Bristol County, Massachusetts - Chapter 3: King Philip and Revolutionary Wars, 1924

Both the King Philip and the Revolutionary wars were decisive wars ior New England, though too little heed is given the former as such. When New England historians incline to make short shrift of the Indian War of 1675-6 as one of the many isolated fights of the white men with the Indians, they hasten over the fact that that conflict represented the closing signal of a very old era for the original dwellers, and the opening of a new one for both themselves and the newcomers. It has been suggested in the introductory to this work that, compared with wars as later generations have experienced them, that named for Philip of the Wampanoags consisted of but little besides skirmishes, within this county, at least. Never- theless, in Attleboro bounds, as elsewhere, the days of that age were very dark ones and the nights filled with terror on the part of the few colonists and their families, to whom the reported threats of "killing all and sparing none," as spread broadcast by the natives, had become warnings that all knew would be fulfilled. No longer remained the prudent and restraining régime of Massasoit, who bore and forbade much for the sake of the peace he so desired. Wamsutta, who had disposed of the Attleboro lands, had been dead some years. Captain Thomas Willett, who first bought the territory, and whose counsel might have revoked the hostilities themselves, had died in 1674. The consequence of trespass on the part of some of the white settlers, and of headstrong vengefulness on the part of Philip and his closest friends, was the cause of the descent of war upon the Attleboro plantations as well as throughout the county.

Inevitably, civilization, according to all historical precedent, and in this case as represented by the Plymouth Court, had taken unto itself full authority, an assumption which, though in accordance to the ancient manner of the survival of the fittest, was repellent to those about to surrender the last of their patrimony. It had become an impossible thing that Philip should lay aside his arms, or forbid his people so to do - no one might now prevent war. And so the King Philip conflict ensued when were demolished the final barriers for the march of the new race through New England and eventually across a continent.

Philip would far rather be Metacomet than Philip, and his race Wampanoag rather than Christianized natives. From all the facts that can be gleaned about this period, the land transactions had been made between two impoverished peoples. The Indians had no riches, of course; they were shiftless, and they set small value upon the lands that they sold. The newcomers had no abundant means. They were settlers and home-builders, and they had left their native land to seek freedom from various kinds of tyranny. If we can divert our attention from the luxurious circumstances of the county of today, and recall the barren wilderness - the absolute isolation of that scene from almost every sign and mark of civilization - we may be enabled to sympathize with both those peoples at this crisis. With war fully developed, both white and red races became equally barbaric. It is true that the Indians slew Nathaniel Woodcock, son of the vengeful John Woodcock of Attleboro, and, cutting off his head, exhibited it upon a pole. But it is not a whit less true that white men in Taunton exhibited the head of the Indian princess Weetamoe upon a pole at Taunton Green, to the grief of her people, the prisoners of the white men.

But it was that action of the followers of Philip in Attleboro that roused that settlement; and, on the other hand, John Woodcock from that hour never showed mercy toward an Indian. The incident referred to took place in April, 1676, the remains of Nathaniel Woodcock being buried on the spot where now is the old burying-ground. A_ brother-in-law of Nathaniel also fell in this onslaught, the place then used as a cornfield. When it is understood that the settlement at this time consisted of but twenty-four persons, it will be conceded that the odds might appear against the colonists. As a result of this attack, John Woodcock asked of the government the return of six soldiers who had been withdrawn from the local garrison, and circumstances make it appear that his request was granted. From that time onwards there was no relaxing of the vigilance ot the people of this section, though battle events were comparatively few. The greatest severities of the war were not in this section. But the noted Pierce's fight is often recalled, that occurred here in that part of the town that is now Cumberland, Rhode Island. On March 26, 1676, a real battle occurred at that point.

This conflict was an ambuscade, rather than an open set-to, and as a result of it the colony was the loser by about one-third of its fighting force. The militia had not sufficiently informed themselves of the Indian methods of warfare; and according to the historical narration they let ' themselves into a trap from which there was absolutely no escape for the most of them. It was Captain Michael Pierce who proved himself a hero at this period of New England history. In the lead of sixty-three Englishmen and twenty Indians from the cape, he was ordered to provide general defence for the settlements. Pursuing his way through Rehoboth to a point near to Hermit Blackstone's "Study Hill,' he came upon a party of wary Red Men who by a pretense drew the small English force into the midst of some five hundred Indians who were in command of Canonchet. There was no getting away from the results of this manoeuvre. Here, the white men who had come to the defence of the colonists faced the greatest of odds, most of them falling in the fight; and again, when four hundred Indians, so runs the account, came up to re-enforce the others, it was then all up with Pierce and most of his brave comrades. There was neither progress nor retreat for the colonial militia, and after a courageous stand of two hours, Captain Pierce and fifty-five English and ten Cape Indians were killed. Authorities claim that the loss of the natives was one hundred and forty. Messages had been sent to Providence for help, but without result. A letter, now the property of the Worcester Antiquarian Society, is extant, that was written March 27, 1679, by Rev. Noah Newman, second minister at Rehoboth, that makes reference to this fight, and that names a number of the English that were engaged in it. Rehoboth colonists were the first to respond to the call for assistance, but the fight had taken place too quickly, and the smaller party of white men had met defeat and death.

The account of the "Nine Men's Misery" incident, then placed within the Attleboro bounds, also relates immediately to this period and this | event. A heap of stones at the present Cumberland, Rhode Island, shows the spot where nine men fell at the hand of Indians. The former had strayed from a larger party, and while surprising and attacking a smaller force of Indians were themselves overcome by another party of Red Men. They sold their lives dearly, with their backs to the rock near which they were afterwards buried. It is the belief of John Daggett, historian, confirmed by contemporary evidence, that the nine men were of those who had escaped from Pierce's fight. Cumberland, where these affairs took place, was separated from Attleboro and became a part of Rhode Island in 1745. Previously known as Attleboro Gore, it had comprised about onehalf the original town. It was in August, 1676, that the renowned fight was closed with the capture of Anawan at Rehoboth.

Attleboro in the Revolution. - Attleboro, having performed her part in the subjugation of the wandering earlier owners of this territory, was now about to share in that other war, for absolute independence - the Revolution, whose event should detach from America her yokel obligations to burdens of unnecessary taxation. "Dutiful and loyal subjects' were the townsmen here, in common with the men of Taunton and elsewhere, when they sounded the first public note of self-defense in their expostulations with the crown and its representatives. 'The colony-wide denunciation of the methods of the paternal government overseas was adopted here and given expression to in terms of Attleboro's own selection, and that foretold nothing less than the ultimate struggle for freedom. '"Dutiful and loyal subjects" these townsfolk would continue to be up to that moment, but their patience was strained to the breaking-point.

The resultant note of Attleboro town meeting of July 18, 1773, must always be referred to as one of the great climacteric incidents in this town's story - the daring address that was forwarded thence to the patriotic committee in Boston proving second to none among the scores of township declarations of rights that were being poured in at that period. 'We esteem our privileges tantamount to our lives,' ran the Attleboro statement, "and the loss of tiem death, in consequence."

Five stout-hearted men formed the bulwark of the town's safety just then, to stand nobly by that declaration, and to make preparations for the inevitable task to be undertaken. 'Those men were Mr. Edward Richards, Deacon Eben Lane, Captain John Daggett, Lieutenant Moses Wilmarth, Mr.. Elisha May. ~These men were singled out for their work in September, 1744, and in the same month, the intrepid Captain Daggett was elected a representative to the General Court at Salem, and the no less intrepid Deacon Lane a committeeman for the Provincial Congress in October. Events now moved along with patriotic speed, for in December the town voted to stand by the rulings of the Continental and Provincial Congresses, and to treat all who refused to comply as "infamous persons." At this meeting, also, a superior and an inferior court were established to determine with regard to any controversies that might be brought up. The superior judges, as appointed, were Deacon Lane, Colonel John Daggett, Captain John Stearns, Captain Moses Wilmarth, Dr. Bezaliel Mann. The inferior judges were Mr. Edward Richards, Lieutenant Elkanah Wilmarth, Captain Jacob Ide, Captain Stephen Richardson, Mr. Elisha May, Captain John Tyler, Mr. William Stanley. . Besides these, thirteen men were appointed as a committee of inspection regarding the use of India tea in the town. The committee of correspondence, inspection and safety was similar as to the official duties to those' of any other town in the county. They were appointed each successive year until the close of the war, new names of patriots being added now and then; and they were as thorough and impartial in their methods as their co-workers in every town in the Province. Such men as Colonel John Daggett and Captain John Stearns represented the town at the Provincial Congress: and it must be granted that a noble stand was taken when on that occasion in May, 1776, a committee of the townsmen counselled their representative, Captain Stearns, in this manner: "If the Continental Congress should think it best to declare for independency of Great Britain, we unanimously desire you for | us to engage to defend them therein with our lives and fortunes." independence, and of devoted pledges to the new government that was rapidly asserting itself. The warrant for the town meeting of October, 1776, for the first time was pronounced in the name of the State and people of Massachusetts Bay - no longer in "his majesty's name. And the fervent desire for the union of States was approved and forwarded in the popular sentiment included in the instructions given Captain Stearns and William Stanley: "We shall rejoice at the arrival of the happy hour when the Independent States of North America have a union established upon equitable terms, to continue as long as the sun and moon endure."

The local committee of safety were always alert with the proffer and use of their services, and under the direction of Colonel John Daggett their action was concentrated and effective - for example, as with his company he visited and warned the Tory, Nathan Aldis of Franklin, to put a stop to his selling British goods; and on another occasion when he went to zissonet and there took charge of forty stands of arms, as well as of a quantity of ammunition that was in the possession of Tories, at the same time causing nine Tories to swear allegiance to their country.

The town as a whole was on the march Revolutionward. The enthusiasm of the hour was not confined to the few. On the day of the battle of Lexington, sixty minute-men of Attleboro, with Lieutenant Enoch Robinson in command, marched to Roxbury. Thereafter, relay after relay of the patriots were raised and went their way to perform whatsoever service they might be allotted to; such as when a company of sixty-four men enlisted May 1, 1775, under Captain Caleb Richardson for eight months' service in the "Massachusetts line," with their station at Roxbury; and in July, 1776, when Captain Caleb Richardson and Lieutenant Stephen Richardson, both of Attleboro, had charge of the five months' recruits, called the "new levies,' and who had enlisted mostly from Attleboro. Then, too, there was the company raised in Norton and Attleboro in September, 1776, under Captain Elisha May, in the regiment of Colonel Thomas Carpenter of Rehoboth, that served at White Plains. An entire company from Attleboro, under command of Captain Stephen Richardson served one. month in Spencer's "Secret Expedition" in Rhode Island in October, 1777. Captain Moses Wilmarth served as a private soldier, and Joe Read was wounded while taking part in the expedition with the regiment of Colonel | Carey of Middleboro in and about New York.

Quite a number drafted from here took part in the Ticonderoga Expedition in 1776, serving also at Saratoga, while of course there were many individual enlistments from Attleboro in the army throughout the war. Many men from here were drafted to the defence of Rhode Island in 1776, and during the winter, spring and summer of 1777 - the Attleboro soldiers generally being stationed at Howland's Ferry, and at Warwick. Colonel Daggett of the Fourth Regiment, which included Attleboro, Mansfield, Norton and Easton, was ordered in August, 1778, to take charge of re-enforcements during General Sullivan's expedition to Rhode Island, that detachment consisting of nine hundred men. Attleboro's quota therein was commanded by Captain Caleb Richardson. Colonel Daggett was also in command of the Bristol County regiment in Spencer's Expedition. The muster rolls and the pay rolls of the Revolution at the State House in Boston contain the lists of all the Attleboro men who served in the Revolu-

In the Fourth Regiment, of which John Daggett, ancestor of the historian, was colonel, Ephraim Lane was lieutenant-colonel; Isaac Dean was first major; Elkahnah Clapp was second major. Captain Ide's company had fifty-three men, including officers; Captain Richardson's minute company sixty, including officers; Captain Stanley's company fifty-five including officers; Captain Wilmarth's minute company fifty-six men - making a total of 225 men from this town, besides the commander. These were men well fitted for their times and the calls that were made upon leaders and men, and their names are held in high regard for their daring and for their readiness to serve at the critical period in which they lived.

In the War of 1812-1814, the State archives furnish the names of no contingent of soldiery sent from Attleboro as a town; there was practically no action on the part of this town during that war. There is not the slightest doubt that had Attleboro been called upon at that time, her response would have been as generous and unanimous, as upon all other occasions of war in which she shared so heartily.