Essex County, Massachusetts - Chapter 3: The Story of the Planters - Part Ii, 1922

Salem, the "City of Peace" - -The First Settlers under Roger Conant - Account by William Wood in his "New England's Prospect" - John Endicott's Company - The First Council - Third Migration to Salem in 1629 - Record of the Voyage and List of Those Who Came.

Salem, the "City of Peace," embodies in the name the spirit of Roger Conant, the founder of this historic Puritan community. The plantation at Cape Ann had proved a failure, owing in great degree to the lack of fertility of the soil at the point chosen. Conant, as Hubbard states, "disliked the place as much as the adventurers disliked the business; and therefore in the meanwhile had made some inquiry into a more commodious place near adjoining, on the other side of a creek, called Naumkeag, a little to the westward, where was much better encouragement as to the design of a plantation, than that which they had attempted upon before at Cape Anne." Hubbard further says of Conant: "Secretly conceiving in his mind, that in th^ following times (as since is fallen out) it might prove a receptacle for such, as upon the account of religion, would be willing to begin a foreign plantation in this part of the world, of which he gave some intimation to his friends in England. Whereupon that reverend person Mr. White (under God one of the chief founders of the Massachusetts Colony in New England) being grieved in his spirit that so good a work should be suffered to fall to the ground by the adventurers thus abruptly breaking off, did write to Mr. Conant not to desert his business; faithfully promising, that if himself with three others (whom he knew to be honest and prudent men) viz: John

A chart of Massachusetts Bay ; drawn about 1634, on a scale of 2^ Italian miles, by estimation, to an inch. Size 2 ft. x 1 ft. 3 in. [Add 5415 g. in]. . The letter B in the map shows the location of the John Humphrey house in what is now

Woodberry, John Balch, and Peter Palfreys,* employed by the adventurers, would stay at Naumkeag, and give timely notice thereof, he would provide a patent for them, and likewise send them whatever they should write for, either men or provisions, or goods wherewith to trade with the Indians. Answer was returned that they would all stay on those terms, entreating that they might be encouraged accordingly; yet it seems, before they received any return according to their desires, the last three mentioned began to recoil, and repenting of their engagement to stay at Naumkeag, for fear of the Indians, and the other inconveniences, resolved rather to go to Virginia, especially because Mr. Lyford, their minister, upon a loving invitation, was thither bound. But Mr. Conant, as one inspired by some superior instinct, though never so earnestly pressed upon to go along with them, peremptorily declared his mind to wait the providence of God in that place, where now they were, yea, though all the rest forsook him; not doubting, as he said, but if they departed he should soon have more company. The other three, observing his confident resolution, at last concun-ed v/ith him, and soon after sent back John Woodbury to England, to procure necessaries for a plantation. But that God, v/ho is ready to answer His people before they call, as He had filled the heart of that good man Mr. Conant, in New England, with courage and resolution to abide fixed in his purpose, notwithstanding all opposition and persuasion he met with to the contrary, had also inclined the hearts of several others in England about the same design." Roger Conant tells us, in his own words, how near this settlement came to being abandoned. In a petition to the General Couii;, he wrote: "Being one of the first, if not the very first, that resolved and made good any settlement, under God, in matter of plantation, with my family, in this Colony of Massachusetts Bay, and have been instrumental both for the founding and carrying on of the same. When in the infancy thereof, it was in great hassard of being deserted. I was the means, through grace assisting me, to stop the flight of those few that then were heere with me, and that, by my utter denial, to goe away with them who would haue gone either for England, or mostly for Virginia, but thereupon staid to the hassard of our lives." Conant's heroic determination to "hold on" is typified in his bronze statue in Washington Square, Salem; he firmly grasps the sturdy oak and stands in the face of the strong winds of adversity.

*Richard Brackenbury, in a deposition, mentioned the names of others who came to Salem with the above-named early planters: "old Goodman Norman, and son, William Allen, Walter Knight and others."

Thomas Gardner was in all probability one of these "others." He had been, as shown above, the first overseer at Cape Ann, and his name appears in the very earliest records of Salem. At a meeting of the London Company, held July 28, 1629, Mr. Webb mentioned "one Mr. Gardner, an able & expert man in divers faccultyes."

Hubbard, who was an intimate friend of Roger Conant, and who undoubtedly obtained his information from him, states that the settlement was made "oji the other side of a creek called Naumkeag." The choice of the western side of the creek (which is now spanned by the Salem-Beverly bridge) was in all probability made by Conant, in order to avoid any complications on account of the Mason claims, which named the tenitory between the river and the Merrimack. He likewise took care to avoid any conflict with the natives, as Humphrey Woodbury shows in a deposition as follows: "The Indians were glad of the colojiists company, planted by them, and came to them for protection against their Indian enemy up country, and we did shelter them when they fled, and we did have their free leave to build and plant, where we had taken up their lands." William Dixey, in a deposition, gave similar testimony concerning the harmony existing between the early planters and the Indians. The exact point of settlement of the planters when they came to Naumkeag is not definitely known, but there is excellent reason for believing that the first houses were erected on the southern side of the North river on the shore of the cove at the foot of what is now appropriately named Conant street and to the west of the present March street. Mr. Sidney Perley, in his papers on "Salem Before 1700," showed that many houses stood here early in the 17th century, and that an old road ran along on the shore of the North river in that locality. The old "Planter's Marsh" was between this site and the nearby Collins Cove. The present Planters street runs through this last-named section. The description of the little settlement, given by William Wood in his "New England's Prospect," published in 1634, tends strongly to confirm belief in the above location as the true one:

Four miles northeaft from Saugus lieth Salem, which ftands on the middle of a neck of land very pleafantly, having a fouth river on the one fide, and a north river on the other fide; upon this neck where moft of the houfes ftand is very bad and fandy ground, yet for feven years together it hath brought forth exceeding good com, with being fifhed but every third year; in fome places is very good ground, and good timber, and divers fprings hard by the fea fide. Here likewise is ftore of fifh, as Baffes, Eels, Lobsters, Clams, etc.

Although their land is none of the beft, yet beyond thefe rivers is a very good foil, where they have taken farms, and get their hay, and plant their com; there they crofs thefe rivers with fmall canoes, which are made of whole pine trees, being about two feet and an half over, and twenty feet long; in thefe they likewife go a fowling, fometimes two leagues to fea; there be more canoes in this town, than in all the whole patent; every houfehold having a water horfe or two.

This town wants an Alewife river, which is a great inconvenience; it hath two good harbours, the one being winter, the other fummer harbours, which lyeth within Derbin's fort, which place if it were well fortified, might keep fhips from landing of forces in any of thofe two places. (The author of the above, probably left New England in 1633.)

The first houses were undoubtedly built close to the shore for greater safety in case of Indian attack, and the canoes were their most common means of intercourse. The members of the little colony of planters were building, planting and fishing, in their endeavor to establish themselves, and in the meantime important events were transpiring in England. The Council, which had been established at Plymouth, England, and incorporated November 3, 1620, "for the planting, ruling, ordering and governing of New England," sold in March, 1627, the following territory: "That part of New England three miles north of the Merrimack and three miles south of the Charles River in the bottom of the Massachusetts Bay." The purchasers were "some knights and gentlemen about Dorchester, viz., Sir Henry Roswell, Sir John Young, Knights, Thomas Southcoat, John Humphrey, John Endicott and Simon Whitcome, Gent." Reverend John White, the patriarch of Dorchester, England, tells us in his own quaint diction, the way in which the interest of these gentlemen was enlisted in this enterprise. I quote from his "Brief Relation," printed in 1630.

Some then of the adventurers that still continued their desire to set forward the plantation of a Colony there, conceiving that if more cattle were sent over to those few men left behind, they might not only be a means of the comfortable subsisting of such as were already lai the country, but of inviting some other of their friends and acquaintance to come over to them, adventured to send over twelve kine and bulls more; and conferring casually with some gentlemen in London, moved them to add unto them as many more. By which occasion, the business came to agitation afresh in London, and being at first approved by some and disliked by others, by argument and disputation it grew to be more vulgar; insomuch that some men showing some good affection to the work, and offering the help of their purses if fit men might bo procured to go over, inquiry was made whether any would be willing to engage their persons in the voyage. By this inquiry it fell out that among others they lighted at last on Master Endicott, a man well known to idavers persons of good note, who manifested much willingness to accept this oifer as soon as it was tendered; which gave great encouragement to such as were upon the point of resolution to set on this work of erecting a new Colony upon the old foundation. Hereupon divers persons having subscribed for the raising of a reasonable sum of money, a patent was granted with large encouragements every way by his most excellent Majesty.

This company under the direction of John Endicott, sailed from Weymouth, England, June 20, 1628, in the ship "Abigail," commanded by Captain Henry Gauden, or Godden, and arrived at Naumkeag on the 6th of September. We have abundant contemporary evidence of the date of the arrival. Rev. John White, in the "Planter's Plea," above quoted, stated that Endicott arrived "in September, 1628, and uniting his own men with those which were formerly planted in the country into one body, they made up in all not much above fifty or sixty persons." Governor Dudley, in a letter written to the Countess of Lincoln, March 12, 1630, in referring to the year 1628, wrote: "And the fame year we fent Mr. John Endicott and some with him, to begin a plantation; and to ftrengthen fuch as he fhould find there, which we fent thiether from Dorchester, fome places adjoyning; from whom the fame year receiving hopeful news." Governor Bradford, in his "letter book," after referring to some people who were sent to Plymouth from Leyden in 1629, wrote: "as the Lord fent thefe unto us, both to their and our comfort, fo at the fame time he fent many other godly perfons into the land, as the beginning of a plentiful harveft, as will appear more fully hereafter; So as the delay of our friends was now recompenfed with a large increafe, to the honour of God and joy of all good men; thefe began to pitch at Nahumkeak, fince called Salem, to which place v/as come in the latter end of lummer before, a worthy gentlemen, Mr. John Endicott by name, and fome others with him, to make fome preparation for the reft." Governor Bi^dford again mentions the historical position of this settlement in his "Verse on New England," reprinted in the publications of the Massachusetts Historical Society :

Almost ten years we lived here alone In other places there were few or none For Salem was the next of any fame, That began to augment New England's name.

Another very interesting bit of evidence regarding the coming of the Endicott party is the following extract from the records of the Governor and Company of the Massachusetts Bay in New England: "This day dd a warrant to Mr. George Harwood, Threr, to pay Mr. Barnard Mitchell one hundred pounds, in pte of the

"Unfortunately the space resen-^ed for the number of persons in the above document was not filled out, and so we are in doubt in regard to the exact numerical strength of the company, which was evidently a small one. Deputy Governor Dudley stated that there came "Mr, John Endecott and some with him." The Reverend John

He later stated that "uniting his own men with those which were formerly planted in the country into one body, they made up in all not much above fifty or sixty persons." Hubbard probably received his knowledge of this early period from Roger Conant, and his allusion to the Endicott Company is therefore especially interesting. He wrote in his "Narrative": "With Mr. Endicot in the year 1628, came

Mr. Gotte, Mr. Brackenbury, Mr. Davenport and others, who being added to Capt. Trask and John Woodberry (that was before this time returned with a comfortable answer to them that sent him over) v/ent on comfortably together to make preparation for the new Colony." ^

We learn from Hubbard in the last quotation that Messrs. Gott, Brackenbury and Davenpoii; came with Endicott and "some others." The Spragues (Ralph, Richard and William) have been placed by Felt and others as members of this company, and the omission of their names in the above list of Hubbard's caused Alexander Young in his ''Chronicles" to assert that the claim was therefore invalidated. In the opinion of the writer, this does not necessarily follow. The Spragues may have been included in "the others" referred to, but not named. We know from a statement in the Charlestown records that the three Sprague brothers "arrived at Salem at their own charge." They might easily have paid their passage on the "Abigail," been included in the "others" referred to, and had their names omitted, as they were neither the employees of the company nor passengers at the company's expense.

John Woodbuiy, as we have stated in the "Founders of the Massachusetts Bay Colony," was one of the Cape Ann Planters who was sent back to England to procure supplies, returning to Naumkeag in 1628, before Endicott arrived. The manner in which Hubbard has coupled Captain Trask's name with Woodbury's leads us to think that in all probability Captain Trask came over with Woodbury when he returned hither. We believe that Trask came before Endicott.

The old planters who had come to Naumkeag two years before and had enjoyed their freedom under the mild domination of their peace-loving leader, Roger Oonant, naturally chafed under the sterner rule of John Endicott. The chief bone of contention was the question of raising tobacco. Captain Endicott having been instructed not to allow any one to cultivate it, while the old planters had raised it for two years. This controversy resulted in the giving of special concessions to the earlier settlers, as Endicott received instructions from England to allow the Old Planters to cultivate it, and this privilege was renewed later. Hubbard tells us that the disagreement was "by

Rev. John White wrote that when the name was changed from Naumkeag to Salem, it was done "upon a fair ground, in remembrance of a peace settled upon a conference at a general meeting between them and their neighbors, after expectance of some dangerous jar."

The care exercised by the authorities of the company in England to guard the interests of the Old Planters was marked and was a substantial recognition of the value of these men. In the first letter of general instruction to Endicott, he was informed that they were

"content they shall be partakers of such privileges as we, from his Majesty's especial grace, with great cost, favor of personages of note, and much labor, have obtained; and that they shall be incorporated into this Society, and enjoy not only these lands which formerly they have manured, but such further proportion as by the advice and judgment" of Endicott and the rest of the Council, should be thought fit. They told him further that it was their purpose that the Planters too much to take thirty per cent, and the freight of the goods for and in consideration of our adventure and disbursement of our moneys, to be paid in beaver at six shillings per pound, that you moderate the said rate, as you with the rest of the Council shall think to be agreeable to equity and good conscience." They wrote that they would "unwillingly do any act in debarring such as were inhabitants before us of that trade, as in conscience they ought to enjoy." They also provided for the participation of the Old Planters in the government by voting that "such of the said former planters as are willing to live within the limits of our Plantation, shall be enabled and are hereby authorized, to make choice of two, such as they shall think fit, to supply and make up the number of twelve of the said Council."

The necessity of peaceful co-operation for the common good evidently had much to do with the rapid disappearance of animosities. The fear of the Indians was evidently one factor, as the following quotation from a letter written by Rev. Thomas Cobbett to Increase Mather will show:

About ye yeare 1628 when those few yt came out with Colonel Indecot and began to settle at Nahumkeick, now called Salem, and in a manner all so seek of ye journey, that though they had both small and great guns, and powder and bullets for ym, yet had not strength to manage ym if suddenly put upon It, and tidings being certainly brought ym on a Lord's day morning yt a thousand Indians from Sugust were coming against ym to cut ym off, they had much adoe amongst ym all to charge two or three of ye great iguns and trail ym to a place of advantage where ye Indians must pass to ym aJid there to shoot ym off, when they heard their noise they made in ye woods, yt ye Indians drew near, ye noise of which great artillery to which ye Indians were never wonted before, did occasionally (by ye good hand of God) strike such dread into ym yt by some lads, which lay as scouts in ye woods, they were heard to reiterate that outcrie (O Obbomock) and then fled confused back with all speed when none pursued.

Sickness from scurvy and other disorders weakened the strength of the company and made it still more necessary that they should live on as good terms with each other as possible. Endicott perfoiTned excellent service for the little band and when upon learning that they had at Plymouth in the person of Doctor Samuel Fuller, a very skilful man, sent to the governor there and asked that he be sent to Salem. The request was granted, to the great relief of the settlei's, and later

Endicott in a letter to Bradford wrote, "I acknowledge myself much bound to you for your kind love and care in sending Mr. Fuller amongst us."

Morton and his people at Merry Mount added still further to Endicott's troubles and he administered summary justice. Endicott had a double right to interfere with these men in their illicit traffic with the Indians and their questionable festivities about the May-pole. Not only was the ground on which Morton's men lived within the ten-itory covered by his patent, but he was instructed in the first letter that if "necessity require a more severe course, when fair means will not prevail," to deal with such people as his discretion should think "fittest for the general good and safety of the Plantation."

In order that the power oif the company might be strengthened in the territory about Boston Bay, Endicott was instructed to send forty or fifty persons to inhabit about there as soon as they should arrive on the ships which were being fitted out. All men who desired to "settle themselves there, or to send sei-vants thither," were to be given "all accommodation and encouragement." Endicott was instructed however, in the case of Englishmen whom he found planted there, and who were willing to live under the govei-nment, "to endeavour to give them all fitting and due accommodation as to any of ourselves; yea, if you see cause for it, though it be with more than ordinary privileges in point of trade." Thus we see again the great care which they exercised in their endeavors to avoid conflicts. This was also shown in the instructions concerning their dealing with the Indians. The same letter contained the following: "If any of the salvages pretend right of inheritance to all or any part of the lands granted in our patent, we pray you endeavour to purchase their title, that we may avoid the least scruple of intrusion." Young states that these instructions were literally observed, and quotes a letter from the provincial authorities to the home government in 1767, as follows : "We are satisfied there are no complaints against this Province by his Majesty's agents for Indian affairs; and that no settlements have been made or attempted by us without proper authority. It is with much pleasure we remind your Excellency, and infonn the world, that greater care was taken of the Indians by our pious ancestors during the old charter, and by this government under the new, even to this day, than was ev«r required of us by the British government." Endicott was ordered "if it might be conveniently done, to compound and conclude with them all, (the Indians) or as many as you can, at one time, not doubting by your discreet ordering of this business, the natives will be willing to treat and compound with you on very easy conditions."

The powers vested in Endicott by the company were paternal as well as governmental, and thus his duties were greatly augmented. Every man was required to have some definite occupation, and it was the business of the local authorities to see that he employed himself diligently in it. No drones were to be permitted to live in the precincts. Paternalism did not stop even here, and it is a matter of sincere regret to all students of this early period that the following instmction was not candied out to the letter: "The course we have prescribed for keeping a daily register in each family, of what is done by all and every person in the family, will be a great help and remembrance to you, and to future posterity for the upholding and continuance of this good act, if once well begun and settled; which we heartily wish and desire, as aforesaid." In the matter of indulgence in alcoholics, this same fatherly oversight was to be exercised, and Endicott was directed that if any should "exceed in that inordinate kind of drinking as to become drunk," he should "take care his punishment be made exemplary for all others."

Great care was taken that these rules should be generally known, and Endicott was told to "Let the laws be first published to forbid these disorders, and all others you fear may grow up; whereby they may not pretend ignorance of the one nor privilege to offend ; and then fear not to put good laws, made upon good ground and warrant in due execution."

At a meeting of the company in England, held April 30, 1629, John Endicott was chosen Governor, with Messrs. Higginson, Skelton, Bright, John and Samuel Brown, Thomas Graves and Samuel Shaii) as members of the Council. The Governor and Council were to choose three more and the Planters two in addition. The official name of this governing body of thirteen men was the "Governor and Council of London's Plantation in the Massachusetts Bay in New England." His election as Governor was announced to him in a letter from the company, dated May 28, 1629, which read as follows: "Wee have sithence our last and according as we then advised, at a full and ample Court assembled, elected and established you. Captain Endecott, to the place of the present Govemour of our Plantation there, and as also some others to be of the Council with you, as more particularly you will perceive by an Act of Court herewith sent, confirmed by us at a General Court, and sealed with our common seal." The oath administered to Governor Endicott was as follows:

You shall be faithful and loyal unto your Sovereign Lord, the King's Majesty, and to his heirs and successors. You shall support and maintain, to your power, the government and company of the Mattachusetts Bay, in New England, in America,, and the privileges of the same, having no singular regard to yourself in derogation or hindrance of the common wealth of this Company; and to every person under your authority you shall administer indifferent and equal justice. Statutes and ordinancys shall you none make without the advice and consent of the Council for the government of the Mattachusetts Bay in New-England. You shall admit none into the freedom of this Company but such as may claim the same by virtue of the privileges thereof. You shall not bind yourself to enter into any business or process for or in the name of this Company, without the consent and agreement of the Council aforesaid, but shall endeavour faithfully and carefully to carry yourself in this place and office of Governor, as long as you shall continue in it. And likewise you shall do your best endeavour to draw the natives of this country, called New England, to the knowledge of the True God, and to conserve the planters and others coming hither, in the same knowledge and fear of God. And you shall endeavour, by all good means, to advance the good of the Plantations of this Company, and you shall endeavour the raising of such commodities for the benefit and encouragement of the adventurers and planters as, through God's blessing on your endeavours, may be produced for the good and service of the kingdom of England, this Company and their Plantations. All these premises you shall hold and keep to the uttermost of your power and skill, so long as you shall continue in the place of Governor of this fellowship. So help you God!

The oath administered to the members of the Council was similar but shorter. Richard Brackenbury, one of the men who came with Endicott, deposed: "that Mr. Endicott, when he arrived hither, took possession of Cape Ann, and in the course of the year, had the house built there, pulled down for his own use and also took possession of Cape Ann side, and soon after laid out lots for tillage there" (the present Beverly) .

We have seen above that the second migration to Salem under Endicott was a marked advance in matter of equipment and financial support over the little band of planters who came to Salem from Cape Ann in 1626 under Roger Conant, and the third company under the Revs. Higginson and Skelton in 1629 was a vast deal better supplied than either of the others had been. The fact that the shrewd men of means in England were willing to invest large sums for the equipment of this third company was a most eloquent tribute to the industry and fortitude of the hardy men who had preceded them to the wilderness and had demonstrated that New England was a region of great possibilities. White, in his "Brief Relation," written in 1630, proves this connection when he writes that "His (Endicott's) prosperous journey, and safe arrival of himself and all his company, and good report which he sent back of the countiy, gave such encouragement to the work, that more adventurers joining with the first undertakers, and all engaging themselves more deeply for the prosecution of the design, they sent over the next year about three hundred persons more. ... By this time the often agitation of this affair in sundry parts of the kingdom, the good report of Captain Endicott's government, and the increase of the Colony, began to awaken the spirits of some persons of competent estates, not formerly engaged."

Governor Endicott, in his first letter to the officers of the company in England, dated September 13, 1628, and received by them February 13, 1628-9, requested that more men and supplies and stock be sent over, for Governor Craddock in his reply, dated February 16,

1628-9, wrote: "to give you hearty thanks for your large advice contained in this your letter, which I have fully imparted unto them, and further to certify to you that they intend not to be wanting by all good means to further the plantation. To which purpose (God willing), you shall hear more at large (from) them, and that speedily; there being one ship bought for the Company, of 100 tons, and two others hired, of about 200 tons each of them, one of 19, and the other 20 pieces of ordnance ; besides, not unlike, but one other vessel shall come in company with these; in all which ships, for the general stock and for particular adventures, there is likely to be sent thither 'twixt 2 and 300 persons (we hope to reside there), and about 100 head of cattle." He mentioned the fact that he had forwarded to Governor Endicott in November, 1628, by Mr. Allerton, a letter, in which he stated that the company desired Endicott to provide "convenient housing fit to lodge as many as you can against they do come; and withal what beaver, or other commondities, or fish, (if you have the means to preserve it) can be gotten ready to return in the aforesaid ships; likewise wood, if no better lading be to be had; . . . whereby our ships, whereof two are to return back directly hither, may not come wholly empty." In closing, he wrote: "And so till my next, which shall be, (God willing) by our ships, who I make account will be ready to set sail from here about the 20th of this next month of March." As a matter of record, however, they did not sail until the middle of April. In the above-mentioned letter Governor Craddock states that "It is fully resolved, by God's assistance, to send over two ministers, at the least, with the ships now intended to be sent thither." He mentioned Mr. Peters, but stated that "he is now in Holland, from whence his return hither I hold to be uncertain. Those we send you, shall be by the approbation of Mr. White, of Dorchester, and Mr. Davenport."

The records of the company show that at a meeting held March 23, 1628, "intimation was given by Mr. Nowell, by letters from Mr. Isaac Johnson, that Mr. Higgeson, of Leicester, an able minister, proffers to go to our plantation; who being approved for a reverend, grave minister, fit for our present occasions, it was thought by those present to entreat Mr. John Humf ry to ride to Leicester, and if Mr. Higgeson may conveniently be had to go this present voyage, that he should deal with him ; first, if his remove from hence be without scandal to that people, and approved by consent of some of the best affected among them, with the approbation of Mr. Hildersham, of Ashby-de-la-Zouch." This Mr. Hildersham referred to, has been called "a great and shining light of the Puritan party, and justly celebrated for his singular learning and piety." Mr. Higginson was found to be satisfactory to all concerned. In the letter of instructions to Governor Endicott, he was described as a "grave man, and of worthy commendations." Concerning the other leader of this company, we read in the same letter: "One of them is well known to yourself, viz., Mr. Skelton, whom we have rather desired to bear a part in this work, for that we are informed yourself have formerly received much good by his ministry." A third minister was sent in the employ of the company, "Mr. Bright, some times trained up under Mr. Davenport."

Other prominent men selected to go were : Mr. Samuel Sharp, "by us entertained to be master-gunner of our ordnance;" Mr. Thomas Graves, the engineer, "a man commended to us as well for his honesty, as skill in many things very useful ;" and Lambert Wilson, chirurgeon, "to remain with you in the sei-vice of the Plantation." The large majority .of the men selected to come were artisans, such as caii)enters, shipwrights, wheelwrights, shoemakers, hunters, and others whose labors would be of especial value in the establishment of a permanent settlement. The company was said (in a quotation which Prince gives) to number "Sixty women and maids, 26 children, and 300 men, with victuals, arms, apparel, tools, 140 head of cattle, &c., in the Lord Treasurer's warrant." The early spring days of 1629 must have been exceedingly busy ones for the promoters of this enterprise, who were purchasing and loading supplies of all kinds. Space forbids us to give more than brief mention of the many articles which appear in the lists made out by Mr. Washburne, the secretary. Great skill and foresight was displayed in the make-up of the cargoes. The ships were ballasted with "2 loads of chalk, 10 thousand of bricks, 5 chaldrons of sea-coals, nails, one ton of iron, 2 fagots of steel, 1 fodder (about 1600 to 2000 pounds) of lead, 1 barrel of red lead, with salt, sail-cloth and copper."

Articles o£ wearing apparel for 100 men were purchased, which included 400 pairs of shoes, 300 pairs of stockings, 200 suits of doublets and hose of leather, lined with oilskin leather, 100 waistcoats of green cotton bound with red tape, 500 red knit caps and many other things in proportion. The soldiers were to wear the following uniforms, of which one hundred were sent: 100 mandalions lined with white cotton, breeches and waist coats, and leather doublets and hose. For the military equipment of these hundred fighting men, they provided 3 drums, 2 ensigns, 2 partisans for captain and lieutenant, 3 halberds for three sergeants, 90 muskets of various kinds specified, 10 fowling pieces, 90 bandoliers for the muskets each with a bullet bag, 10 horn flasks for the long fowling-pieces, 100 swords and belts, 60 corslets, 60 pikes, twenty half pikes, 8 pieces of land ordnance fai- the fort,' 12 barrels of powder, 900 pounds of shot, and great shot in proportion to the ordnance. The list of provisions included 45 tuns of beer, 22 hogsheads of beef, 40 bushels of pease, 10 firkins of butter and many other articles too numerous to mention.

the welfare and preservation of New England. The beginning of this record contains so much of interest that I will quote from it as follows :

The company of New England consisting of many worthy gentlemen in ye citty of London, Dorchester & other places, ayming at ye glory of God, ye propagacon of ye gospell of Christ, ye conversion of ye Indians, & ye enlargemt of ye Kings maties dominions in America, & being authorised by his royall letters patent for yt end, at their very great costs & chardgs furnished 5 Ships to go to new England, for ye further setling of ye English plantacon yt had already begun there.

The names of ye 5 Shipps were as followeth. The first is called ye Talbot, a good & strong shipp of 300 tunnes, & 19 pieces of ordinance & served with 80 mariners. This ship carried about an 100 planters, 6 goates, 5 great pieces of ordinance, with meale, oatmeale, pease, & all manner of munitio and provisio for ye platacon for a twelve month. The second ye George, another strong ship also, about 300 tunnes, 20 pieces of ordinance, sei-ved with about 30 mariners; her chiefe carnage were cattell, 12 mares, 30 kyne, & some goates: also ther gad in her 52 planters & other provision. The 3d is called ye Lyons whelpe, a neat & nimble ship of 120 tunnes, 8 pieces of ordinance, carrying in her many mariners and about 40 planters, specially from dorchester & other places thereabouts, wth provision, and 4 goates. The 4th is called ye 4 sisters, as I heare of about 300 tuns, wch fayi-e ship carried many cattell wth passengera & provision. The 5th is called ye Mayflower, carrying passengers and provision.

Now amongst these 5 ships, ye George hauing the special & urgent cause of hastening her passage sett sayle before ye rest about ye midst of April. And ye 4 Sisters & ye Mayflower being not thoroughly furnished, intended as we heard to sett forth about 3 weeks after us: But we yt were in ye Talbot & ye Lions whelpe being ready for voyage by ye good hand of God's providence hoysed or sayle fro Graues end on Saturday ye 25th of April about 7 o'clock in ye morning. Having but a faynt wynd we could not go farre yt day, but at night wee ancred against Lie wch is 12 miles fro graues end & there we rested yt night & kept Sabbath ye next day.

They slowly worked their way along the coast and May 5th Mr. Higginson and his wife and daughter Mary and others went on shore near Yarmouth, remaining there while tiie ship added provisions until Saturday the 9th, when they returned to the ship. The final start was made on the 11th. The daily journal of the voyage which Mr. Higginson kept is exceedingly interesting, but space forbids our quoting further from it, excepting the record of the last day of the voyage, which reads as follows:

Monday (June 29) we came from Capan, to go to Naimkecke, the wind northerly. I should have told you before that the planters spying our English colours the Govemour sent a shalop with 2 men on Saturday to pilot us. These rested the Sabbath with us at Capan; and this day, by God's blessing and their directions, we passed the curious and difficult entrance into the large spacious harbour of Naimkecke. And as we passed along it was wonderful to behould so many islands replenished with thicke wood and high trees, and many faire green pastures. And being come into the harbour we saw the George to our great comfort the.n being come on Tuesday which was 7 daies before us. We rested that night with glad and thankful hearts that God had put an end to our long and tedious journey through the greatest sea in the world.

June 30. The next morning the governor came aboard to our ship, and bade us kindly welcome, and invited me and my wiffe to come on shoare, and take our lodging in his house which we did accordingly.

Visitors to Salem will attest that first impressions of the place are eagerly sought by the inhabitants, and we are pleased to record what some of the members of this company thought of the place. Francis Higginson, after narrating the beauties and advantages of Naumkeag, wrote : "Thus we see both Land and Sea abound with stores of blessings for the comfortable sustenance of Man's life"; and Thomas Graves, in a letter to England, wrote: "Thus much I can affirme in generall, that I neuer came in a more goodly Country in all my life, all things considered: I never saw except in Hungaria, unto which I always

The healthfulness of the countrie far exceedeth all parts that ever I have been in." Mr. Higginson closed his "Relation of New England" with the following account :

When we came first to Nehum-kek, we found about half a score houses, and a fair house newly built for the Governor, We found also abundance of corn planted by them, very good and well liking. Ajid we brought with us about two hundred passengers and planters more, which, by common consent of the old planters, were all combined together into one body politic, under the same Governor. There are in all of us, both old and Dew planters, about three hundred, whereof two hundred of them are settled at Nehum-kek- now called Salem, and the rest have planted themselves at Massathulets Bay, beginning to build a town there, which we do call Cherton or Charlestown. We that are settled at Salem make what haste we can to build houses, so that within a short time we shall have a fair town. We have great ordnance, wherewith we doubt not but we shall fortify ourselves in a short time to keep out a potent adversary. But that which is our greatest comfort and means of defence above all others, is that we have here the true religion and holy ordinances of Almighty God taught amongst us.

John Baker went to Charlestown in 1629. It is probable that he was in some way connected with the large island in Salem harbor bearing that name, for John Winthrop, in his journal, under date of June 12, 1630, wrote: "As we stood toward the harbour, we saw another shallop coming to us ; so we stood in to meet her, and passed through the narrow strait between Baker's Isle and Little Isle, and came to an anchor a little within the islands." Probably the name was given to Winthrop by the pilot who came out to take his vessel in. Baker may have erected a fishing shack or some similar structure on the island.

Thomas Beard, aged 30 in 1629, unmarried, shoemaker, was recommended to have 50 acres of land, "as one that transports himself at his own charge." He brought with him in the "Mayflower," "divers hides, both for soles and upper leathers, which he intends to make up in boots and shoes there in the countrj^"

William Brackenbury was at Charlestown in 1629, and probably came v/ith this company. He was a brother of Richard who came in 1628 with John Endicott. He was a baker.

John Browne, gentleman, and Mr. Samuel Browne, his brother, of Roxwell, England, came at their own charge. They were conformists to the Church of England, and for attem.pting to form a church party in Salem v/ere sent back to England by Governor Endicott. A full account of the controversy has been given in "John Endicott and the Men Who Came to Salem in the Abigail in 1628."

Barnaby Claydon, aged twentj^-three, came from Sutton, Bedfordshire. He was a wheelwright by trade. In the company's second general letter he was directed to work for Mr. Sharpe.

Richard Claydon, aged thirty-four, brought his wife, daughter, sister, and the above-named brother with him. He was a carpenter and wheelwright by trade and came under contract to work, said document bearing date of March 12, 1628. He was to instruct the company's sei-vants in the trade of a ploughwright.

William Dodge was the son of John and Margery Dodge of Somersetshire. In the second letter of instruction to Goveraor Endicott, dated London, May 28, 1629, the secretary stated that Mr. White wished to have the following direction inserted : "That you would show all lawful favor and respect unto the planters that come in the Lion's Whelp, out of the Counties of Dorset and Somerset, that you would appoint unto

Richard Ewstead, a v/heelwright, came commended by Mr. Davenport to work on shares for the companj^ and Governor Craddock. In the company's letter he is described as "a very able man, though not without his imperfections. We pray you take notice of him and regard him as he shall well deserve."

Hugh Garrett became an inhabitant of Charlestown in 1629 and was the tenth on the list of the first thirteen. He was a shoemaker, and perished in a storm, January 28, 1630-1. His daughter Hannah died "a fatherless child" 12 month, 1632.

Mr. Goffe is mentioned (probably Deputy Governor Thomas Goffe). He never came over, but his dog evidently started, for in the journal of the voyage we read that on May 26th "Mr. Goffes great dogg fell over board & could not be recouered."

Mr. Thomas Graves, the engineer, was one of the most valuable and useful men of this migration. He was to "have his charges borne, out and home; being a man of experience in iron works, in salt works, in measuring and surveying of lands, and in fortifications, &c., in lead, copper and alum mines." He was chosen a member of Governor Endicott's Council, April 30, 1629.

Thomas Hanscombe was brother-in-law of Richard Claydon, and was mentioned as one of a number to come with him. We find no further record of him and do not know that he actually came.

Richard Haward, from Bedfordshire, was mentioned as a man who would "well and orderly demean" himself. He was sent over with his family to Salem in 1629, by the Massachusetts Bay Company.

Henry Haughton was the first Ruling Elder of the church at Salem. According to the instruction of the company, he was to take Mr. Samuel Sharpe's place in various ways if the latter should be sick or absent. He died in the first winter, leaving one child.

Reverend Francis Higginson, the leader of this migration, was the son of Reverend John Higginson, Vicar of Claybrooke, Leistershire, and was baptized at that place August 6, 1586. He was educated at Jesus College, taking his B. A. degree in 1609, and his M. A. in 1613. He was ordained deacon September 25, 1614, and priest on the 8th of the following December. He was installed to the rectory of Barton-in-Fabis, Nottingham County, and deanery of Brigham, which he resigned August 4, 1616. Mr. E. C. Felton stated that it is certain that Francis Higginson, although he had the rectory of Barton-in-Fabis conferred upon him, was never inducted, and therefore never received any of the fruits of the benefice nor, we may take it, discharged any of the duties. His successor was instituted, on his resignation, just a year afterwards, April 4, 1616. He further goes on to state that "The record of Higginson's institution states, in the accustomed form, that a mandate was sent to the Archbishop to induct him, so that failure to act upon it can only have arisen because Higginson himself did not seek induction." Later he was connected with the parish of St. Nicholas. Colonel Thomas Wentworth Higginson, in his "Descendants of the Reverend Francis Higginson," states: "It is clear that he became more and more dissatisfied with the Established Church as it then was, until finally he became 'a conscientious nonconformist.' " He founded at Salem, the first church in the Massachusetts Bay Colony, and did us an invaluable service in his writings. He contracted consumption, probably on board the ship, from other cases which he mentions as occurring among the passengers, and died, deeply lamented, August 6, 1630. His son. Reverend John, later distinguished himself in his father's pulpit.

Lawrence Leech. Reference was made to him in the Company's letter as follows: "We desire you to take notice of one Lawrence Leech, whom we have found a careful and painful man, and we doubt not but he will continue his diligence ; let him have deserving respect."

(Sydrach Miller, "a cooper and cleaver; who, demanding £45 for him and his man the first year, £50 a year the second and third year," was "held too dear for the Company to be at charges withal." This reference occurs in the records of the meeting of the Company held March 2, 1628, (-9). He is not referred to again, and we do not know that he came. The writer believes that he did not.)

Robert Moulton was the "chief" of the six ship-wrights sent by the Company. Soon after that, he removed to Charlestown and is believed to have resided on "Moulton's Point," the present site of the Navy Yard.

(George) Norton. In the Company's letter to Governor Endicott we read "there is one Norton, a carpenter, whom we pray you respect as he shall deseve." Pope believed that this was "George" Norton, who was made a freeman in Salem, May 14, 1634.

Abraham Palmer was a merchant and a member of the Company in England. He adventured £50 in the joint stock and was one of the fourteen to sign the instructions to John Endicott, May 30, 1628. He came to New England (in all probability with Higginson) and went to Charlestown, where he became prominent.

Mr. Richard Palsgrave was a physician. His name appears third on the list of the first thirteen inhabitants of Charlestown, in 1629. He came from Stepney, Middlesex, England.

John Pratt, surgeon. From the records of the Court of Assistants, held in London, March 5, 1629, we learn that an attempt was made to induce a surgeon to sail for Salem : "A proposicon beeing made to intertayne a surgeon for the plantacon, Mr. (John) Pratt was propounded as an abell man vppon theis condicons, namely. That 40 pounds should bee allowed him, viz - for his chist 25 pounds, the rest for his own sallery for the first yeere, prouided he continues 3 yeeres, the Companie to bee at charge of transporting his wiffe and (servant), haue 20 pounds a yeere for the other 2 yeeres, and to build him a howse at the Companie's chardge and to allott him 100 acres of ground. But if he stay but one yeere, then the Ck)mpanie to bee at charge of his bringing back for England and he to leave his servant and chist for the Companie's saruice."

Isaac Rickman was recommended by Mr. Simon Whetcombe to receive "diet and house-room at the charge of the Company." That body agreed, however, that they would pay £10 per annum for diet and lodging. He probably returned to England soon, as no more is heard of him.

William Ryall (Rial or Royal) was a cooper and cleaver of timber who was employed by the Company and (Governor Craddock in equal shares. The district in Beverly lying to the eastward of Danvers river and north of Bass river is named for him - Rial Side. In 1636 he removed to what is now Yarmouth, Maine, and the river which flowed by his house has ever since borne the name of Royal's river.

Mr. Samuel Sharpe was a valuable man in the little colony, having charge of the artillery. We first learn of him in the records of the Company in London, February 26, 1628 (-9), as follows: "For our five pieces of ordnance, long since bought and paid for, Mr. John Humphrey is entreated and doth promise forthwith to cause them to be delivered to Samuel Sharpe, who is to take care for having fit carriages made for them." March 3, we read: "Mr. Samuel Sharpe, with whom there hath been an agreement made in the behalf of the Company to give him £10 per year for three years, to have the oversight of the ordnance to be planted in the fort to be built upon the Plantation, and what else may concern artillery business to give his advice in ; but for all other employments was left to be entertained (i. e. employed) by any other particular brethren of the Company, who for other occasions had entertained him already, and held not fit (proper) to be at further charge in that kind. The said Sharpe is also entertained to oversee the (servants) and employments of certain particular men of the Company. But for the general (CJompany's concern) presented a bill for three drums and other par-

A few days later Mr. Sharpe requested of the Company that "all or the better part of his salary might be paid him now, to provide him apparel withal ; and if he should happen to die before he had deserved it, his said apparel should satisfy it. Upon debate whereof, it was thought fit that twenty pounds should be paid him ; and this to be the Treasurer's warrant for payment thereof, upon his salary of £10 a year, for three years." At a meeting held April 30, 1629, he was elected a member of Governor Endicott's Council. He was elected an assistant of the Company in England, but being out of the country was not able to serve, as he could not take the oath, and Roger Ludlow was elected in his place, February 10, 1630. The Company intrusted to him the duplicate charter to be delivered to Governor Endicott and he also had charge of the Company's seal. Further evidence of the great confidence reposed in him was shown by the following instruction: "If, at the arrival of this ship, Mr. Endicott should be departed this life (which God forbid,) or should die before the other ships arrive, we authorize you, Mr. Skelton, and Mr. Samuel Sharpe, to take care of our affairs, and to govern the I)eople according to order, until further order."

Mr. Sharpe was to employ as much of his time as was necessary in the office of master-gunner and "the rest he is to follow other employments of our Governor's (i. e., Governor Craddock, whose agent he was) and others, for whose employment he is particularly sent out." If any provisions were left "that was provided for the passengers accommodation." Mr. Sharpe was to have half for the use of Mr. Craddock and partners. The fort in which Mr. Sharpe set up the ordnance above mentioned was near what is now Sewall Street.

Reverend Samuel Skelton was baptized in 1592-3. He matriculated at Clare Hall, Cambridge University, as a sizer, July 7, 1608. He took his degree of B. A. in 1611, and M. A. in 1615. Mr. E. C. Felton, who has made an exhaustive study of the Skeltons in England, states that "It was not religious persecution which compelled Skelton to leave England. He was a Puritan of the Puritans, but there is no evidence that he was ever brought in collision with the ecclesiastical authorities." Mr. Felton thought it probable that Mr. Skelton while at Tattersholl was private chaplain to the Earl of Lincoln. Simon Bradstreet the younger, who became so important a figure in New England history, was, it is said, as a youth, in the household of the Earl. In the letter to Governor Endicott the following is found: "One of them (the ministers) is well known to you, viz. Mr. Skelton, who we have the rather desired to bear a part in this work, for that we are informed yourself have formerly received much good by his ministry." No one has as yet been able to find where or when the Governor had come under the influence of Mr. Skelton.

Mr. Skelton came in the ship "George Bonaventure" and arrived here on the 24th of June, and was chosen and ordained pastor on the 20th of July, 1629. In 1630 he was granted all of the land east of what is now Summer street in Salem from the mill pond probably as far north as what is now Creek oi' NoiTnan streets. His home was probably by the water near the present Mill street. Edward Johnson described him as "a man of a gracious speech, full of faith, and furnished by the Lord with gifts from above to begin this great work of His, that makes the whoJe earth to ring again at the present day." In the County Court papers in Salem, the writer found the following: "The ould houfe in Salem which once was Mr. Skelton's being in eminent danger of present falling to the endangering of the lives of Children & Cattell and others, ordered yt within Ten Days should, house fail to be taken downe the penal tie of ffyfe pounds, etc., etc." (27th, 6th mo., 1644.)

Reverend Ralph Smith. Allusion is made to him in the first general letter of the Company to Governor Endicott, as follows: "Mr. Ralph Smith, a minister, hath desired passage in our ships ; which was granted him before we understood of his difference in judgment in some things about our ministers. But his provisions for his voyage being shipped before notice was taken thereof, through many occasions wherewith those entrusted with this business have been employed, and for as much as from hence it is feared there may grow some distraction amongst you if there should be any siding, although we have a very good opinion of his honesty, yet we shall not, (we) hope, offend in charity to fear the worst that may grow from their different judgments. We have therefore thought fit to give this order, that unless he Vk^ill be comfortable to our government you suffer him not to remain within the limits of our grant." He came in the ship with Mr. Higginson, who refers to him as follows, under date of May 21, 1629: "Thursday, there being two ministers in the ship, Mr. Smith & my selfe, we endeavoured together with others to consecrate the day as a solemne fasting & humiliacon to almighty God, as a furtherance of or present worke."

Nicholas Stov/ers and John Strickland, Stickland or Stickling, were both included in the original list of the inhabitants of Charlestown in 1629 and probably came with this company.

Hugh Tilly came in the "Lion's Whelp" as a servant to Sir Richard Saltonstall. Shortly after his arrival, he was appointed to help in setting up a saw mill.

Richard Waterman was a hunter. In the Company's letter we read the follovving, directly after the words of commendation concerning Lawrence Leech which we have quoted: "The like we say of Richard Waterman, whose chief employment will be to get you good venison."

(John Whitcomb) who was in Dorchester as a proprietor in 1636-9, and later went to Scituate, may have been the "Mr. Whitcomb" who was to see the leather discharged at Salem in 1629. See Suffolk Deeds, I.,xix.

Mr. Lambert Wilson, surgeon, was mentioned in the Company's letter as follows: "We have entertained Lambert Wilson, chirurgeon, to remain with you in the service of the Plantation; with whom we are agreed that he shall serve this Company and the other planters that live in the Plantation, for three years, and in that time apply himself to cure not only such as come from hence for the general and particular accounts, but also for the Indians, as from time to time he shall be directed by yourself or your successor and the rest of the Council. And moreover he is to educate and instruct in his art one or more youths, such as you and the Council shall appoint, that may be helpful to him and, if occasion serve, succeed him in the Plantation; which youth or youths, fit to learn that profession, let be placed with him; of which Mr. Huggesson's son, if his father approve thereof, may be one, the rather because he hath been trained up to literature ; but if not he then such other as you shall judge most fittest." Winthrop states that Mr. Wilson, "our chief surgeon," was in the war with the Pequots in 1637.

The size of this company, composed as it was of a large number of men, skilled in divers occupations, and the great value of the large cargoes of much needed and very useful supplies, greatly strengthened the settlement. Many of the men who came became prominent in the affairs of the town and colony, and their descendants, leaders in many walks in life, are scattered all over this glorious land, which they themselves ably assisted in founding. F. A. G.