contractor's department were sent to Fort Recovery, escorted by Brigadier General Todd's brigade of mounted volunteers, for the purpose of bringing supplies to Defiance. They returned on the 10th of September, and brought two hundred kegs of flour and two hundred head of cattle.

with some of the volunteers to bring on flour from Greenville, on their own horses, for which they were to receive three dollars per cwt., delivered at the Miami villages.

"On the nth of September, General Barber's brigade of mounted volunteers set out for Fort Recovery for provisions, to meet the army at the Miami villages.

"On the 13th of September, at seven o'clock A. M., the pioneers under the direction of the sub-legionary quartermaster, with a strong escort, set out to cut a road up the Maumee river.

"At seven o'clock, on the morning of the 14th of September, the army began their march from Defiance for the Miami villages, and after marching eight hours in a continuous rain, eleven and a half miles, at three o'clock P. M. made their encampment for the night. The next morning (the 15th), they set out at six o'clock and marched eleven and a half miles further, and encamped at four o'ciock. This day, Captain Preston, who commanded the light troops in the rear, got lost, and lay out all night from the army, with a considerable portion of the baggage. The next day (the 16th), the army marched ten miles over a rough road, through very thick woods, and encamped at four o'clock.

"On the 17th of September, they marched fourteen miles to the Indian Miami villages* at the confluence of the St. Mary's and St. Joseph's rivers, where they arrived at five o'clock P. M. and pitched their tents. This is the place to which General Harmar marched in 1790; in the vicinity of which Colonel Hardin and a part of his troops were defeated by the Indians on the 17th of October in that year, and on this ground the town of Fort Wayne, in the State of Indiana, has since been laid out. At this place there was then a body of cleared land, lying together and under cultivation, of at least five hundred acres, and in the vicinity had been no less than five Indian villages. It had been the largest Indian settlement in the country.

"The next day the troops were engaged in fortifying their camp, as it was too late on the evening before, when they halted, to effect it to their satisfaction. General Wayne reconnoitered the ground, and determined on the spot on which to build a garrison, which he selected on the south side of the Maumee river, opposite to the mouth of the St. Joseph's river. In the evening, four 'deserters from the British came into camp giving informa-

"On the 20th, General Barber's command, which had been sent to Fort Recovery for provisions on the nth, arrived in camp, bringing five hundred and fifty-three kegs of flour, each containing one hundred pounds.

"On the 24th of September; the work of building the garrison commenced by cutting timber in the forest, and bringing it to the place selected for the site. The timber was hauled by men on the hind wheels of wagons. At one time, while the troops remained at this camp, they were on short allowance for several days. A sheep was sold for ten dollars. Three dollars was ofifered for one pint of salt, but it could not be obtained for less than six. A keg of whisky, containing ten gallons, was sold for eighty dollars. However, they soon received supplies from Greenville.

"On the 26th, Robert McClellen, one of the spies, with a small party, came to the camp from Fort Defiance, and brought information that the Indians were troublesome about the garrison, and that they had killed some men under the walls of the fort. Sixteen Indians were seen this day by a party that were getting out' timber. They were pursued, but could not be overtaken.

"On the night of the 3d of October, the weather became extremely cold. Ice froze in the camp kettles three-quarters of an inch thick ; and on the morning of the 4th the frost appeared like a light snow. The weather continued cold for several days."

"On the 22nd day of October, the fort was completed and garrisoned bv a detachment, under Major Hamtramck, who gave to it the name of Fort Wayne.

"On the 14th of October, the mounted volunteers, from Kentucky, who had become dissatisfied and mutinous, were moved to Fort Washington, where they were immediately mustered out of service and discharged.

"On the 28th of October, the legion broke up their camp at Fort Wayne, and at nine o'clock A. M. took up the line of march on their return for Greenville. They followed General Harmar's old trace up the St. Mary's river, and marched nine miles that day, when they encamped.

"On the 31st, the troops took up their line of march at sunrise, and marched all day in a heavy rain until three hours after dark, when they encamped at Girty's town on the St. Mary's.

"On the 1st and 2nd of November the army continued their march, and one the evening of the 2nd they arrived at Greenville, where they were saluted with twenty-four rounds from a sixpounder.

The army went into winter quarters here. There was sickness among the troops, and there were occasional desertions ; the discipline was severe, and the work so hard and dangerous that the men generally refused to re-enlist. The officers were uneasy lest there should be need of a further campaign. But their fears were groundless. Before winter set in heralds arrived from the hostile tribes to say they wished for peace.

In this connection it will be necessary to record a portion of the incidental history of the Maumee Valley prior to and following the date of August 20th, 1794.

Captivity Of Oliver M. Spencer

Colonel Spencer, who commanded a regiment in the revolutionary war, emigrated from New Jersey in 1790, and settled at Columbia, building a house near the fort on the hill. One of his sons, Oliver M. Spencer, a lad of eleven years of age, left Columbia on the 3d of July, 1792, for Fort Washington, to participate in celebrating "the glorious 4th." On the seventh the boy, with four others, started in a canoe to return up the river. The persons with him were a Mrs. Coleman, Mr. Jacob Light, and a drunken man whose name is unknown. They were, when well on their way, fired on by two Indians in ambush on the river bank; the intoxicated man was killed and Light wounded. The latter and Mrs. Coleman jumped into the river and escaped, but young Spencer was captured and hurried into the wilderness. The party crossed Buck creek in what is now Clark county, Ohio, and soon after forded Mad river, striking thence in a northwesterly direction to the Great Miami. After cross- ing this stream, probably not far from the present location of Sidney, Ohio, the boy was taken to the Auglaize, down which river he was conducted to its confluence with the Maumee, which place, "the Glaize," was reached "a little before noon on the 30th of July." Here, on the opposite side of the river last mentioned, he was left in charge of an old widowed squaw occupying a bark cabin near its bank. Concerning her family we have some interesting particulars.

"There was a dark Indian girl (an orphan) two years older than Spencer, and a half Indian boy, about a year his junior, both her grandchildren. The mother of the girl and boy was then the wife of George Ironside, a British Indian trader, living at a trading station on a high point directly opposite the grandmother's cabin, a few hundred yards above the mouth of the Auglaize. The boy was reputed to be the son of Simon Girty, and was very sprightly, but, withal, passionate and wilful, a perfectly spoiled child. The grandmother called him Simo-ne ; that is Simon.

"About the twenty-first day of July, the old squaw took the boy prisoner on a visit to a Shawnees village located farther down the Maumee. They were kindly received by an Indian acquaintance, whose wife, a very pleasant and rather pretty woman of twenty-five, set before them, according to custom, some refreshments, consisting of dried green corn boiled with beans and dried pumpkins, making, as the youngster thought, a very excellent dish, indeed. After spending a few hours with this family, they went to pay their respects to Blue Jacket, the most noble in appearance of any Indian Spencer had ever before seen. His person was about six feet high, was finely proportioned, stout, and muscular ; his eyes large, bright, and piercing ; his forehead high and broad ; his nose aquiline ; his mouth rather wide ; and his countenance open and intelligent, expressive of firmness and decision. He was considered one of the most brave and accomplished of the Indian chiefs, second only to Little Turtle, of the Miamis and Buckongahelas, of the Delawares. He had signalized himself on many fields of battle, particularly in the defeat of Colonel Hardin's detachment in Harmar's campaign, and that of General St. Clair on the previous fourth of November. He held, as the boy was told, the commission and received the half-pay of a brigadier-general from the British crown.

"On the day of their visit to Blue Jacket, this chief was expecting what, to him, was distinguished company ; it was none other than Simon Girty, accompanied by a chief of a neighboring village - the Snake ( Snake town was situated on the site of the town of Napoleon, Henry county, Ohio) a Shawnee warrior. In honor of the occasion, Blue Jacket was dressed in splendor ; had on a scarlet frock, richly laced with gold, and confined around his waist, with a parti-colored sash ; also, red leggins and moccasins, ornamented in the highest style of Indian fashion. On his shoulders, he wore a pair of gold epaulets, and on his arms broad silver bracelets ; while from his neck hung a mas- sive silver gorget, and a large medallion of his majesty George III. Around his lodge were hung rifles, war-clubs, bows and arrows, and other implements of war, while the skins of deer, bear, panther, and otter, the spoils of the chase, furnished pouches for tobacco, or mats for seats and beds. His wife was a remarkably fine looking woman ; his daughters, much fairer than the generality of Indian women, were quite handsome ; and his two sons, about eighteen and twenty years old, educated by the British, were very intelligent.

"Girty wore the Indian costume, but without ornament, upon this occasion; and his silk handkerchief, while it supplied the place of a hat, hid the unsightly scar in his forehead, caused by the wound given him by Captain Joseph Brant. On each side, in his belt, was stuck a silver-mounted pistol, and at his left hung a short, broad dirk, serving occasionally the uses of a knife. He made many inquiries of Spencer ; some about his family and the particulars of his captivity, but more of the strength of the different garrisons, the number of American troops at Fort Washington, and whether the President of the United States intended soon to send another army against the Indians. He spoke of the wrongs he had received at the hands of his countrymen, and, with fiendish exultation, of the revenge he had taken. He boasted of his exploits, of the number of his victories, and of his personal prowess ; then, raising, his handkerchief, he exhibited, to his youthful listener, the deep scar in his forehead ; said it was a saber cut which he received in the battle of St. Clair's defeat, adding that he had sent the damned Yankee officer who gave it to hell. (Of course, this was all false.) He ended his talk by telling Spencer that he would never see home again ; but, if he should turn out to be a good hunter and a brave warrior, he might one day be a chief. The captive boy then returned, with the old squaw, up the river.

"Young Spencer remained with the old squaw until the next February, when, near the close of the month, he and the Indian family proceeded down the river some four or five miles, and engaged in sugar-making. While thus employed, a messenger arrived at their camp, and privately informed the old Indian woman that the British Indian agent from Detroit had arrived at the Grand Glaize; that the boy had been purchased by him: and that he (the messenger) had been sent to conduct him to the Point - that is, to ''the Glaize." The young prisoner, the next morning, was on his way with the man who had been sent to get him, greatly excited at the prospect of being released from captivity.

"It was a pleasant morning on the last day of February, 1793. that young Spencer bade adieu to his Indian friends. The sun, just rising, seemed to shine with unusual splendor; never before, as he thought, had it appeared as bright and beautiful. The captive had been at first 'as one that dreamed/ scarcely crediting the fact that he was no longer a prisoner; gradually, however, as he left his late dwelling farther and farther behind him, he became assured and conscious of the truth that he was indeed free ; he was as a consequence, like a bird loosed from his cage or a young colt from his stall ; to suppress his feelings or restrain his joy, would have been almost impossible. He laughed, he wept, he whistled, he shouted, and sung by turns. Never had he moved before with step so elastic - now skipping over logs, jumping, dancing and running alternately, while his messenger, a Frenchman (whose name he found on inquiry to be Joseph Blanch), sometimes stopped and looked at him intensely, as if suspecting he was more than half crazy.

"By degrees, the boy became more temperate; his extreme joy gradually subsided. He now confined the expression of his happiness to singing and whistling, which he kept up almost without intermission until the Auglaize was reached, when stepping into a canoe, and crossing that river, in a few minutes he entered the hospitable dwelling of Mr. Ironside. This gentleman received him with more than usual kindness, and congratulating him upon his 'release from captivity very heartily, introduced him to Matthew Elliott, the assistant British Indian agent, and to a Mr. Sharpe, a merchant of Detroit, who had accompanied Elliott to the Auglaize. Elliott received young Spencer with considerable hauteur, and with a look that spoke that his noticing him was a condescension, notwithstanding, as the boy afterward learned, he had been sent by the express order of Governor Simco, of Canada, to effect his ransom and convey him to Detroit.

accidentally heard of the captive, and, actuated wholly by motives of humanity, had procured his release, for which he had agreed to pay one hundred and twenty dollars. The wife of Ironside now kindly invited the boy to breakfast; but Elliott, objecting to the trouble it would give her, ordered the Frenchman to take him over to James Girty's, where, he said, their breakfast would be provided. Girty's home was one of the* two log houses before spoken of as within a small stockade at "the Glaize." There his brother Simon made his headquarters while at that place; the other house being occupied by McKee and Elliott, occasionally, while on the Maumee. James Girty's domicil served the double purpose of a living-room and store. Girty's wife soon furnished Spencer and the Frenchman with some coffee, wheat bread, and stewed pork and venison, of which the boy ate with great gusto , it being so much better than the food to which he had lately been accustomed ; but he had not more than half breakfasted when James Girty came in.

"The latter seated himself opposite Spencer, and said to him : 'So, my young Yankee, you're about to start for home?' The boy answered, 'Yes, sir ; I hope so.' 'That,' he rejoined, 'would depend upon his master, in whose kitchen he had no doubt the youthful stranger should first serve a few years' apprenticeship as a scullion.' Then, taking his knife, said (while sharpening it on a whetstone) : T see your ears are whole yet; but I'm greatly mistaken if you leave this without the Indian ear-mark, that we may know you when we catch you again.' Spencer did not wait to prove whether Girty was in jest or downright earnest ; but, leaving his meal half finished, he instantly sprang from the table, leaped out of the door, and in a few seconds took refuge in Mr. Ironside's house. On hearing the cause of the boy's flight, Elliott uttered a sardonic laugh, deriding his unfounded childish fears* as he was pleased to term them ; but Ironside looked serious, shaking his head, as if to say he had no doubt that if Spencer had remained Girty would have executed his threat. The boy soon started down the Maumee, and reached Detroit on the 3d of March, 1793, when he was delivered to Colonel Richard England, the officer in command of that post."

"After living in Detroit a year, he was ransomed and sent to his relatives in New Jersey. After living with them two years he returned to Cincinnati, where he resided until his death.

He became a preacher of the gospel in the Methodist Episcopal Church, was cashier of the Miami Exporting Company for many years, and held many offices of trust and responsibility. He died at Cincinnati on the 31st day of May, 1838."

Narrative Of John Brickell'S Captivity Among The Delaware Indians

The following narrative was written especially for the ''American Pioneer," and is inserted in this connection from the fact that he was with the Indians at the time they defeated St. Clair, and when they were defeated by Wayne. He was a witness from the other side of the line, which makes his narrative doubly interesting:

I was born on the 24th day of May, 1781, in Pennsylvania, near a place then known as Stewart's crossings of the Youghiogheny river, and, as I suppose from what I learned in after life, about four miles from a place since called Beesontown, now Uniontown, in Fayette county. On my father's side I was of Irish, and on my mother's of German parentage. My father died when I was quite young, and I went to live with an elder brother on a pre-emption settlement, on the northeast side of the Allegheny river, about two miles from Pittsburgh.

On the breaking out of the Indian war, a body of Indians collected to the amount of about one hundred and fifty warriors, and spread up and down the Allegheny river about forty miles, and by a preconcerted movement made an attack on all the settlements along the river for that distance, in one day. This was on the 9th of February, 1791. I was alone, clearing out a fence row, about a quarter of a mile from the house, when an Indian came to me and took my ax from me and laid it upon his shoulder, along with his rifle, and then let down the cock of his gun, which it appears he had cocked in approaching me. I had been in habits of intimacy with the Indians, and did not feel alarmed at this movement. They had been about our house almost every day. He took me by the hand and pointed in the direction he wanted me to go ; and although I did not know him, I concluded he only wanted me to chop something for him, and went without reluctance. We came to where he had lain all night, between two logs, without fire. I then suspected something was wrong,.

and attempted to run; but he threw me down on my face, in which position I every moment expected to feel the stroke of the tomahawk on my head. But he had prepared a rope with which he tied my hands together behind me, and thus marched me off.

After going a little distance we fell in with George Girty, a son of old George Girty. He spoke English, and told me what they had done. He said, "White people had killed Indians, and that the Indians had retaliated, and now there was war, and you are a prisoner, and we will take you to our town and make an Indian of you ; and you will not be killed if you go peaceably, but you try to get away and we won't be troubled with you, but we will kill you and take your scalp to our town." I told him I would go peaceably and give them no trouble.

From thence we traveled to the crossing of Big Beaver with scarce any food. These crossings were pretty high up, I suppose twenty or thirty miles from the mouth, and nearly in a line between Pittsburgh and New Philadelphia, on the Tuscarawas. We made a raft and crossed late in the afternoon and lay in a hole of a rock without fire or food. They would not make a fire for fear we had attracted the attention of hunters in chopping for the raft.

In the morning the Indian who took me delivered me to Girty and took another direction. Girty and I continued our course towards the Tuscarawas. We traveled all that day through hunger and cold, camped all night, and continued till about three in the afternoon of the third day since I had tasted a mouthful. 1 felt very indignant at Girty, and thought if I ever got a good chance I would kill him. We then made a fire, and Girty told me that if he thought I would not run away, he would leave me by the fire and go and kill something to eat. I told him I would not. "But," says he, "to make you safe I will tie you." He then tied my hands behind my back, and tied me to a sapling some distance from the fire. After he was gone I untied myself and lay down by the fire. In about an hour he came running back without any game. He asked me what I untied myself for. I told him I was cold. He said, "Then you no run away ?" I said, "No." He then told me there were Indians close by, and he was afraid they would find me.

frequently about our house. They were very glad to see me, and gave me food, the first I had tasted after crossing Beaver. They treated me very kindly. We stayed all night with them, and next morning we - all took up our march toward the Tuscarawas, which we reached on the second day late in the evening. Here we met the main body of hunting families and the warriors from the Allegheny, this being their place of rendezvous. I supposed these' Indians all to be Delawares, but at that time I could not distinguish between the different tribes. Here I met with two white prisoners, Thomas Dick and his wife Jane. They had been our nearest neighbors. 1 was immediately led to the lower end of the encampment and allowed to talk freely with them for about an hour. They informed me of the death of two of our neighbors, Samuel Chapman and Wm. Powers, who were killed by the Indians ; one in their house and the other near it. The Indians showed me their scalps. I knew that of Chapman, having red hair on it.

The next day about ten Indians started back to Pittsburgh. Girtv told me they went to pass themselves for friendly Indians, and to trade. Among these was the Indian who took me. In about two weeks they returned, well loaded with store goods, whisky, etc. After my return from captivity I was informed that a company of Indians had been there trading, professing to be friendly Indians ; and that being suspected, were about to be roughly handled, but some person in Pittsburgh informed them of their danger and they put off with their goods in some haste.

After the traders came back the company divided, and those who came back with us to Tuscarawas, and the Indian who took me, marched on toward Sandusky. When we arrived within a day's journey of an Indian town, where Fort Seneca since stood, we met two warriors going to the frontiers to war. The Indian I was with had whisky. He and the two warriors got drunk, when one of the warriors fell on me and beat me. I thought he would kill me. The night was very dark, and I ran out into the woods and lay under the side of a log. They presently missed me, and got lights to search for me ; the Indian to whom I belonged calling aloud, "White man ! White man !" I made no answer, but in the morning, after I saw the warriors start on their journey, I went into camp, where I was much pitied on account of mv bruises.

On the next day we arrived within a mile of the Seneca town, and encamped for the night, agreeably to their manner, to give room for their parade or grand entrance next day. That took place about eight in the morning. The ceremony commenced with a great whoop or yell. We were then met by all sorts of Indians from the town, old and young, men and women. We then called a halt, and they formed two lines about twelve feet apart, in the direction of the river. They made signs for me to run between the lines toward the river. I knew nothing of what they wanted, and started ; but I had no chance, for they fell to beating me so that I was knocked down, and everything that could get at me beat me, until I was bruised from head to foot. At this juncture a very big Indian came up, and threw the company off me, and took me by the arm, and led me along through the lines with such rapidity that I scarcely touched the ground, and was not once struck after he took me till I got to the river. Then the very ones who beat me the worst were now the most kind and officious in washing me off, feeding me, etc., and did their utmost to cure me. I was nearly killed, and did not get over it for two months. My impression is that the big Indian who rescued me was Captain Pipe, who assisted in burning Crawford. The Indian who owned me did not interfere in any way.

We staid about two weeks at the Seneca towns. My owner then took himself a wife, and then started with me and his wife through the Black Swamp toward the Maumee towns. At Seneca I left the Indians I had been acquainted with near Pittsburgh, and never saw or heard of them afterward. When we arrived at the Auglaize river, we met with an Indian my owner called brother, to whom he gave me, and I was adopted into his family. His name was Whingwy Pooshies, or Big Cat. I lived in his family from about the first week in May, 1791, till my release in June, 1795.

The fall after my adoption there was a great stir in the town about an army of white men coming to fight the Indians. The squaws and boys were moved with the goods down the Maumee, and there waited the result of the battle, while the men went to war. They met St. Clair and came off victorious, loaded with the spoils of the army. Whingwy Pooshies left the spoils at the town and came down to move us up. We then found ourselves a rich people. Whingwy Pooshies' share of the spoils of the army was two fine horses, four tents, one of which was a noble markee, which made us a fine house, in which we lived the remainder of my captivity. He had clothing in abundance and of all descriptions. I wore a soldier's coat. He had also axes, guns, and everything necessary to make an Indian rich. There was much joy amongst them.

I saw no prisoners that were taken in that battle, and believe there were none taken by the Delawares. Soon after the battle another Indian and I went out hunting, and we came to a place where there lay a human skeleton stripped of the flesh, which the Indian said had been eaten by the Chippewa Indians who were in the battle, and he called them brutes thus to use their prisoners. During my captivity I conversed with seven or eight prisoners taken from different parts, none of which were taken from that battle, agreeably to my better impressions. One of the prisoners I conversed with was Isaac Patton by name, who was taken with Isaac Choate, Stacy, and others, from a blockhouse at the Big Bottom on the Muskingum. I lived two years in the same house with Patton. I think I saw Spencer once. I saw a lad, who, if I recollect right, said his name was Spencer; he was with McKee and Elliott as a waiter, or kind of servant, and, if I remember right, he was at the rapids.

Patton told me an affecting anecdote about Isaac Choate's liberation. Choate was sitting in a melancholy mood soon after he was taken prisoner, his owner asked him what made him look so sorry? He said he could not help it, as he was thinking how his wife and children got along without him, and how much they thought after him. The Indian looked around and said, "I have a squaw and two children, and I would look sorry too if I were taken prisoner and carried away from them." The Indian then rose and put his hand on Choate's head, and said, "Choate, you shall not stay away from them, I will let you go ; but I will not turn you out, or the Indians may catch you ; I will go with you," which word he made good by coming to the waters of the Muskingum with him, and then left him, telling him to go to his wife and children.

After my liberation I found Patton at the mouth of Duck creek, near the Muskingum. He repeated the anecdote about Choate's liberation, and said he got safely to his family.

And Auglaize Count I.

On one of our annual visits to the rapids to receive our presents from the British, I saw Jane Dick. Her husband had been sold, I understood, for forty dollars, and lived at Montreal. He was sold because he was rather worthless and disagreeable to the Indians. When I saw her she lived at large with the Indians. She became suddenly missing, and great search was made for her, but the Indians could not find her. After my release from captivity I saw her and her husband at Chillicothe, where she and her husband lived. She told me how she was liberated. Her husband had concerted a plan with the captain of the vessel who brought the presents to steal her from the Indians. The captain concerted a plan with a black man, who cooked for McKee and Elliott, to steal Mrs. Dick. The black man arranged it with Mrs. Dick to meet him at midnight in a copse of underwood, which she did ; and he took her on board in a small canoe, and headed her up in an empty hogshead, where she remained till the day after the vessel sailed, about thirty-six hours. I remember that every camp and the woods were searched, for the Indians immediately suspected she was on board ; but not thinking of unheading hogsheads, they could not find her. I saw the black man at Fort Hamilton as I returned from capitvity, who told me how he stole Mrs. Dick off, which was in every particular confirmed by Mrs. Dick's own statement afterward. He also told me that there was a plan concerted between him and the captain to steal me off at the same time, "but," said he, "they watched you so close I could not venture it." This I knew nothing of until I was told by the black man, except that I observed the vigilance with which they watched me. They would not let me sleep alone as usual, nor even go to bring water without an Indian with me. It seems as if they were impressed with the idea of some maneuvering against them. Agreeably to my better impression, this happened the summer before Wayne's campaign.

In the month of June, 1794, three -Indians, two men and a boy, and myself, started on a candle-light hunting expedition to Blanchard's fork of the Auglaize. We had been out about two months. We returned to the towns in August, and found them entirely evacuated ; but gave ourselves little uneasiness about it, as we supposed the Indians had gone to the foot of the Maumee rapids to receive their presents, as they were annually in the habit of doing. We encamped on the lowest island in the middle of a corn field. The next morning an Indian runner came down the river and gave the alarm whoop, which is a kind of yell they use for no other purpose. The Indians answered, and one went over to the runner and immediately returning told us the white men were upon us, and we must run for our lives. We scattered like a flock of partridges, and leaving our breakfast cooking on the fire. The Kentucky riflemen saw our smoke, and came to it, and just missed me as I passed them in my flight through the corn. They took the whole of our two months'' work, breakfast, jirk, skins and all. One of the Kentuckians told me afterwards that they got a fine chance of meat that was left.

Wayne was then only about four miles from us, and the vanguard was right among us. The boy that was with us in the hunting expedition and I kept together on the trail of the Indians till we overtook them, but the two Indians did not get with us until we got to the rapids.

Two or three days after we arrived at the rapids, Wayne's^ spies came right into camp among us. I afterwards saw the survivors. Their names were Miller, M'Clellen, May, Wells, Mahaffey, and one other whose name I forget. They came into the camp boldly and fired on the Indians. Miller got wounded in tho shoulder; May was chased by the Indians to the smooth rock in the bed of the river, where his horse fell. He was taken prisoner and the rest escaped. They then took May to camp. They knew him, he had formerly been a prisoner among them and ran away from them. They tied him to a tree and shot him to death.

camp to make their escape. I went and found it as he described. The runners towards dusk came, and said the army had halted and encamped. We then rested that night, but in great fear. The next morning the runner told us the army had started up the river towards the mouth of the Auglaize. We were then satisfied. Many of the Delawares were killed and wounded. The Indian who took May was killed ; and he was much missed, for he was the only gun-smith among the Delawares.

Our crops and every means of support being cut off above, ' we had to winter at the mouth of Swan creek, perhaps where Toledo now stands. We were entirely dependent on the British and they did not half supply us, and to make the matter worse, the shrub which causes the staggers in cattle grew abundantly in that neighborhood. The Indians knew it, and said in the fall while other vegetables were abundant that as soon as they failed their cattle would eat it and die, and then their dogs would eat of the cattle, and they would all die too. This they said before it happened, and I saw the cows eating of it afterwards, and as the Indians expected, they began to die one after another - next the dogs died. I know the shrub whenever I see it, and am quite sure it will give the milk-sickness, as it is called, but can not say but some mineral water may. give it too, or at least aid the leaves of the shrub. I .showed the shrub to Mr. Renick, of the Scioto valley. He took some home, and, as I heard, fed a favorite calf with it, which killed it. The best and most simple, as well as effectual, cure or relief for the milksickness, is to take a chicken and boil it in water enough to leave half a gallon when the chicken is done; then let the patient drink constantly of that, without salt, and he will be relieved almost immediately.

The starving condition of the Indians, together with the prospect of losing all their cows and dogs, made the Indians very impatient, and they became exasperated at the British. They said they had been deceived by them, for they had not fulfilled one promise. It was concluded among them to send a flag to Defiance in order to make a treaty with the Americans. This was successful. Our men found the Americans ready to make a treaty, and they agreed on an exchange of prisoners. I had the pleasure to see nine white prisoners exchanged for nine Indians, and the mortification of finding myself left, there being no Indian to give . for me. Patton, Johnston, Sloan and Mrs. Baker of Kentucky, were four of the nine, the names of the others I do not recollect. Patton, Johnson and Mrs. Baker had all lived with me in the same house among the Indians, and we were as intimate as brothers and sisters.

On the breaking up of spring we all went up to Fort Defiance, and on arriving on the shore opposite we saluted the fort with a round of rifles, and they sfiot a cannon thirteen times. We then encamped on the spot. On the same day Whingwy

Pooshies told me I must go over to the fort. The children hung around me crying and asked me if I was going to leave them? I told them I did not know. When we got over to the fort, and were seated with the officers, Whingwy Pooshies told me to stand up, which I did. He then rose and addressed me to about these words, "My son, there are men the same color with. yourself. There may be some of your kin there, or your kin may be a great way off from .you. You have lived a long time with us. I call on you to say if I have not been a father to you? If I have not used you as a father would use a son?" I said, "You have used me as well as a father could use a son." He said, "I am glad you say so. You have lived long with me; you have hunted for me, but our treaty says you must be free. If you choose to go with the people of your own color, I have no right to say a word, but if you choose to stay with me your people have no right to speak. Now reflect on it and make your choice, and tell us as soon as you make up your mind."

I was silent for a few minutes, in which time it seemed as if I almost thought of everything. I thought of the children I had just left crying; I thought of the Indians I was attached to, and I thought of my people which I remembered; and this latter thought predominated, and I said, "I will go to my kin." The old man then said, "I have raised you - have learned you to hunt. You are a good hunter - you have been better to me than my own sons. I am now getting old and I cannot hunt. I thought you would be a support to my age. I leaned on you as on a staff. Now it is broken - you are. going to leave me and I have no right to say a word, but I am ruined." He then sank back in tears to his seat. I heartily joined him in his tears, parted with him, and have never seen or heard of him since.

I learned the Delaware language well, and can speak it now about as well as English. I will here give the Delaware names of a few streams and can at other times give more. Sepung is properly what we call a stream, there being no distinction to runs, creeks and rivers, as with us. They called the Ohio, Whingwy Sepung or Big Stream. Paint creek, in Ross county, I never heard called Yoctongee ; but we called it Olomung Sepung or Paint creek. Seclic Sepung or Saltlick creek, what is now called Alum creek. Whingwy Mahoui Sepung or Biglick creek, or what we call Big-walnut creek. Keewhong-she-con Sepung or Whetstone creek, which is still its name. The Scioto we so called, but it is not a Delaware name, and I do not know its meaning.

It was about the first of June, 1795, that I parted with Whingwy Pooshies. The next day I started for Fort Greenville. I rode on a horse furnished by the Americans. I was under the charge and protection of Lieutenant Blue, who treated me with every kindness, and, at Fort Greenville, had a good suit of clothes made for me by a tailor. We had been there about a week, when a company of men arrived from Cincinnati, among whom was a brother of my brother's wife, with whom I had lived and from whom I was taken. He told me of a sister I had who was married and lived about nine miles from Cincinnati, up the Licking, on the Kentucky side. I then left Mr. Blue, at Fort Greenville, and went to my sister's. She and all the neighbors seemed to be overjoyed, and a great crowd collected to see me and hear about my living among the Indians.

I then went to Grant's salt-works, up the Licking, to hunt for them. I made money there at killing deer at one dollar a piece, and turkeys at twelve and a half cents. I had nothing to do but shoot the deer down and dress it or help to do it, as they always kept hands along to carry in the meat, etc. I bought me a horse and had money left to take me to Pennsylvania. I went with a man named Andrew Lewis. There was great joy again at my brother's on my return to his house from whence I was taken. My sister-in-law, in particular, semed much gratified with my return, as did the great crowd which here again collected to see me and to hear the narrative of my captivity.

In 1797, I came to this place, that is now Columbus, Ohio, and have resided here ever since, generally enjoying good health, never having cost a dollar in my life for medical aid, and without ever wearing anything like a stocking inside of my moccasins, shoes or boots, from the time I went among them to this day ; and I can say, what perhaps few can say at this day, that my feet are never cold. At another time, the Lord granting the opportunity, I will give more of the incidents of my life, as connected with the settlement and improvement of the country. One thing seemed remarkable. While among the Indians I often prayed to be released from my captivity and to live among a Christian people again, promising if the Lord would grant that blessing, I would make an open profession of his name. Soon after my arrival in the neighborhood of Pittsburg, I thought the time had come, but my courage failed, and I prayed to be excused till I settled in the world. That prayer seemed to be granted ; and, soon after I settled on the Scioto, the impressions that the time had revived, with seemingly double force, and I was made to give up, and have from that time to this enjoyed the consolations of religion, which none can appreciate but those who have experienced it.

Captivity Of Joseph Kelly

During the treaty of Greenville, in 1795, Colonel Meigs was appointed commissary of the clothing department, issuing the goods furnished to the Indians as well as the troops. Here he exercised his benevolent feelings in behalf of the whites who were prisoners with the Indians, to see that all were delivered up, as stipulated in one of the articles. Amongst those who were known to have been captured, was John Kelly, a lad taken from Belville, Virginia, 1791, and whose widowed mother now lived at Marietta, her husband being killed at the same time. In the autumn of 1795, the Indians had brought in and given up all their prisoners, yet no account could be had of young Kelly, and it was quite uncertain whether he was dead or alive, as no news had ever been received of him since his captivity. But as the Indians seldom or never put boys to death, after they were prisoners, it was probable he was yet living, and kept back by some family who had become greatly attached to him. Although nearly all hope had ceased of his recovery, yet Mr. Meigs continued to inquire of every new Indian face he saw at the store. At length two Indians said they knew of two white boys on the heads of the Auglaize river, who were kept back by their owners. Hoping that one of these boys might be the widow's son, he immediately applied to General Wayne for a messenger to be sent for them. One of these Indians, as a guide, and a white man were sent out. Joseph had been adopted into the family of an old warrior, named Mishalena, who had lost five sons in the wars with the whites, and had now no child left but a daughter; and yet he adopted this boy, the son of his mortal enemies, as his own, and ever treated him as such. What a lesson for the professors of Christianity ! Mr. Kelly says that the old warrior was one of the most kind and benevolent men that he ever met with in his life, as well as of a noble and commanding appearance. He was now too' old for war, but in great favor with the tribe, as one of their most able counselors. His adopted mother's name was Patepsa. She never accepted him with the hearty goodwill and affection of Mishalena, but always gave him plenty to eat, when she had it. Joseph was only six years old when adopted, but was now eleven. He parted with his Indian parents and the boys of . the tribe with nearly as much regret as he had formerly done with his white ones. He had lived with them so long, in the wild freedom of the forest, that he had forgotten his native language, and almost his former name; for his Indian parents had given him a new one, Lolaque, but for brevity, spoken Lala. They accompanied him to Greenville, parting with him very reluctantly, and poor Mishalena was now left in his old age like a deadened forest tree, around whose roots no green shoot appears. As a parting gift he presented his son with a beautiful bow and arrows, made with his own hands. The boy who accompanied him was named Bill, from Kentucky, whose family were all killed at the time of his capture. He had forgotten the family name, but had been adopted by a widow, who had no children. She loved him with all the tenderness of a natural mother, and parted with him in deep sorrow. On the arrival of the two boys at the fort, Colonel Meigs sent for the tailor, and had them fitted out with new warm woolen dresses, after the fashion of the whites, and the blanket and leggings of the Indians laid aside. A short time before, lie had written to Mrs. Meigs, that no discovery could yet be made of the widow's son, and that he greatly feared he was dead, cautioning her not to let the afflicted woman know the worst of his fears. Joseph's mother had described his hair, eyes, and looks so accurately, that at the first glimpse of the two boys, he picked him out. The Indian interpreter soon confirmed his opinion, by talking with him in the Shawnee dialect. On being questioned, he remembered the names of his brothers and sisters, and that his own name was Joseph Kelly. This satisfied him that he was the lost son of the sorrowing widow, who for the whole period of his absence, had never omitted him in her daily prayers, or sat down to the table with her other children, without mentioning his name. So anxious was this good and kind-hearted man to restore him to the bereaved mother, that he started, in February, across the swamps and pathless forests for Marietta. A young, active Shawnee Indian, named Thom, guided the party, which consisted of six soldiers and six or eight horses, through the wilderness, without deviation, and struck the Muskingum river at Big Rock, a noted Indian landmark, twenty-four miles above Marietta.

The party reached Marietta early in March, and the fervent, oft-repeated prayer of the widow for the restoration of her lost son, was at length answered, to the great joy and thankfulness of Colonel Meigs, by whose unwearied exertions and perseverance it had been accomplished, as well as to the delight of the mother.

"In June, 1795, the representatives of the northwestern tribes began to gather at Greenville, and on the 16th of that month, Wayne met them in council ; the Delawares, Ottawas, Pottawottomies, and Eel river Indians ; and the conference, which lasted till August 10th, commenced. On the 21st of June, Buckongehelas arrived; on the 23d, the Little Turtle and other Miamis; on the 13th of July. Tarhe and other Wyandot chiefs reached the appointed spot; and upon the i8th, Blue Jacket with thirteen Shawnese, and Massass with twenty Chippewas.

"Most of these, as it appeared by their statements, had been tampered with by McKee, Brant and other English agents, even after they had agreed to the preliminaries of January 24th, and while Mr. Jay's treaty was still under discussion. They had, however, all determined to make a permanent peace with the thirteen fires, and although some difficulty as to the ownership of the lands to be ceded, at one time seemed likely to arise, the good sense of Wayne and of the chiefs prevented it, and upon the 30th of July the treaty was agreed to which was to bury the hatchet forever. Between that day and the 3d of August it was engrossed, and having been signed by the various nations upon the day last named, on the 7th was finally acted upon and the presents from the United States distributed forthwith. While the council was in session, some mischief had been done in Virginia by a band of Shawnese, but on the 9th of September these also came to Green- ville, and gave up their prisoners and asked forgiveness. The basis of the treaty of Greenville was the previous one made at -Fort Harmar, and its leading provisions were as follows: Hostilities were to cease and all prisoners were to be restored.