Auglaize County, Ohio - The Shawnees, 1905 (part 1 of 2)

The Shawnees

The history of these "Arabs of the wilderness" is wrapt in obscurity. From tradition we learn that they originally occupied the southeastern portion of North America, and that they subsequently moved northward and occupied the valley of the Cumberland River. Here they lived in savage grandeur until the Iroquois took the war path in 1655, when they were called upon to defend their hunting grounds. In this war they were defeated and expelled from the country. They fled to the south, and located in the Carolinas and Florida. In the course of a few years, however, the remnants of the tribe were collected, and all joined in the enterprise of repossessing their former hunting grounds. Instead of regaining possession of the valley by force of arms, they resorted to diplomacy, A council of reconciliation was held, in which permission was given them to move westward into the country of the Miamis and Wyandots.

By permission, therefore, they eventually occupied a large territory, including the Scioto river in Ohio, and the Wabash river in Indiana, with the intervening region. The ownership of this vast region was rightfully vested in other Indian nations. The question of ownership was raised by the Miami and Wyandot nations at each of the treaties held after their defeat by General Wayne. Whatever right of property that any Indian nation may have had in the lands occupied by the Shawnees, was extinguished, when their lands were ceded to the United States. In the assignment of the reservations, by the United States commissioners, the Shawnees received an equal recognition with the other Indian nations.

In the treaty held with the Wyandots, at Upper Sandusky in 1841, the United States government proposed to give them lands in Indian Territory in exchange for their reservation. They signified their willingness to accept the proposition, on condition that they should receive a tract of land six miles wide ofif the east end of the lands belonging to the Shawnees. In justi- fication of the proviso, they claimed "that many years before that time, the Shawnees were destitute of a home, and that the Wyandots gave them one, and did many kind actions for them, and now was their time to repay them."

When the proposition was laid before the Shawnees, it was met with such violent opposition, that the commissioner declined to entertain the proviso. After a series of conferences in which there were many heated discussions, the Wyandots decided to eliminate the proviso, and accepted the proposition of the government.

After the advent of the Shawnees into the Ohio country, the twelve tribes composing the nation, mingled with the other Indian nations inhabiting the territory between the Muskingum and Wabash rivers, living in peace with the Miamis, Ottowas, Senecas and Delawares, until white settlers began to appear along the Ohio and in other portions of the valley. "They were accustomed to boast of their superiority over other Indian nations. Their arrogant pride and warlike ferocity made them one of the most formidable of all the nations with which the white settlers had to contend in the Ohio valley. They murdered old and young, male and female, without pity and without remorse. They rejoiced in battle and carnage, in deception, stratagem, and faithlessness."

The next notable event in the history of the Shawnees, occurred in 1782, when George Rogers Clark invaded and -destroyed their towns on Mad River, and burned Loramie's store on Pickawillany creek. "Soon after Clark's campaign, the Miamis and their allies left this part of the country, and retired to the Miami of the Lake, at or near Fort Wayne, and never returned." The Shawnees took their place, and gave names to towns in the Miami and Maumee valleys. Tribes under the leadership of Blue Jacket and Blackhoof settled at Wapakoneta. Other tribes settled at St. Mary's, Lewistown, and at the mouth of the Auglaize river. From these points expeditions were sent south to harass the settlements along the Ohio river, and in Kentucky. Skulking bands of Shawnees infested the Ohio river from Pittsburgh to Cincinnati, attacking flat-boats in their descent down the river, leading their crews captive to Chillicothe and other towns where the bands resided, to be tortured and murdered. We have no data from which to make an esti- mate of the number of captives taken by these death-dealing marauders. From the accounts at our command, we judge the number to have been large. From the fact that a noted council house was located at Wapakoneta ; and further, that Wapakoneta was the residing place of such chiefs as Blackhoof, Blue Jacket, Corn-stalk, and Captain Johnny, it is highly probable that a large number of captives ran the gantlet and were tortured and murdered at this place. Frequent incursions were made into Kentucky and western Pennsylvania to steal horses and secure whatever plunder they chanced to find.

Reference has already been made in a preceding chapter to a letter of Judge Symmes to the Hon. Jonathan Dayton, in which he gives an account of the report of Isaac Freeman, whom he had sent to the Shawnee tribes on a friendly mission, and to ascertain their number and future intentions with regard to the settlements at Cincinnati. Freeman's report was very alarming. He visited the Indian villages on Mad river, and proceeded as far north as Wapakoneta. "Whilst Mr. Freeman was at Wapakoneta he was lodged at the house of Blue Jacket, and while there he saw the pack-horses come to Blue- Jacket's house loaded with five hundredweight of powder, and lead equivalent, with one hundred muskets ; this share he saw deposited at the house of Blue Jacket. He says the like quantity was sent from Detroit to every chief through all the towns. Freeman saw the same dividend deposited at a second chief's house, (Blackhoof was probably the chief to whom he referred), in the same town with Blue Jacket. On the arrival of these stores from Detroit, British colors were displayed on the house-top of each chief."

From this report we learn that the British were clandestinely furnishing the Indians with the munitions of war that were used against Harmar and St. Clair in the two succeeding years. During the two years preceding Harmar's campaign, large invoices of goods were distributed among the Shawnee tribes. Pack-horse trains and boats on the Auglaize river delivered the goods at Wapakoneta, from which point they were distributed to the different tribes. The carrying trade was conconducted by English and French traders, who had formerly carried on a lucrative trade with the Indians, but who were now

The years 1789 and .1790 were years of great excitement among the Ohio Indians. The misrepresentations of the British agents, and the harangues of the Girtys and influential chiefs wrought the natives up to such exertions that they defeated Harmar and St. Clair.

One hundred and fifty Shawnee warriors left Wapakoneta, between midnight and one o'clock, on the morning of the 4th of November,' 1791, for Recovery. They arrived at Recovery whilst the battle was in progress. The soldiers in St. Clair's army were apprised of the arrival of the Shawnees by the cheers of the Indians leading the attack. The Shawnee warriors returned to Wapakoneta, rich with the spoils of war. Souvenirs, consisting of cannon-balls, and other objects found on the battle-ground, are still, occasionally, found near where their habitations were located. The Shawnees were very much elated with their victories over Harmar and St. Clair, and held themselves in readiness to enter upon the aggressive measures proposed by the British. Blue Jacket, in the mean time took up his residence at Blu.e Jacket's town at the mouth of the Auglaize river, where he could be in touch with the British agents. Here he lived in a style becoming to a chief of his distinction. For a description of his residence, and personal appearance, see Spencer's account of his visit to. Blue Jacket's house, page 112. Being commander-in-chief of the allied Indian forces, he was very much discouraged by his defeat at the Fallen Timbers, and immediately afterward returned to Wapakoneta.

The defeat was a sore disappointment to the Shawnee tribes and Wyandots. The Shawnee loss was felt severely, but it was not nearly so great as the loss of the Wyandots. They lost all their chiefs, and a large number of their warriors.

When the Indian tribes began to present themselves at Greenville in 1795 to treat for peace, the Shawnees were obstinate, and held back for a time, and came in very slowly. "On the 24th of June, a boy, who had been a captive among them, (having been lately retaken,) confidently asserted that the Shawnees would not make peace. But one month after, July 23d, Blue Jacket made his appearance, and it was duly noticed by a gentleman at the time, who kept a journal of important matters at Greenville.

He then adds, "Deputations from all the late hostile tribes north of the Ohio are, consequently, now at this place." When Blue' Jacket met General Wayne he apologized for his tardiness, and gave the most solemn assurance of his sincerity.

At the close of the Greenville treaty the embers of the council fire were raked together, and covered, and the three Shawnee chiefs, Blackhoof, Blue Jacket and Red Pole, with their attendant warriors returned to their respective tribes. "The treaty was a triumph equal to the battle that preceded it. The dignity and heroic manner with which Wayne conducted the proceedings throughout were worthy of the occasion. The Shawnee chiefs came to the council sore and haughty, but after a short intercourse with Wayne, they could not repress a magnetic response to the grip of the hand, and the frankness and sympathy which he showed them. This strong personal regard so grew upon them that at parting with the General they assured him that they now understood the treaty, and were fully convinced that it was wisely and benevolently calculated to promote their interest, and that it was their determined purpose to adhere to it. None of the chiefs who signed it took up arms afterward against the United States."

The Shawnees returned to their old time vocations, hunting,, trapping, and the cultivation of the soil. The French and British traders resumed their business, which, for a time, had been suspended on account of the war. The trade in scalps of white people ceased. No more people ran the gantlet, or were tortured at the stake. The close of the Greenville treaty was the beginning of a new era in the history of the Shawnee nation. The address prepared at a yearly meeting of the Friends of Philadelphia, and read to the Indians on the 2d of August by General Wayne, had a greater effect on their minds than was generally supposed at the time. Soon after the treaty a correspondence between the Shawnees and the Friends of Philadelphia was commenced, and continued until 1802, when a deputation of Shawnees, of which the chief, Blackhoof, was one, and several Delaware chiefs in company with him on their way to Washington City on business,.

The accounts of this visit state that the chiefs were treated with great kindness, and that they were furnished with a considerable amount of money and goods. adapted to their wants.

The year following the visit of the deputation, the Society of Friends sent missionaries to the Shawnees to teach them agriculture and instruct them in the principles of Christianity. The labors of these missionaries were continued until the war of 1812, when their labors were suspended until the return of peace, at which time they were resumed.

Henry Harvey, in his History of the Shawnee Indians, states that "About this time (1819) the Friends erected, for the Shawnees, at its own expense, and with the consent of the government, a grist-mill and saw-mill, on the Auglaize river, at Wapaughkonetta, and made other improvements at that place, such as a dwelling-house for a superintendent and family, who were sent out to reside among the Indians, to take charge of the mills, and to endeavor to assist and encourage them in commencing the improvement of their land. From the knowledge they soon acquired in the arts of agriculture, they learned to raise corn, beans, pumpkins, etc. The corn they had ground at the mill, free of toll, which their women soon learned to bake into bread, which they found much better and easier done than their former method of pounding into hominy.

"The expense of erecting the mills, keeping them in repair, paying hands to attend them, as well as every other expense appertaining to the support of this institution, for the benefit of the Indians, was all borne by the Society of Friends. The saw-mill was used in making boards, in order to assist the Indians in making their houses and furniture for the comfort of their families.

"A large amount of expense was incurred, by keeping up and supporting this institution in that remote place, it being thirty miles from the settlements of white people, as all supplies had to be hauled that distance, over extremely bad roads ; and a. vast amount fed away to the hungry Indians. Notwithstanding which, the society continued its labors, although there was much difficulty in obtaining superintendents in that wilderness, who were willing to forsake the comforts of life, and civil and relig- ious liberty, and spend their time in that cold and inhospitable region, and spend such a life as they had then to endure, among this (then) rude and savage people.

"The Shawnees were very ignorant, in regard to building houses, making rails, building fence, etc. Being aware of this, the Society employed young white men to assist them in building cabins, making rails, and in doing many other things. They were furnished, too, with plow irons, which the Friends stalked for them.

"About this time they received a handsome present in money, from a female Friend in England, for the purpose of supplying them with farming utensils and other necessary implements of husbandry, as an encouragement to them in their laudable undertaking. This money was judiciously appropriated, wfiich, together with the assistance they received from government, and by their own industry, they were soon in a way of doing much better for themselves, than they had formerly been.

"Thus encouraged in bettering their education in life, they fast gained in the arts of civilization and in the acquisition of property, and the estimation of its real value, after having honestly acquired it. Being gradually furnished with cows, they soon learned the use of them, to the great comfort of themselves and families. They soon learned the use and benefit of oxen, and work horses, and plowed their corn, and thus relieved their women of the intolerable task they had before laid on them, of raising their corn with the hoe, and by that course the women had more time to attend to the care of themselves and families. And, as the men thus made provision for furnishing food for their families, the women were not behind in their part of the work; and at length these kind-hearted people had begun under the fostering care of the government, and by the aid of the Society, to realize better days ; and through which they could look forward with pleasing hope of one day being a prosperous and happy people.

"They had by two treaties secured an annuity of three thousand dollars annually, to be paid them at Wapaughkonetta, for the benefit of the whole tribe ; that is, each person to draw his or her portion in money annually, forever. This, for many years, was honestly paid to them, agreeably to the stipulations of the treaties, while their old and worthy agent remained in charge of their affairs (John Johnston of Piqua was at that time Indian agent for all the tribes in north-western Ohio) ; but, .as the government itself passed into new hands, so in like manner those officers who .had long managed the Indian affairs had to give place to others, who neglected their business, and the poor Indians suffered.

"Previous to the commencement of the improvement of their lands, the Indians lived in villages near Auglaize river. Through the warm season of the year, they remained about home, and raised considerable quantities of corn and beans - all the labor being performed by the women and children, who had not only to plant and tend it, but to watch the ponies off, as they had no fences in those times. The men lounged about during the summer, when th£ weather was warm and the skins and furs were not fit for market ; sometimes, when hunger drove them away from their shades, they would employ themselves in catching fish, and now and then sally off to the woods and kill a deer, as such animals were plenty then. By the time the fall arrived they would have all their corn used up, as they never laid up a store for the future; what they may have had if they needed it they used it, if it were the last bite they had. Nothing was too costly or too good to set before a friend - what one had was freely set before another - and in this way all they had was soon entirely consumed, as they feasted almost continually, when they had anything with which to feast one another.

"In the fall season they nearly all commenced making preparation for their winter's hunt. When about to set off, the whole family, men, women, and children, together with their dogs, (of which they always had a large supply,) cats, and all, with all their ponies, of which they kept great numbers, with as much of their furniture as they could conveniently carry, generally consisting of several brass or copper kettles, some wooden ladles, bowls, and large spoons, a tomahawk, and each one a large butcher-knife. Thus equipped, the whole company set off for the lonely woods. I have seen many of these companies moving off in cold weather, among whom were to be seen the aged, grayheaded grandmother, the anxious, care-worn, and nearly forlorn mother with her half-naked children, and often a little infant on her back, fastened to a board or wrapped in her blanket and held to her back, with its little naked head to the cold wind over its mother's shoulder ; the whole company headed by a nimble-footed and stout-hearted warrior, with his blanket drawn close around his body, a handkerchief curiously twisted to a knot on his head, with his gun on his shoulder and gun-stick in his hand, his tomahawk in his belt, which is so constructed that the poll is his pipe and the handle the stem, and he carries his tobacco in the skin of some little animal, often a polecat skin.

When they arrive at the place of destination, they erect a tent of sufficient size to afford room for the whole family to lodge in. This tent is made of small poles, with the large end stuck in the ground and the small ends lashed together at the top, and then the skins of animals, which they have killed, are stretched over the poles, so that the upper ones lap over the under ones, and thus turn off the rain and snow as well as boards. In the middle of this tent they build their fire, the smoke ascending through an opening in the top, left for that purpose. In the tent are spread their skins, on which they repose ; all lie down together and cover themselves with their blankets, which each one always has if it is within his power, they being of great benefit both by night and day. Indeed, they are seldom seen without them, using them for cover at night and wrapper by day ; they use them while out hunting and when attending their fashionable parties, of which they are extremely fond and have often, on which occasion they put on their finest beads, belts, ribbons, and the like paraphernalia, and over all the rest of the body goes the blanket, if cleaned well, if not, it is at once cleaned. If they were furnished with anything in the way of provisions, the blanket is at once removed from their shoulders, and whatever they have to carry home is wrapped in it ; indeed, so natural was it to see an Indian with his blanket about him, that one would almost conclude that it was actually a part and parcel of the Indian. There are a few things sure to be seen in an Indian's possession, unless very poor indeed ; these are a pony, a gun, tomahawk, a dog, butcher-knife, and blanket. These things are his outfit, and if thus frunished, he is not considered a very poor man by his people.

"When thus settled on their intended hunting grounds, the men sally forth in quest of game, and if any is to be found, they do not fail to bring it down with their rifles. When the game is killed it is hung up in the woods out of the reach of the wolves, when the hunter pushes on in quest of more, and often continues his hunt for several days before returning to the camp. Having secured a quantity in this way, he returns to the camp with what he can carry, remains over night with his family and feasts on what he has thus provided. When rested from his excursion and sees his family supplied with food, he sets off with his pony in quest of what game he has secured over the woods, and so thoroughly are these people acquainted with the woods that an Indian hunter can find all the game that he has hanging over the hunting ground, for miles in extent in every direction ; and so honest are they, that no Indian will interrupt what he finds hanging up which others have killed. When the hunter returns to the camp with his game, he gives all into the hands of the women and children, who take care of the skins and furs in the neatest manner, and then slice the best venison up in long, thin slices to dry, except the hams, which they dry before the fire for trade ; and such bony parts as they can not cure to advantage they boil in their kettles, and upon that and the soup they feast bountifully, and then the hunter resumes his regular chase for several days together, through the whole winter, or until the skins and furs become unfit for market, and that is toward the last of February ; then they return to their homes.

"When the season for hunting deer closes, the trapping season opens ; those of the Indians who chased the deer and trapped the vermin - and nearly all the Shawnees did, who lived near Wapaughkonetta - if they returned at all from the winter hunt, would set out in the same way again. This branch of their business was conducted in the following manner: As soon as the season arrives for frogs to come forth, which are the principal food of the raccoon, and as they live in and about the ponds of water which abound in the country in which these animals inhabit, the raccoons are ever in quest of them and frequent those places, and not being a water-animal, they have to resort to stratagem, hence they traverse every log, that lops in or about the water, in order to reach their prey. The Indians, being accustomed to this, resort to stratagem too, in order to take their prey. This they do after the following manner : Immediately across one of these logs, that lies furthest in the water, they place a long straight pole, and directly over this, and lengthwise with it, is laid another, and stakes firmly driven on each side, so that the upper one will fall directly on the under one and fit it to exactness; the upper pole is then raised at the upper end, and curiously suspended by triggers arranged so that, when the animal is traversing the log in quest of his hidden prey, in crossing the pole on the log he comes directly in contact with the thread, made of sinews from the deer, when the upper pole, by the movement of the animal, is let loose; then the game is instantly secured safe for the new owner until he comes his daily rounds to his traps in search of his well-earned victim, which is taken out and the trap again set in readiness for the next evening intruder. The game, thus taken, is lashed on the pony and carried the rounds of the traps and to the camp, where it is stripped of its soft, warm covering, and well spread out on sticks and hung up to dry by the tent, in care of the squaws, while his body is dressed and hung up by an Indian fire until it is well roasted, when the happy beings divide and eat the flesh, and the dogs devour the bones, and thus are supplied their insatiate appetites, and this ends the ceremonies of the feast. But such is the inclination to the golden rule, that if one should find the trap of another, he would not plunder and rob it, but would quietly remove the game carefully, hang it in a bush near by, and set the trap again for the accommodation of his neighbor. Thus we see their honesty exhibited and adhered to in every instance of their pursuits."

In the autumn of 1819, Henry Harvey, a member of the Society of Friends in Philadelphia, moved a part of his family to Wapakoneta; he being appointed superintendent of the mills erected at that place for the benefit of the Shawnee Indians. Friend Harvey had, before that time, visited the Indian village a number of times, whither he had been sent by the Philadelphia society to inspect the construction of the mills, and if found to be satisfactory, to accept the same and discharge the contractors.

In his numerous visits, he became acquainted with a number of chiefs and other members of the Shawnee nation. In making his visits he also became acquainted with John Johnston, then Indian agent for the Indians of the northwest.

During the time that he resided in Wapakoneta he occupied a house that had been built for him on what is now known as the Jacob Haus property. In his history he records the fof-

"It was, I believe, in the following spring that one of those Indians, who'm the Friend believed to be a sober, well-inclined man, became very much enfeebled and debilitated with what he believed to be 'pulmonary consumption.' I often visited him ; often I was confined to his house, for the purpose of administering medicine, or taking him nourishment. On going to his house on one occasion, I found the door shut and fastened, so that I could not enter ; but, after a time, it was opened, and on going in, I found the sick man lying on his face, his back bare, and body cut in several places ; he had bled much, and was nearly exhausted.

"There was with him in the house a noted Indian, whose name I do not now remember, but the Friend knew him personally. The Indian called him their prophet, and he claimed to be twin brother to the celebrated Tecumseh. The Friend then quietly inquired the reason of such a course of treatment toward the sick man, and was informed by the prophet that the man was bewitched, and that he had made these incisions for extracting the combustible matter, which the witch had thrown into him. On hearing this assertion, the Friend told him that there was no such thng as witch or witchcraft, and that he had wounded the poor man sorely, and bade him begone. He commenced dressing the wounds, and in a short time the prophet returned, apparently much provoked. Late on the night following, the Friend was aroused by some one at his door wishing to get in, and at the same time exclaiming in broken English, "They kill-ee me, they kill-ee me!" The Friend, (Isaac Harvey,) on opening the door, found the applicant to be an Indian woman with her little daughter, some ten years old. On going with her to the United States interpreter, (Duchouquet,) who lived near, she told him that a little messenger had come to her house and informed her privately that the chiefs were then in council, and that she was certainly condemned to die, on a charge of having bewitched the sick man before mentioned, and she had come to the 'Qua-ke-lee' (Quaker) for protection.

"The Friend, not having full confidence in their interpreter, only remarked to the woman, that if he attempted to protect her on such an occasion, he thought it would be at the risk not only of his own life, but also that of his family. He, however, quickly procured another interpreter, the son of the United States blacksmith, (Thomas Elliott,) a person in whom he could rely on such an occasion ; and having another interview with the woman, she gave them the same relation in regard to her situation, and promised very cheerfully that if the 'Qua-kee-lee' would undertake to protect her, she would obey in all things of which they could give her an understanding. During this short interval, the Friend had matured a plan of operation, which he disclosed as follows : That if they could keep the woman and her child concealed through the coming day, and he could procure the necessary reliable assistance, he would send them direct to his old neighborhood, more than one hundred miles distant. To this proposition the poor woman readily consented, fully believing that, if she should be found, she would be executed ; and the blacksmith, promptly entering into his views, cheerfully proffered all the assistance in his power.

"The subject of keeping her and her little daughter sufficiently concealed through the coming day, was now a question of the deepest interest to all present or concerned in the matter, and as the morn now drew near, it was necessary that this should be attended to quickly. They were therefore taken to the upper chamber of the dwelling, (which was one and a half stories high,) and placed between two beds on the bedstead, and the covering carefully spread, as though nothing was there more than the lone bed. There they were to remain, and actually did, through the following day. A small dog, which had during the night kept close to her side, and which the Friend believed, if discovered by the Indians, would betray them, was immediately dispatched by his own hands. I believe before the middle of the day the mills, the stables, meat-house, dwelling, and even the chamber where the poor woman lay concealed, were each care-

"Toward the middle of the day - and, to that family especially, one of deep anxiety - came the chief, We-as-se-cah, (Capt. Wolf*) a noble-spirited man, and in many respects an ornament to his nation, and informed the superintendent privately of what had recently taken place among them, as though he did not at all suspect that his friend knew anything about it. The Friend gladly embraced the opportunity of unfolding his mind to this chief, on the subject of witches and witchcraft, and simplifying his language to the understanding of the man, he earnestly expostulated with him on the cruelty and inhumanity of their practice of frequently putting their- subjects to death, on a bare charge of this kind. We-as-se-cah left him apparently somewhat confused or disturbed, to find that he and his friend should entertain such conflicting views on what before had seemed to him so important a matter. About an hour after this interview, he returned, and in private expressed a strong conviction that the Friend knew more of the facts in the case than he before was aware of, and questioned him so closely relative to the woman, that he doubtless manifested symptoms of fear of being detected, and a willingness to waive the subject; on seeing which, the chief voluntarily told him that he need not be afraid to tell him all he knew about it, and labored to assure him that so far from betraying him, he would protect him to the utmost of his ability. As the Friend had long reposed much confidence in this chief, he now felt the conviction very forcibly that if he could only so work upon his feelings as to secure his influence and assistance, that this very trying affair might be brought to a peaceable and satisfactory conclusion ; though, under all the circumstances of the case, it seemed like 'hoping against hope.' He, however, ventured to say to We-ah-se-cah, that he believed the woman whom they had just condemned to die, and for whom the Indians had been making diligent search, was out of their reach, and that he thought they never would see her face again, unless they altogether abandoned the idea of executing her ; and, further, that he had thought, as soon as he could bring it about, he would take his family and go home, and abandon the mission entirely.

"At this rather unlooked for disclosure, the chief manifested some surprise, and was, for a time, much absorbed in thought ; but recovering himself a little, he told the Friend that the chiefs were then in session at the council-house, and proposed that, if he would accompany him there, and then promise the chiefs that he would be answerable for the woman, he believed that he would influence them to agree that she should not be put to death. This was just what the Friend desired, but to accomplish it, he believed, would prove the trial of his faith. On mak- ing his prospects known to his family, some of whom manifested the deepest interest for their welfare in general, and for him in particular, he calmly expressed his belief that if he was faithful in the discharge of his whole duty on this trying occasion, He whose protecting care he had often witnessed to be near, would not forsake him in time of need.

"I believe it is not saying too much to state that some of the members of the family who are still living now, after a lapse of more than thirty years, often, very often, remember the transactions of that eventful day with feelings of humility and gratitude.

"The Friend waited on the blacksmith heretofore alluded to, and informed him of what had passed between himself and the chief, (Capt. Wolf,) and requested the assistance of his youthful son as interpreter. This man, knowing the practice of the Indians on such occasions, after expressing some doubts of success, remarked that 'as he had resolved at the beginning to assist in this difficult affair, he was willing to go with him.'

"Accordingly, these four individuals repaired to the councilhouse, where they met twenty or more of the chiefs and head men of the nation. On entering the door, Captain Wolf, in a commanding tone, bade them 'be still and hear' ; he then briefly told the occasion of their sudden appearance among them, and, in a short speech, rehearsed to them the several interviews between himself and his friend ; and finally told them the proposition he had made to his friend, the 'Qua-kee-lee/ on hearing which they began to move around and converse among themselves, and a number of them being painted, and having more or less arms about them, they began indeed to present a hostile and formidable appearance.

"The Friend, who, with the rest of his company, had been standing silent spectators, now addressed them through his interpreter, with a remarkably composed and dispassionate manner and countenance, informing them that he had come with his friends We-as-se-cah and Sim-me-ta, (blacksmith,) to intercede for the life of the woman whom they had condemned to die; but seeing they had determined to pursue their own course, he felt resigned and prepared to offer himself in her stead ; that he was now there unarmed, and entirely at their mercy ; and that he supposed they would have to take him and do with him as they saw proper. On hearing this last sentence, Captain Wolf, who all this time had been standing near, now stepped close to the Friend, and took hold of his arm, expressing at the same time, in language and tone, and with a countenance not to be mistaken, 'Me Qua-kee-lee friend,' and then called upon the chiefs most impartially, not to suffer their friend, the Quaker, to be in the least harmed or molested ; and that 'if they were

"This unlooked for, yet spirited and courageous movement of their noble chief, whose purpose could no longer be misunderstood nor easily thwarted, as well as the composed resignation and Christian firmness of the Friend, whose compassionate eye had been overlooking them, and whose feeling heart had yearned toward them with all the affection and tenderness of a parent, seemed for a time to check every movement, and, indeed, to change the countenance of some of the most ferocious among them.

"At this critical stage of the business, when wonder and amazement had taken hold of them, and when probably no one present could foresee the result, the chiefs, one by one, to the number of six or eight, walked deliberately up to the Friend, and with countenances that bespoke the purest friendship, each in his turn offered his hand ; and such of them as could speak some English repeated at the same time, 'Me Qua-kee-lee friend ! Me Qua-kee-lee friend!'

"The United States blacksmith (John Elliott) also embraced the opportunity of showing them that he, too, was the ^Quaker's friend'; so that the Friend was closely surrounded by a number, some of whom, but a moment before, were apparently enemies in a hostile attitude, but who now greeted him as their friend.

"As soon as these feelings, produced by the impulse of the moment, had a little subsided, and some order was restored, Captain Wolf began to address his people in an eloquent and powerful manner, during which he told them that 'the woman whom they had so incautiously condemned the evening before, by some means unknown to them all, had disappeared, and though the most diligent search had been made, no trace of her could be found ; that if his Quaker friend had sent her to the white people for protection, and they, (the chiefs,) did not pardon and recall her, it would, indeed, be a lasting disgrace to their nation, and that if their friend, the Quaker, should, for this reason, break up the mission that had been begun, and thus far carried on to their (the Indians') entire benefit, to whom, then, shall we look for help?'

"This able address, of which the above few sentences constitute but a small part, delivered, as it was, in feeling and affectionate language, truly wrought out a desirable and most satisfactory result ; so that after a short discussion among themselves, the whole council, I believe, to a man, (except the before-mentioned prophet, who, about this time, left them in disgust,) came forward and cheerfully offered their hands in token of friendship ; and there unitedly, as with the voice of one man, solemnly promised if the Friend would restore the woman to her people, she should be protected by them, and then*called on their old friend the blacksmith to witness the covenant they had made ; to this he readily assented, and told them that he should not only stand as a witness to this, but as surety to the faithful performance on the part of his friend, the Quaker. The Friend and his companion, (Capt. Wolf going with him,) now returned to his anxious family, relieved of a burden which for near twenty-four hours, he had borne with -great weight upon his patient brow, he also bore the' glad tidings to them that the woman was pardoned, and his own life spared.

"In company with the interpreter he soon repaired to the chamber where the woman lay quietly concealed, and briefly told her what had been effected in her behalf. On hearing which she burst into tears, and exclaimed, in broken English : 'They will kill-ee me - they will kill-ee me F

"After a suitable pause, Captain Wolf was admitted to the chamber, who told her, in a pleasant manner, 'to be no longer doubting, but believe what had been told her.' He then, in his own language and native eloquence, narrated to her all that had transpired, not only in the council of the chiefs, but also between himself and their mutual friend, the 'Quaker,' and labored much to assure her of the truth that she was pardoned.

"Notwithstanding all this, the poor woman remained in the family some time, and for several days was afraid to be seen by her people ; but she afterward returned to her own house, where she lived for several years, and, as was believed by her own friends, died a natural death.

"The warmest friendship, closest attachment, and nearest intimacy subsisted between the Friend and this most excellent chief, for several years, or until the death of the former; he never decided upon any important question without first consulting his Quaker friend.

"The writer often heard the superintendent speak with manifest emotions of humility and gratitude toward the all-wise Creator, testifying that, 'had not divine power interposed,' he never could have achieved what he did with the wild savages ; and if the Everlasting Arm had not been underneath, to support him, he should certainly have fallen under such great and daring burdens. This short narrative may be properly closed with the relation of a post intimately connected with it.

"In the autumn of 1825, this devoted Friend again removed with his family to the Friends' School Establishment, five miles south of Wapakoneta, for the purpose of resuming the school which had been previously dismissed by the committee, partly in consequence of the unsettled condition of the Indians.

long-tried friend, tl^e Indian agent, (John Johnston,) called to see him. They spent several hours very agreeably together, conversing freely on various subjects connected with Indian affairs. In the course of this very interesting interview the Friend remarked that he found some of the Indians in a very unsettled condition, and desirous to remove over the Mississippi ; that in consequence of this he had resumed the school and his labors among them under many discouragements ; that it appeared to him, while they remained in that state of mind, little permanent good could be done them ; and should they, ere long, be removed to the far west, and located among the wild Jndians of the wilderness, it seemed to him that the labor of the Friends would soon entirely be lost.

"The writer of this article being then present, still vividly recollects the glow of countenance and animated language and manner of that excellent man, the agent, when he replied as follows : 'For your encouragement, friend, I feel bound to tell you the honest conviction of my mind, that if the labor of the Friends has done no other good, the simple fact that, by your individual exertions and faithfulness, in saving the life of Polly Butler, you have so completely broken up the heathenish practice that once existed, of frequently putting their people to death for witchcraft, is sufficient to reward you for all the labor spent. For/ continued he, T have never known an instance of one of them being put to death, on a similar charge, since that memorable day, 6th month, 1823.

"The foregoing narrative being submitted to John Johnston, lie returned the following reply : 'Polly Butler, charged with being a witch in the Shawnee nation - the principal subject in the preceding narrative - and who was saved from that violent death, by the timely, firm, and persevering efforts of Isaac Harvey, who then had charge over the Friends' Shawnee Mission, at Wapaughkonetta, Ohio, was the daughter of General Richard Butler, by a Shawnee woman. A son, also, was an offspring of the same union, who became a distinguished chief in peace and war among the Shawnees - being in authority during the whole of my agency over this nation - a period of almost thirty years. General Butler was an Indian trader before the Revolutionary War, and spoke the language of the natives, and, as was customary with persons of those pursuits, took an Indian wife. His son and daughter bear a striking resemblance to the Butler family, many of whom I knew in early life.

" 'The general was second in command, in the army under St. Clair, and was killed on the 4th of November, 1791, in battle with the combined Indians of the North-west, on the ground on which Fort Recovery was afterward built, distant from Greenville fourteen miles.

"The little daughter mentioned as being with Polly Butler, at the time she fled to the Friend for the protection of her life, is now, 1853, living in the Shawnee nation, married to one of the best men in that tribe, and is the mother of a large family. Her husband has a large, good farm, good houses, out-buildings, orchard, stock, farming utensils, etc., and she has a well furnished household and furniture, neatly arranged and kept in nice order. They sell a large amount of surplus produce annually, and constantly have money loaned out at interest. She is a good-looking, intelligent, and nice woman.

"Nothing more of interest occurred to the Shawnees, but their continued advancement in the arts of civilization, and in giving up their children to be educated at school, which was continued for several years on their reservation at Wapakoneta, until some bad white men persuaded the young men to believe that, if the Quakers continued to make improvements on their lands, the white people would take it from them ; which coming to the knowledge of the Society, they purchased a considerable tract of land five miles south of Wapaughkonetta, on which buildings were erected, a farm opened and a school was established, and continued in operation until the Shawnees left their homes for the country west of the Mississippi."

The Colonel Johnston referred to in the preceding narrative, is an important personage in the history of the North-west. His moral, social and business qualifications were highly valued by the general government. So highly esteemed were they, that he held the office of Indian agent at Fort Wayne and Piqua for a period of nearly forty years.

Colonel Johnston was born in the county of Fermanagh, Ireland, March 25th, 1775, and died February 18th, 1861. He emigrated with his father's family to Philadelphia in 1792, and a year later was appointed to a position in the quartermaster's department in General Wayne's army. "Later he served as a clerk in the War Department under Plenry Dearborn, the first

Secretary of War. His deportment and high standing as an accountant in that department led to his appointment as Indian agent at Fort Wayne. Before his departure to the post to which he had been assigned, he was married to a highly esteemed young lady of Philadelphia. Soon after the marriage in 1798, he and his sixteen year old bride rode on horseback the entire distance to Fort Wayne, where they were stationed for eleven years. During the time of their residence at the post a number of children were born to them. At the end of eleven years of service at Fort Wayne Colonel Johnston had bcome so skillful in Indian diplomacy that President Madison appointed him Indian agent at Piqua.

At the time of his removal to Piqua in 1809, the Indians of north-western Ohio exhibited a state of restlessness that led the government to apprehend trouble with them in the impending controversy with England. By direction of the government, therefore, as many of the tribes or parts of tribes as could be induced to maintain peaceable relations were called in and assembled near the agency, at Upper Piqua, to the number of five or six thousand men, women and children, and fed by the government, with a view, in part, to their protection, and to keep them from the influence of the more hostile tribes. During the first year of the war of 1812, many councils were held with such Indian chiefs as could be induced to come into the agency, in order to secure friendly relations with as many tribes as could be induced to remain at peace. These councils were of exciting interest at the time. Governor Meigs and United States Senator Jeremiah Morrow and Thomas Worthington were present at some of them, in the autumn of 1812. These councils were generally held at the village of Washington, now Piqua.

"At these councils there were usually amusements in the afternoons, such as wrestling, foot-races, etc., between the redskins and white boys. The Indians were generally the fleetest on foot, but in wrestling the pale-face was oftenest uppermost. There were frequently Indian dances in the afternoon. A few plugs of tobacco would produce an interesting entertainment in this line. Some fifteen or twenty Indians, in a half-nude state, would assemble in a circle on the dance ground, made smooth for the purpose, and perform a dance of an hour or so, under the direction of a master of ceremonies, as dances are managed

During the war of 1812, the greater number of friendly Indians, who had not been influenced by Tecumseh and the prophet, were assembled at Piqua under Colonel Johnston. The tribes which claimed and received protection from the United States, were the Shawnees, Delawares, Wyandots in part, Ottawas in part, a portion of the Senecas, the Munseys, and the Mohicans. The number at Piqua has been variously estimated by different writers from five to ten thousand. The emissaries of Tecumseh entered the camps, and sought by every means to win them over ; but there was an insurmountable barrier in the presence of Colonel Johnston, whose influence more than counterbalanced all TecumselTs arguments and the high price offered by the British for American scalps. Knowing that so long as Johnston was alive they could not effect their object, various plots for his assassination were devised. Surrounded by Indians, a price upon his head, rising in the morning with no assurance of living until night, retiring at night expecting to be murdered in his bed, he remained at his post, though often warned by the friendly chiefs of certain death, and by them advised to seek safety elsewhere. The Government had placed him there, his duty required his presence ; and honor and his country, and the safety of his companions on the frontier, forbade his leaving the post. His wife, with true womanly devotion, and heroism characteristic of the women in those days, remained with him, while his family pape'rs and valuable effects were removed to a place of greater safety. On several occasions his life seemed to have been under the special care of Divine Providence.

Once, while he was passing near a cluster of plum trees on his way to the Indian camp, he was accosted by a friendly Delaware woman, who told him that hostile Indians were secreted there to murder him. The alarm soon spread, and the would-be murderers fled.

The Indians frequently gave evidence of their fidelity during the war. At the surrender of Detroit the frontier was laid bare to the incursions of hostile Indians. Fort Wayne was threatened, at a time when there were many women and children there, who would be in danger and also a hindrance to its defense. Colonel

Johnston, therefore, ordered them to be brought to the agency. Logan, not the famous Mingo chief, but a noted chief at Wapakoneta, immediately offered his services, and with a party of volunteers, all mounted Indians, started to the fort. Upon arriving there they received their charge and returned with them in safety through a country swarming with painted foes, Logan and his party exercising a gallantry that elicited the highest commendations from the ladies.

The restlessness and menacing deportment of the Indians around the agency led General Harrison to call a council with the chiefs of the friendly Indians, of the Delaware, Shawnee, Wyandot, and Seneca tribes, in which he stated to them that the time had arrived for all those who were willing to engage in the war, "to take a decided stand for or against the United States" - that the President wished no false friends - that the proposal of Proctor to exchange the Kentucky militia for the tribes in our friendship, indicated that he had received some hint of their willingness to take up the tomahawk against us ; and that to give the United States proof of their good disposition, they must remove with their families into the interior, or the warriors must accompany him in the ensuing campaign, and fight for the United States. "The chiefs and warriors chose the latter condition. By their acceptance of it the great danger of their joining the British was averted, and the safety of the agency .at Piqua secured.

"Colonel Johnston was retained as Indian agent until Jack- -soru's administration, when he was removed. After his removal from office, he continued to reside on his farm, north of Piqua, until 1840, when his wife died. They together organized the first Sunday school in Piqua, and Mrs. Johnston was the first president of the Piqua Female Bible Society, and remained its president from 1817 until her death. They were the parents of fifteen children. His two older sons were, one in the army, and the other in the navy. So it was arranged that the third one, John Henry Dearborn, should hold possession of the old homestead.

In 1848 Colonel Johnston and his youngest daughter, Margaret, moved to Cincinnati, where he had two unmarried sons in business. He there bought and furnished a comfortable home with the hope that the four members of the family would be reunited in a happy home, but his hope was soon turned into sorrow by the death of his daughter, in the following year, by cholera, one of the first victims of that epidemic. His home was again broken up, and he removed to Dayton, Ohio, to be with his daughter, Mrs. Patterson, with whom he made his permanent home. His two sons afterward moved from Cincinnati to New York, where they engaged in business. Thither he went to spend some time with them, and while there made a business trip to Washington City, expecting to remain there for a time. One of his sons accompanied him, and remained with him until he was comfortably established at the Ebbitt House. On leaving for New York he left instructions that he was to be immediately notified should his father become indisposed in any way, as he was over eighty years old. He soon received a message that his father was dangerously sick. He departed for Washington at once, but on his arrival found his father already dead from heart trouble. His body was brought to his old home, and interred in the old family burial-ground."

George C. Johnston

Mrs. Louise W. McKinney's sketch of George C. Johnston, a cousin of John Johnston, in the published papers of the "Daughters of the American Revolution of Piqua," contains so much of interest that we insert the entire production :

"One of the pleasures of my childhood days was to sit with my dearest friend, Mary O'Ferrall, and listen to Mr. Johnston, the veteran Indian trader of north-western Ohio, as he told us of his life among the Indians. It is a public misfortune that what he knew, which would be of so much interest and of great value to history, should have been allowed to die with him. He carried volumes of anecdote and Indian reminiscences with him to the tomb.

"Mr. Johnston was born in the county of Fermanagh, Ireland, October 19th, 1793. He landed in Baltimore, Maryland, in October, 1817, and traveled by the usual route from that city to Pittsburg, down the Ohio river to Cincinnati, and from there by Wayne's trace, to Piqua, where he found Colonel John Johnston acting as Indian agent for the United States.

residence of the Shawnees, where he soon won their confidence and opened a large trade in furs and skins, in exchange for goods. His goods were landed at Cincinnati and transported with teams to Piqua, and then by pack-horses to Wapakoneta.

"John Jacob Astor at that time controlled all the fur trade of the West, except at Hudson's Bay, which was under British control. Mr. Johnston's average purchase of furs, in value was about $25,000 a year, and these he sold to Mr. Astor's agent at Fort Wayne. He was very successful as an Indian trader, and, by his uniform courtesy and good nature, won the esteem of all. He soon became a good judge of furs and skins, and knew accurately their market value, and always had a ready sale for all he. could obtain. He made a great deal of money, though he frequently lost large sums by trusting dishonest white traders, but never anything, he said, by the red men of the forest.

"The articles sold in large quantities, in exchange for furs and skins, were powder, lead, coffee, sugar, tobacco, knives, blankets, shawls, ribbons and figured goods of all kinds, of which the Indians were very fond. The young squaws often purchased large quantities of trinkets and silver ornaments. The hunters wore leggins and hunting shirts made of dressed deer skins, and heavy moccasins of the same material, while the squaws wore cloth leggins, elaborately embroidered with colors, ribbons and porcupine quills, and skirts of cloth covered with silver trinkets. They wore nothing on their heads, whilst the men generally wore red handkerchiefs tied over their heads.

"Mr. Johnston never dealt in intoxicating liquors while a trader, for he believed that nearly all the troubles with the red men resulted from the use of liquors. He made it a point of honor to deal justly with the Indians, giving them full value for their furs, often throwing in a few yards of calico, or remnants of other goods by way of full measure. This was a good advertisement, and crowds would come in to trade. It was not unusual for him to sell $1,500 worth of goods in one afternoon. He always kept on the best of terms with his Indian customers, and never had an angry word with an Indian.

and told of his wonderful fluency in his talks with his tribe, the Shawnees. Blackhoof, head chief of the Shawnees, often came to trade, and he exhibited one hundred and twenty-seven scalps on his string. Captain Wolf was another Shawnee of some note who was also a friend to Johnston.

"During his agency in the North-west, he frequently met Rev. James B. Finley, who had a mission among the Wyandots and Delawares, and heard him preach. Finley's place of preaching was on the public road leading to Perrysburg through what is now the city of Tiffin.

"When Johnston located at Wapakoneta in 1818, all that region was covered with timber,' except a few small patches along the streams, which were cultivated in corn by the squaws. There were only a very few settlers all through that part of the country. On trading trips between Wapakoneta and Fort Wayne, he slept out of doors thirty or forty nights in succession. There were no highways of any importance except Wayne's trace, which passed through Piqua and which was the only road for many years for the settlers. When he first visited Piqua it was a small village, and had been a rendezvous for soldiers, and a depot for provisions for the War of 1812.

"Johnston knew more of the Shawnees than of other tribes, and spoke their language with fluency. His Indian name which they gave him was Wathe-The-Wee-Law.

"Johnston had a wonderful memory, seeming never to forget anything that he had once heard. He described Indian feasts in a very interesting manner. He said 'The Feast of Ingathering' was the most solemn and important - similar to one of the old Jewish feasts. It took place when the new corn had sufficiently matured for use, and was called by the Shawnees 'Na-a-watsewe-sa-monrie-tau,' or 'Giving Thanks to the Great Spirit for the New Corn.' The custom was rigidly observed and it was unlawful to touch or use the new corn until a part of it had been offered in sacrifice to the Great Spirit. At the ceremony a circle was formed, and none but Indians and adopted white men were admitted. Having formed a circle, the leader or priest took two green ash sticks and rubbed them together until they ignited and then kindled a small fire in the center of the circle and burned thereon a few ears of corn, at the same time thanking the Manitou or Great Spirit for the new crop of corn. After having made this offering they were at liberty to gather and use the corn. . This ceremony was quite solemn and no dancing or merriment was permitted. Mr. Johnston felt positive that this feast had its origin in Jewish custom.

"The next feast was a sort of 'Feast of Tabernacles/ and required every man, woman and child to be present. A large amount of venison, bear meat, wild turkey, and pheasants, were provided for the occasion. Whilst the food was cooking, the young warriors and squaws selected a smooth grassy spot for dancing. A young musician with a piece of deer skin drawn tight over a hoop, was seated near the spot. When all were ready he commenced beating his tamborine, making a sort of music to which the Indians responded in a lively dance, marching up and down and occasionally aiding the music with a he-ha-ho, by way of making the exercise more emphatic. The gaily dressed squaws with their showy shawls and gaudy ribbons, gave a wildness to the scene that might have challenged the pen of Cooper. The utmost decorum was observed between the sexes. The exercise continued until about three o'clock, when the great dinner of the Nation was eaten. The food in large quantities was placed on slips of bark, answering to the use of plates, and handed to all present, and it was expected that each should devour all that was on his bark plate. Then they all quietly separated and returned to their respective wigwams and villages.

"Mr. Johnston was invited to one of these feasts by Blackhoof, who sent a horse to Wapakoneta and a fast runner to conduct him to Piqua. George Moffatt, who was with him at the time, and was versed in Indian customs, instructed Johnston on the etiquette of Indian feasts. He told him to request the Indian who waited on him to put but little food on his bark plate, giving him as an excuse that he had eaten before he left home, for if he failed to eat all the large quantity given to him, the offense would be unpardonable.

"At the 'Warriors' Feast' all that was left of the flesh and bones were burned as a sacrifice to the Great Spirit. After the feast the warriors threw down deer and bear skins, and sat in a circle, a war-post being in the center. One of the warriors arose, and stepping briskly forward to the post, struck it with his tomahawk, and turning around exhibited a string of human scalps, and recited his warlike achievements in a clear, connected man-

"The Shawnees worshipped only the Great Spirit, and believe that all those who do right will go to Him when they take their departure from their hunting grounds below.

"Mr. Johnston used to tell an amusing story of what occurred to him once when he visited Washington in 1835, 011 business. While there, he met his old friend Sur-wan-nock, the head chief of the Delawares, who was accompanied by fourteen warriors. An actor by the name of Ward was playing at Carousie's Theatre, 'The Merry Wives of Windsor.' The old chief proposed to Mr. Johnston to accompany him to the theatre, and he agreed to do so if Sur-wan-nock would furnish him a complete Indian dress. The old chief took him to his room, painted him carefully, did up his hair in Indian fashion, and furnished him a complete suit of buckskin, including leggings, moccasins, tomahawk, scalping knife and belt, and a head dress ornamented with buffalo horns, which gave him quite a ferocious appearance. In due time they appeared at the theater and the play went on - the Indians attracting much attention. Mr. Johnston proposed to Sur-wannock that just before the curtain fell, at the last act, that they would rise and give the Indian war-whoop. They did so and produced a great sensation. After that the Indians had free tickets, and the old theater drew large crowds.

"Mr. Johnston lived to a hale old age and shot birds on the wing like a youth of twenty. As clear as a photograph to me is the remembrance of him dressed in his buck-skin hunting suit with his capacious game bag slung across his shoulders, and carrying his trusty gun. He would start from his home in the early morning, and when he returned, the game bag was overflowing, for he was a successful Nimrod.

"He lived happily until his death with his good wife, whom every one loved as well as he. He used to tell with a chuckle how several of the Indian chiefs offered him their daughters in marriage - a proposition he respectfully declined. Few men had such opportunities to study the character of the red men of the forest as Mr. Johnston, and few were better acquainted with their characteristics."

Organization Of Counties And The Purchase

Within three years, dating from 1817, the counties of Allen, Hardin, Shelby, Dark, Mercer and Van Wert were organized. An inspection of the location of these counties shows that the Indian reservation at Wapakoneta was entirely surrounded by them. The sale of public lands in these counties was so rapid and .the volume of immigration so great in the next five or six years, that it became apparent to the government agents that it would become necessary, ere long, to remove the Indian tribes of Ohio, to localities remote from civilization. As early as 1828, petitions were presented to Congress, importuning that body to purchase the Indian reservations of Ohio, and to transport the red men to territories beyond the Mississippi. The agitation of the purchase was pressed with so much energy that James Gardner, of Columbus, was appointed by the Government in 1831, to confer with the Shawnee Indians at Wapakoneta, and submit proposals to them for the purchase of their lands. Accordingly, in the summer of 1831, James Gardner, then residing in Columbus, sent a message to the chiefs at Wapakoneta, that he would visit them in a few days to make proposals to them for the purchase of their lands.

This was the first intimation received by the chiefs from the Government since the lands were ceded to them, that such a proposal was contemplated. As may be imagined the Indians were thrown into a state of great excitement by the message. A council was called by the chiefs to consider the message. Henry Harvey, the Quaker missionary and historian, was present at the meeting by invitation and has given a very full account of the negotiations that followed. A lengthy discussion ensued at the council, in which, by the advice of Harvey, they refused to sell their lands, and sent a reply to Gardner, not to come to Wapakoneta with any such proposals, as they would not meet him.

Their reply availed them little. In the years that were past, many of the Indians had bought goods on credit from the traders. These same white traders were now employed by Gardner in carrying forward his designs. They approached their creditors with demands that were greatly in excess of what was justly due.

It did not require a great length of time for the traders to induce certain unsophisticated chiefs to accept their promised bribes. Whilst the agents were engaged in their work of bribery and intimidation, the chiefs received a second communication from Gardner, informing them that he would be at Wapakoneta on a certain day, and desired the chiefs to meet him there, at the time proposed. At the time appointed the commissioner arrived.

Before calling the chiefs together, however, he decided to dispense with the services of every person who might be an impediment in carrying out his designs. Francis Duchouquet, an aged Frenchman, who had been the interpreter in many treaties under Governor Cass and John Johnston, was first made drunk by the traders, and then removed by the commissioner. It is needless to say that a man was appointed, who was capable of interpreting the negotiations to suit the desires of the commissioner.

Henry Harvey states that "on the opening of the council, the commissioner first read a part of his instructions from the President through the Secretary of War, but not all. He then commenced his speech about noon, and continued it until evening, without coming to a close, and finished the next morning. In his speech he told the Indians that they were in a deplorable condition, surrounded by. bad white people, and likely soon to be in a much worse condition ; that the white people were now selling them whiskey which was ruining them; that the game was nearly gone ; that worse than all this, the State of Ohio would soon extend her laws over them, and, in order that they might know the real condition they would be in, he could tell what those laws would be. He said the laws would compel them to pay tax for the benefit of the white people, and allow them no advantages under those laws, or from the money thus paid by them ; that the laws would compel them to work on the public roads in each year; that the laws would be so made that the white people might swear to debts against the Indians and collect them, but that none of them would be allowed to collect a debt by law, unless they could prove it by a white man ; that white men might turn horses and cattle in their grain fields and - destroy it all, but unless they could prove the facts by a white person, they would have no remedy; that they might be beaten or killed by white men - no matter how many Indians were injured - unless they could prove it by a white man, they had, or would have, no remedy. And many other things he said to them in order, no doubt, to induce them to sell on almost any terms he might wish to offer to them, which, when through with these things, he declared that just in that way Georgia had treated the Cherokees; and again assured them that, as sure as they remained here, that the State of Ohio would do as Georgia had done ; that it was a right which was guaranteed to them by the Constitution of the United States, and that Congress would not interfere but leave to the State the right to regulate their own: affairs as they might see proper, etc.

"After he had thus alarmed them in regard to their present and future condition, in case they concluded to adhere to their former resolution of remaining in Ohio, he said he would now tell them that, in case they would now sell their land and go west, that their great father, General Jackson, would make them rich. He told them that there was a good rich country laid off for all the Indians to move to, west of the State of Missouri, purposely for them, which never would be within any state or territory of the United States ; where there was plenty of buffalo, elk, deer ; where they could live well without working at all.

"He told them that if they would sell their land in Ohio, that the Government would give them in exchange, for the land they held in Ohio, one hundred thousand acres of good land, which should be laid off adjoining the tract of fifty miles square, which was ceded to their brethren, the Shawnees, of Missouri,, by Governor Clark, at St. Louis, in the year 1825, and on which they were living. That if they should agree now to sell, that Government would send a surveyor out with them when they removed there, and that they might select the land he now offered them near the Shawnees, who are already there ; that the surveyor would at once survey and mark it out for them, and that Government would make them a good warranty deed for it, so they should hold it forever.

"That the United States (said he,) wanted their land, they were willing that the Shawnees should have all it could be sold for, over and above the cost of surveying and selling it and the cost of removing and feeding them at their new homes, for one year after their arrival in that country ; that as their friends the

Quakers, had erected a grist-mill and saw-mill at Wapakoneta for them, free of cost to the Government, the United States would build, at its own expense, good mills in their new country, in lieu of those they have in Ohio, and pay the Indians in cash, the amount of what good men may adjudge their improvements to be worth, in order to enable them to make improvements at their new homes, and that the Government would give them guns, to kill the game in the prairies ; also tools of every description to work with, and all their lands being over seventy cents per acre the Indians should have, which should be placed in the United States treasury, and five per cent, interest paid them annually, until they may wish to draw the whole sum.

"He concluded by declaring that the Indians never had been honestly treated with, by any man in the United States ; though, said he, he knew that the Indians and whites, too, generally made one exception, and that was, William Penn; but Gardner declared that Penn had basely cheated the Indians out of their lands, and acted no better than a horse-thief. He declared, in conclusion, that if they would now sell their land, that the Government would make them rich ; he then told them that he would leave them and return in about four weeks, when they could return their answer.

"The Shawnees were much divided about selling; those who had made the greatest advancement in improvement were all opposed to the idea of leaving their homes ; but such as were idle, dissipated fellows urged the measure - and those, backed by the traders with bribes, outnumbered the others, and word was conveyed, by a few of the chiefs to the commissioner to come on and close the contract. He accordingly attended, and on the chiefs again assembling, he renewed the same offer as before, and urged them strongly to sell. He told them among other things, that they ought always to listen to the advice of white people, because they were wiser than the red people, as the red people were wiser than the blacks. He said the Great Spirit created them so, as their complexion plainly showed, and more of the like; after again talking the whole day, he concluded in the evening.

"On the day following the close of Gardner's address, Wayweleapy, the Shawnee orator replied to him. Addressing the commissioner, he remarked that in the two days' speech to which they had listened, some things had been said which were very good, but that there had also been things said that were not very good. -Now, for his own part, he said he did not pretend to know much about so great a Being, neither did he intend to make a long speech likje the commissioner had done ; but he did not think his friend knew much about the Great Spirit, from the notions he had about him. Now, said Wayweleapy, I believe that the Great Spirit made all men alike ; but my friend thinks He made three distinct classes of men. He says, to the white man He gave a white skin and a great deal of sense ; to the Indian, a red skin, and a little less sense ; and to the negro a black skin, and a very little sense. Now, said he, is not this a very curious idea about our great Creator? Continuing, he said he did not believe the statement. He believed that the Great Spirit created all men alike, of the same blood, but if he did, as his friend had said, create them so very different that one race was so much superior to the others, how had he found out that it was his own race that was so much wiser than the others were? For his part he did not believe it ; but, if true, it was very likely that it was the Indians who had the most sense given them. But for this part, he believed, as he said before, that all men were created alike, but they became very wicked and very dark for a long time, but at length God placed a great ball of fire in the east (pointing in that direction), which rose higher and higher, and dispelled the darkness, and when it arrived at the highest point in the heavens, burst and entered every one's heart - and from that time, every one is enlightened, and we are still all on the same -equality. These, he said, were his notions about the matter. .

"He then told the commissioner that the Shawnees had agreed to sell their land, if he would give them for it what he had offered them, and in addition, would pay their debts, which was common in Indian treaties.

"The commissioner informed the Indians that he would have a clause in the treaty binding the Government to pay all their debts ; that he would not say what amount was due from them, that was not his business, but he would leave that to the chiefs, and all the debts which they should acknowledge to be just, the Government would pay out of its own money, and not take one >cent from the Shawnees.

up in order, that it was very long, and as it was then late in the day, there would not be time to read it over, but 'he declared that it did contain what he had offered them in every particular. He asked them to come forward and sign it, but they hesitated for a long time, and appeared to fear that all was not right, or he would have read to them the treaty before asking them to sign it, but at length they signed the instrument ; but to the last, they were very obstinate relative to the payment of their debts.''

The treaty, following, taken from the Public Records of Indian Treaties, recorded at Washington, shows how well Gardner complied with his promises :

Sale Of Indian Reservation At Wapakoneta

Articles of agreement and convention made and concluded at Wapaghkonnetta, in the county of Allen, and State of Ohio, on the eighth day of August, in the year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and thirty-one, by and between James B. Gardiner, especially appointed commissioner on the part of the United States, and John McElvain, Indian agent for the Wyandots, Senecas, and Shawnees residing in the State of Ohio, on the one part and the undersigned principal chiefs, head-men, and warriors of the tribe of Shawnee Indians residing at Wapaghkonnetta and Hog Creek, within the territorial limits of the organized county of Allen, in the State of Ohio.

Whereas the President of the United States, under the authority of the act of Congress approved May 28, 1830, has appointed a special commissioner to confer with the different Indian tribes residing within the constitutional limits of the State of Ohio, and to offer for their acceptance the provisions of the before-recited act ; and

Whereas the tribe or band of Shawnee Indians residing at Wapaghkonnetta and on Hog Creek, in the said State, have expressed their perfect assent to the conditions of the said act, and their willingness and anxiety to remove west of the Mississippi River, in order to obtain a more permanent and advantageous home for themselves and their posterity : Therefore,

In order to carry into effect the aforesaid objects, the following articles of convention have been agreed upon by the aforesaid contracting parties, which, when ratified by the President of the United States, by and with the advice and consent of the Senate thereof, shall be mutually binding upon the United States and the said Shawnee Indians :

Article i. The tribe or band of Shawnee Indians residing at Wapaghkonnetta and on Hog Creek, in the State of Ohio, in consideration of the stipulations herein made on the part of the United States, do forever cede, release, and quit-claim to the United States the lands granted to them by patent in fee-simple by the sixth section of the treaty made at the foot of the rapids of the Miami River of Lake Erie, on the 29th day of September, in the year of our Lord 1817, (proclaimed January 4, 1819,) containing one hundred and twenty-five sections or square miles, and granted in two reservations, and described in said sixth section of the aforesaid treaty as follows : "A tract of land ten miles square, the center of which shall be the council-house at Wapaghkonnetta," and "a tract of land containing twenty-five square miles, which is to join the tract granted at Wapaghkonnetta, and to include the Shawnee settlement on Hog Creek, and to be laid off as nearly as possible in a square form, "which said two tracts or reservations of land were granted as aforesaid to the said Shawnee Indians by the patents signed by the Commissioner of the General Land-Office and certified by the Secretary of War, dated the twentieth day of April, 1821. Also, one other tract of land, granted to the said Shawnees by the second article of the treaty made at St. Mary's, in the State of Ohio, on the 17th day of September, (proclaimed January 4, 1819,) in the year 1818, and described therein as follows: "Twelve thousand eight hundred acres of land, to be laid off adjoining the east line of their reserve of ten miles square at Wapaghkonnetta," making, in the whole of the aforesaid cessions to the United States by the aforesaid Shawnees, one hundred and forty-five sections or square miles, which includes all the land now owned or claimed by the said band or tribe of Shawnees in the State of Ohio.

Article 2. In consideration of the cessions stipulated in the foregoing article, the United States agree to cause the said tribe or band of Shawnees, consisting of about four hundred souls, to be removed, in a convenient and suitable manner, to the western side of the Mississippi River, and will grant by patent in fee-simple to them and their heirs forever, as long as they shall exist as a nation and remain upon the same, a tract of land to contain one hundred thousand acres, to be located, under the direction of the President of the United States, within the tract of land equal to fifty miles square, which was granted to the Shawnee Indians of the State of Missouri by the second article of a treaty made at the city of Saint Louis, in said State, with the said Shawnees of Missouri, by William Clark, superintendent of Indian affairs, on the 7th day of November, in the year 1825, and in which it is provided that the grant aforesaid shall be for the Shawnee tribe of Indians within the State of Missouri, "and for those of the same nation now residing in Ohio who may hereafter emigrate to the west of the Mississippi" ; but if there should not be a sufficiency of good land unoccupied by the Shawnee Indians who have already settled on the tract granted as aforesaid by the said treaty of Saint Louis, then the tract of one hundred thousand acres hereby granted to the said Shawnees of Ohio, parties to this compact, shall be located under the direction of the President of the United States on lands contiguous to the said Shawnees of Missouri, or on any other unappropriated lands within the district of country designed for the emigrating Indians of the United States.

Article 3. The United States will defray the expenses of the removal of the said band or tribe of Shawnees, and will, moreover, supply them with a sufficiency of good and wholesome provisions to support them for one year after their arrival at their new residence.

Article 4. Out of the first sales to be made of the lands herein ceded by the said Shawnees, the United States will cause a good and substantial saw-mill and a grist-mill, built in the best manner, and to contain two pair of stones and a good bolting cloth,* to be erected on the lands granted to the said Shawnees west of the Mississippi, and said mills shall be solely for their use and benefit. The United States will, out of the sales of the ceded lands, as aforesaid, cause a blacksmith-shop (to contain all the necessary tools) to be built for the said Shawnees at their intended residence, and a blacksmith shall be employed by the United States, as long as the President thereof may deem proper, to execute all necessary and useful work for said Indians.

Article 5. In lieu of the improvements which have been made on the lands herein ceded, it is agreed that the United States shall advance to the said Shawnees, (for the purpose of enabling them to erect houses and open farms at their intended residence,) the sum of thirteen thousand dollars, to be reimbursed from the sales of the lands herein ceded by them to the United States. A fair and equitable distribution of this sum shall be made by the chiefs of the said Shawnees, with the consent of the people, in general council assembled, to such individuals of their tribe who have made improvements on the lands herein ceded, and may be properly entitled to the same.

Article 6. The farming utensils, live-stock, and other chattel property which the said Shawnees now own, and may not be able to carry with them, shall be sold, under the superintendence of some suitable person, appointed by the Secretary of War for that purpose, and the proceeds paid over to the owners of such property respectively.

Article 7. The United States will expose to public sale,, to the highest bidder, in the manner of selling the public lands, the tracts of land herein ceded by the said Shawnees. And after deducting from the proceeds of such sales the sum of seventy cents per acre, exclusive of the cost of surveying, the cost of the grist-mill, saw-mill, and blacksmith-shop, and the aforesaid sum of thirteen thousand dollars, to be advanced in lieu of improvements, it is agreed that any balance which may remain of the avails of the lands after sale, as aforesaid, shall constitute a fund for the future necessities of said tribe, parties to this compact, on which the United States agree to pay to the chiefs, for the use and general benefit of their people, annually, five per centum on the amount of said balance, as an annuity, said fund to be continued during the pleasure of Congress, unless the chiefs of the said tribe or band, by and with the consent of their people, in general council assembled, should desire that the .fund thus to be created should be dissolved and paid over to them, in which case the President shall cause the same to be so paid, if, in his discretion, he shall believe the happiness and prosperity of said tribe would be promoted thereby.

Article 8. It is agreed that .any annuities accruing to the said band or tribe of Shawnees by former treaties shall be paid to them at their intended residence west of the Mississippi, under the direction of the President.

American Government, and as an earnest of the kind feelings and good wishes of the people of the United States for the future welfare and happiness of the said Shawnees, it is agreed that the United States will give them as presents the following articles, to be fairly divided by the chiefs among their people according to their several necessities, to wit : two hundred blankets, forty ploughs, forty sets of horse-gears, one hundred and fifty hoes, fifty axes, and Russia sheeting sufficient for fifty tents ; the whole to be delivered to them as soon as practicable after their arrival at their new residence, except the blankets and Russia sheeting, which shall be given previously to their removal.

Article io. The lands granted by this agreement and convention to the said band or tribe of Shawnees shall not be sold nor ceded by them, except to the United States. And the United States guarantee that said lands shall never be within the bounds of any State or Territory, nor subject to the laws thereof; and further, that the President of the United States will cause said tribe to be protected at their intended residence against all interruption or disturbance from any other tribe or nation of Indians, or from any other person or persons whatever, and he shall have the same care and superintendence over them in the country to which they are to remove that he has heretofore had over them at their present place of residence.

Article ii. It is understood by the present contracting parties that any claims which Francis Duchouquet may have under former treaties to a section or any quantity of the lands herein ceded to the United States are not to be prejudiced by the present compact, but to remain as valid as before.

Article 12. In addition to the presents given in the ninth article of this convention, it is agreed that there shall also be given to the said Shawnees twenty-five rifle-guns, to be distributed in the manner provided in said ninth article.

Article 13. At the request of the chiefs, there is granted to Joseph Parks, a quarter-blooded Shawnee, one section of land, to contain six hundred and forty acres, and to include his present improvements, at the old town near Wapaghkonnetta, in consideration of his constant friendship and many charitable and valuable services towards the said Shawnees ; and at the request of the chiefs it is also stipulated that the price of an average section of the lands herein ceded shall be reserved in the hands of the Government, to be paid to their friends, the Shawnees who now reside on the river Huron, in the Territory of Michigan, for the purpose of bearing their expenses should they ever wish to follow the Shawnees of Wapaghkonnetta and Hog Creek to their new residence west of the Mississippi.

Article 14. At the request of the chiefs, it is agreed that they shall be furnished with two cross-cut saws for the use of their tribe; and also that they shall receive four grindstones annually for the use of their people, to be charged upon the surplus fund, and they shall further receive, as presents, ten handsaws, ten drawing-knives, twenty files, fifty gimlets, twenty augers of different sizes, ten planes of different sizes, two braces and bits, four hewing-axes, two dozen scythes, five frows, and five grubbing-hoes.

At the conclusion of the negotiations and signing of the treaty, Henry Harvey, by direction of the chiefs, requested the commissioner to furnish him a copy of the treaty. On the day following, Gardiner, while in a semi-drunken condition, prepared an extract from the treaty, purporting to be a true copy of the instrument, and which was so illegibly written that Harvey remarks, " I could make no sense out of it."

Immediately after the treaty had been signed, the traders presented their bills to the Indians, requiring them to certify that each bill was a true and just account of their indebtedness. After all the bills had been certified in this manner, they were presented ito the commissioner, and approved by him. The aggregate of the bills approved, - amounted to twenty thousand dollars. Harvey states that these transactions took place, "when nearly all the parties were in a state of intoxication, except some of those wily traders who had now got their large, and no doubt unjust demands secured, and who, lest their deeds should some day he brought to light, burnt up all their books, and fortified their claims behind the certificates of the Indians and these drunken government officers, and they got their pay, which will be seen in the sequel, and that, too, out of the Shawnees' money, and without their consent."