Harrison County, Ohio - The Scotch-Irish in Harrison Counts, 1900

The Scotch-Irish in Harrison Counts

There is, perhaps, no one subject taught in onr schools and institutions of learning to-day on which more misinformation has been imparted to the students than that of A]nerican history; and probably there is no part of that subject concerning which American people are more in ignorance thaii the part relating to their own racial origin.

Good Americans, generally, approved, of the spirit of Mark Twain's rejoinder to Max O'Eeli, when, in tlie course of a recent international exchange of comnliments between the French and the Missouri humorists, the latter, to the charge that the average American did not usually know the name of his own grandfather, allowed that such might be the truth; but tbought that Brother Jonathan was more apt to be sure of the name of his own father than were some others. The oft-repeated story of the observation made by a successful American gentleman traveling in Europe, who, when shown by an English lord the pictures of the latters illustrious ancestors for some hundreds of years back, admitted tliat he had nothing of the kind at his home in America, because he was an illustrious ancestor himself, - is a characteristic illustration of the spirit in Avhich, until quite recently, matters of race and family history have generally been regarded by the busy American workers of the present day.

Nevertheless, there is one class of our fellow citizens which has never been negligent in preserving the traditions and histories of their fathers; and never backward in letting America and the world at large know all about their merits and accomplishments. These are the people of Xew England - a people who, from the time of their first settlement in America, have preserved written records of most of their communities, and of almost every member living in and making a part ol: those communities; so that, as a consequence, there are few persons of New England descent living in the United States to-day, hut who can find pages and volumes of history and eulogy in print as perpetual monuments to the virtues of one or several of their more or less remote progenitors.

Another and much more important consequence of this habit of committing to writing the history of men and communities in New England, is, that nearly all of our so-called histories of America have been written by New England men, are based chietly upon New England records and examples, and have necessarily had to pass over in silence, or in a cursory way, the history of those other portions of our country and our citizens, of whom none of these Avritten records have been preserved.

It is not strange, therefore, that in most of our schools to-day, and, I venture to say, in the public schools of Harrison county, American history is taught chiefly from books written by New England men, or their descendants; is viewed in these books from the conventional New England stand-point; and is based largely upon New England traditions, prejudices, and, in some cases, misrepresentations.

The chief misrepresentation to which attention may be called at this time, is the one so repeatedly made in certain of the newspapers and reviews, and by certain orators, and after-dinner speakers, that all the progress made by America since it Avas first colonized, and all the glorious history of which Americans are so proud, has been made because its people are of the Anglo-Saxon race, and in their progress are only continuing in the new world what their English forefathers had begun in the old.

Now, as a matter of fact, no such thing is the case. And while there should be no just praise withheld from the descendants of Englishmen for what their forefathers have done for America, it would be as great a wrong to them if we were to say that they had done nothing whatever, as it is to other Americans, of non-English origin, for the descendants of Englishmen to claim that the English have done it all.

How can these claims that the great men of American history are of exclusivelv English origin be considered in face of the fact that, of Washington's hundred generals, more or less, not half of them were of English blood; or, that of the great generals of the civil war on both sides, but little more than one-third were of English extraction; or, that of our twen- ty-four presidents, less than half the nnmber have been of that stock; or, that of our great editors, three-fourths have been non-English in origin; or, that of our great judges, less than half have been English; or, that of American inventors of world-wide fame, about three out of every four have been of another race than English; or, that of the great leaders in the jSTational congress, not half of them have been English by descent; or, that in our population to-day, nearly one-half are of other races than English. Yet these facts are all capable of ready demonstration, and can be verified by any one who will take the trouble to consult any standard biographical and statistical dictionary.

In the State of Ohio, for instance, if the English are to have the sole credit for all the good that has come to America, what would become of the fame of Arthur St. Clair, of Jeremiah Morrow, of Allen Trimble, of Duncan Mc Arthur, of Joseph Vance, of Wilson Shannon, of Mordecai Bartley, of Keuben Wood, of Kutherford B. Hayes, of Seabury Ford, of William Medill, of James E. Campbell, of Thomas L. Young, of Joseph B. Foraker, of Charles Foster, of William McKinley, and of some few. others who have been governors of the State? Or, of Presidents Grant, Hayes, Garfield, and McKinley? Or, of certain supreme court judges, such as Jacob Burnet, John McLean, Joseph R. Swan, John C. Wright, Thomas W. BarOey, W. B. Caldwell, William Kennon, Hocking H. Hunter, George W. Mcllvaine, W. J. Gilraore, Rufus P. Ranney, Josiah Scott, John Clark, W. W. Johnson, and John H. Doyle ? Or, of certain well-known journalists, such as Whitelaw Reid, W. L. Brown, John A. Cockerill. Joseph Medill, Samuel Medary, W. W. Armstrong, the Farans and McLeans, and Richard Smith? Or, of Bishop Simpson, of John A. Bingham, and of Salmon P. Chase? Or, of William Dean Howells and of John Q. A. Ward? Or, of Generals U. S. Grant, Phil Sheridan, Quincy A. Gilmore, James B. Steadman, Irvin McDowell, John Beatty, 0. M. Mitchell, James B. McPherson, Henry W. Lawton, and the fighting families of the JlcCooks?

Xo, the truth of the matter is, that a vast proportion of American people, sometimes classed by the historians as British, have had their hard-earned laurels transferred to the brows of the so-called Anglo- Saxons, or English; and very much of the honor and glory which are so frequently claimed for the English in this country, really belong to the people of another, and a distinctly different race.

tral and southern portions of our country than the English, and yet a people who have been too busy making history to spare the time to write it; and one whose early annals, for this reason, have been, until recent years, so far neglected as to be well-nigh forgotten. This is the race to which belong, with the exception of those of Howells, Garfield, and Slieridan, probably all of the names given above; and to the same race, also, belong, it is safe to say, at least seventy-five per cent, of the sturdy farmers and substantial citizens of Harrison county.

It is needless to ask in addition, therefore, what would become of the fair name and fame of Harrison county, if the English were the only people who have made America what it is to-day.

Nevertheless, the Scotch-Irish communities and people of Harrison county, as a rule, have few traditions or remembered history back of the time when settlements were first begun there, in the early years of the present century. These people know in a general way that their respective fathers or grandfathers came from the East - from Pennsylvania usually - and in most cases from the territory originally included in the counties of Washington, Westmoreland, Cimiberland, York, or Chester. The majority of them know that they are of Scotch-Irish descent; without understanding clearly what that term, in its American sense, signifies, some having the impression that it means the descendants of a married couple, of whom one parent is Scotch, and the other Irish. It may be that this feeling of belonging to a mixed nationality deters them from making any inquiries as to what are the real sources of the Scotch- Irish blood.

If the facts are ascertained, however, they will find that they have a race history than which no other nation or people can boast one more proud, whether it be English or German, Eoman or Castillian. Tlie Scotch-Irish are not, nor have they ever been, of Irish blood - using tlie latter word in its racial sense; but are purely Scottish. Their emigrant ancestors in this country, to whom the name was first applied, were people of unmixed Scotch descent, who came to America from their Scottish communities in the Xorth of Ireland; and all the glorious history and ancestral traditions of their Scottish forefathers belong to their descendants in Harrison county to-day, just as much as the history and ancestral traditions of the English belong to people of early New England stock.

And, trul}', it is a noble heritage, and one that will not sufTer a whit by comparison with that of the English. It begins in the time of Agric- ola, the Eoman general, wlio, when he had conquered all the present territory of England, and carried his victorious banners north to the Grampian hills in Scotland, found there a foe who could effectually hinder his fiirther advance, and cause him for the first time to acknowledge that here was at last an unknown and unconquerable race beyond his own conquered ULTIMA THULE. It continues in the plundering forays and invasions of the Scots and Picts, who carried their dreaded arms from one end of the island to the other, imchecked; and, later, in the piratical incursions of the Vikings, who came Vvestward from their safe retreats within the ISTorwegian fiords, to fight, to plunder, to destroy, and eventually to settle, among the sea-girt islands and peninsulas of western Scotland. Its dark and bloody deeds are instanced by the tragic history of Macbeth; and its bright and chivalrous actions are shown by incidents like that of the Battle of Otterburn, so spiritedly set forth in the glowing pages of Froissart, who says of it, that "of all the battles that have been described in my history, great and small, this was the best fought, and the most severe." Scotland's early glory came in the days of William Wallace and Eobert Bruce, when its independence was won from the English by the sword; and continued through the two centuries following, because kept fresh by the blood of opposing Scots and English shed on more than two hundred battlefields. Its high ideal of freedom was realized first in the days of Knox and of Melville, when those men bid defiance to tyrants, and dared declare that rulers were amenable to law, and could be pimished by law; and was again vindicated in the days of their successors, the Scots clergy, who, "when the light grew dim, and flickered on the altar, . . . trimmed the lamp, and fed the sacred flame," and kept alive for themselves, for their children, and for all mankind, the precious heritage of human liberty.

The Scotsman is of composite race. The forefathers of throefourths of the Scotch-Irish in Harrison county lived in the western Lowlands of Scotland, and their blood was of various strains, blended into what finally became that of the Scottish race. The basis of the race was the Romanized Briton (and from this line the Lowland Scot gets his Celtic blood, and not from Ireland), with more or less marked departures, occasioned by intermarriages, first with the Picts and Scots, tlien with the Angles, the Danes, and the Norsemen. From the lastnamed stock comes most of the Teutonic blood of the western Scot; while the Angles occupied and largely peopled the east coast. After the eleventh century, tlie Xormans came into Scotland in large numbers, and occupied much of the land; so that many families can claim Norman descent. Long before the seventeenth century, when the emigration to Ireland began, the various race groups had become fused into one composite whole, having the attributes of the Celt, the Norse, the Angle, and the JSTorman; thus typifying many centuries ago the identical race which we are beginning to recognize here as the American - a combination of the Teuton and the Celt. Let us hope the type may include all the virtues of both without the defects of either.

The real history of the forefathers of that part of he American people who live in Harrison county, therefore - with a few individual exceptions - is not to be found in the pages of the historians and writers of England; but of those of Scotland. Their lives and spirits have been not unworthily portrayed by the wizard hand of Scott, and their joys and sorrows have been divinely sung in the inspired notes of Burns. And it is in the heart-touching stories of MacLaren, and Barrie, and Stevenson, that we find the true prototypes and the doubles of ourselves and our friends in Harrison county.

The history of Scotland as a country, and of Scottish men and institutions, however, is as a sealed book to ninety-nine out of every hundred students in most of our high-schools and colleges; and it is partly because of the entire absence of any information to the contrary in the ordinary historical text-books, that the erroneous impression has gained ground in so many places outside of New England, that our Americaii colonies and American institutions are almost entirely of English origin.

Now, to bring the matter nearer home to the readers of this history^ let us take a few of the family names that are so Avell known in Harrison county, and see how many of them are English, and how many are Scotch.

In 1898, Mr. Orville Dewey contributed some interesting articles to the Cadiz Kepublican, giving an account of the early history of his own family, and from this we learn that the Deweys came from Connecticut. They were English, although there were many of the early Scotch-Irisli who settled in New England. The Hol_Ungsworths were originally Pennsylvania Quakers, tracing back through the"l^orth of Ireland to England. The Browns were also English; likewise, the Scotts, Arnolds, Laceys, Hearns, Woods, and others. But the early representatives of nearly all of these families having intermarried with the Harrison county Scotch-Irish, their descendants living there to-day are more Scotch than English. Other originally English families from the North of Ireland may be mentioned, of whom were the Hammonds, the Phillipses, and the Haverfields; but their forefathers lived and intermarried amongst the Scotch for so long a time before coming to America that their descendants in Harrison county to-day can hardly be said to retain more than a trace of the English blood, or traits, or anything else English but the names.

Tbe Cunningham family originated in the district of Cunningham, in Ayrshire; as did likewise the Carrick and Kyle families in the other two districts of that county.

Other Ayrshire family names represented in Harrison county are those of Aiken, Ak'-inder, Allison, Anderson, Barclay, Blair, Boggs, Boyd, Caldwell, Cannon, Clark, Cochran, Collins, Coulter, Crawford^ Culbertson, Duulap, Ervin, Ferguson, Fullerton, Fulton, Hamilton, Hunter, Jackson, Jamison, Kennedy, Logan, McCready, Mitchell, Montgomery, Moore, Morrison, Patton, Porter, Rankin, Rea, Richey, Rogers, Simpson, Thompson, Vance, Wallace, Watson, Welch, Wiley, Wilson, and a great many more besides.

The McFaddens are first mentioned in history in connection with their residence on the Island of Mull, off the coast of and belonging to Argyleshire. All the "Macs" living in Harrison county, it may be safely said, are of Scottish descent, and usually Celtic or Highland Scots. The prefix (meaning "son of"), is of Celtic origin, and in early times it was rarelv found in connection with the names of the Lowland clans, except in the cases of McCulloch and McClellan, and a few other ancient Galloway families. Later in Scotland's history, however, the "Macs" were carried pretty much all over the country, and into Northern Ireland, as the clans continued to migrate and to intermarry with the Lowlanders. The name, McConnell, is corrupted from McDonald, or McDonnell, at one time the largest and most powerful of the Highland clans.

From tlie counties of Wigtonshire and Kirkcudbrightshire (once forming the ancient principality of Galloway, and from Avhence come the Galloway cattle,) besides the McCullochs and the McClellans, come also the Agnews, Boyles', Douglasses, Carnahans, Carsons, Glendennings, Gordons, Hannas, Herrons, Kerrs, McCreas, McBrides, McMaths, Mc- Mychens, McMillans,^ Maxwells, Ramseys, Stewarts, and others.

From Inverness, in the Highlands, come the McBeans, McKinleys, and Finlays, (all septs of the once powerful Clan Chattan, of whom the chiefs were Mclntoshes and McPhersons) ; also the Davidsons and Grants.

From Dumfriesshire, south of Glasgow, the Carothers', Elliotts, Dicksons (and, possibl}^, also the Dickersons), the Johnstons, and the Kirkpatricks.

From Caithness, the most northern county of Scotland, the McEaes (and, possibly, also the Eaes, Eeas, or Eays, although many of this name lived in Galloway and Ayrshire).

Nearly all the Scotch who settled in the North of Ireland at the time of the first plantation of Ulster (1G06 to 1G35), came from the western Lowland counties of Scotland, lying on the opposite coast and less than thirty miles distant from county Down. The greater part of them came from iiyrshire and Galloway, and those two districts in Scotland were the nesting-places of the early Scottish ancestors of the majority of the people living in Harrison county to-day. The scene of Scott's " Guy Mannering " is laid in Wigtonshire (the western half of Galloway), as is also that of much of S. E. Crockett's " Galloway Herd." All readers of Burns, and of Stevenson's "Master of Ballantrae," are familiar with Ayrshire. The places and people of these districts are also well known to those who have read of the persecutions and sufferings of the early Scottish Covenanters.

The story of the Scottish emigration to Ulster may be outlined in a few paragraphs. It begins near the close of the year 1603, when Con Mc- Neale O'Neale, of Castlereagh, got into serious trouble, by reason of not having his Avine-casks full at the time when he had invited some of his relatives to have a "wee drop" with him. Con ruled the Upper Clannaboye, the north half of County Down; and happened to be holding high state in his hallp of Castlerefigh with his brothers, and cousins, and relatives of near dcijree. Thej were all "proper" men - to nse a Celtic term of respect - and quite naturally drank Con's cellar dry; whereupon he desjiat^iitd retainers to Belfast, two miles distant, for a fresh supply of wine. There his servants had a quarrel with certain soldiers of Queen Elizabeth, who were stationed at Belfast Castle, and they came hack to their master without the "drink." This naturally roused Con to fury, and he tbreatei ed dire vengeance on his clansmen if they did not return to the fight, punish the English, and recover the wine. The second encounter proved more serious than the first; an English soldier was killed, and the Irish Government took the matter up. Con was charged with "levying war against the Queen," and thrown into the Castle as a prisoner, from whence he seemed likely to escape only by the loss of his head. In this extremity, Con's wife appealed for help to Hugh Montgomery, Laird of I'.raidstane, in Ayrshire, whose home lay on the Scottish coast, across the Irish channel. Montgomery, for a "consideration," agreed to help Con to escape; and to that purpose immediately sent his relative, Thomas Montgomery of Blackston, who was the owner of a trading-sloop, to Carrickfergus Castle. Arriving there, the canny Thomas, without loss of time, proceeded to make love to the keeper's daughter; and to such good effect, that having been admitted to the Castle, he contrived to get the prison-guard to drink a very large quantity of what was possibly some of the same wine over which the fight had arisen. Con was then furnished with a rope, by which he let himself out of a window, found Thomas Jlontgomery's sloop waiting for him in the Lough, and was across to Braidstane and safety Avithin a few hours. Here, C021 entered into an agreement with Hugh Montgomery, by which he agreed to cede to him half his lands in Clannaboye (the proportion afterwards being increased to two-thirds), on condition that the latter should procure him a free pardon from King James for all his offences, and get Con admitted to the King's presence, and allowed to kiss the King's hand. Through the assistance of Mr. James Plamilton, an influential courtier, this pardon was later obtained, and Con admitted to His Majesty's presence; and two-thirds of Con's estates were in due time confirmed to Hamilton (who also required a "consideration") and Montgomery by the Crown.

As soon as the patents were issued by the Irish Council, Con's beneficiaries crossed into Scotland again, to call upon their whole kith and kin to aid them in the plantation of their estates, it having heen a condition imposed by the King, in confirming the grant, that the lands were to be with English and Scottish colonists; and to be granted only to those of English and Scottish blood, "and not to any of the mere Irish." To Hamilton fell the western portion of Xorth Down, to Montgomery, the eastern; and both seem to have added to their estates, as Con O'Neale was forced to sell the third which he had reserved for himself. Both were Ayrshire men, and both from the northern division of the county. Hamilton was of the Hamilton family of Dunlop; and Montgomery was from near Beith. The former founded the towns of Bangor and Killyleagh, and raised churches in each of the six parishes embraced in his estate - Bangor, Killinchy, Holywood, Ballyhalbert, Dundonald, and Killyleagh. Montgomery's estate embraced the country around Newton and Donaghadee known as the Great Ards. He belonged to a family having numerous connections throughout North Aj^rshire and Eenfrewshire, and to them he turned for assistance. His principal supporters were his kinsmen, Thomas Montgomery, his brother-in-law, John Shaw, son of the laird of Wester Greenock, and Colonel David Boyd, of the noble house of Kilmarnock. With their help he seems to have persuaded many others of high and low degree to join in trying their fortunes in Ireland, among them being the Montgomeries, Calderwoods, Agnews, Adairs, Cunninghams, Shaws, Muirs, Maxwells, Boyles, Harvies, and many others with good west-country surnames.

The siiccess of this settlement made by Hamilton and Montgomery was immediate; for four years after the foundation of the colony - in IGIO - Montgomery alone was able to bring before "the King's mustermaster a thousand able lighting men to serve, when out of them a militia should be raised." Four years after this time, in a letter written from North Down by the Earl of xVbercorn to John Murray, King James's secretary of state, he says, in referring to the same colonists : "They have above 2,000 habile Scottis men well armit heir, rady for his Majestie's service as thai sail be commandit." This muster of 2,000 men able to bear arms, represented an emigration of at least 10,000 persons.

Meantime, across the river Lagan, in county Antrim, a plantation had been made by Sir Arthur Chichester, then Lord Deputy of Ireland. This, though not at first peculiarly Scottish, was soon to become so. In 1603, Chichester obtained a grant of the Castle of Belfast, and around this fortress a village soon sprang up. The Commissioners' Survey, taken in the 5^ear IGII, reports that "the town of Belfast is plotted out in a good forme, wherein are many famelyes of English, Scotch, and some IManksmen already inhabitinge, and ane inn with very good lodging." The Settlement Commissioners passed along the north shore of Belfast Lough, finding everywhere houses springing up, and in every part of the Lord Deputy's lauds, "many English famelies, some Scottes, and dyvers cyvill Irish planted." While South Antrim was thus "planted," mainly by English settlers, the northern half of the county was opened up for settlement, without the violent transference of land from Irish to Briton, which was carried out in other parts of Ulster. The northeast corner of Ireland had been long held by the MacDonnells (the Highland pronunciation of this name is MacConnell), a clan which also peopled the island of Jura, and Cantyre on the mainland of Scotland. The chief of these Scoto-Irishmen, Eandall MacDonnell, after the Earl of Tyrone's rebellion, resolved to throw in his lot with the Government, and turn loyal subject. This he did, aud as reward received a grant of the northern half of county Antrim, from Ijarne to Portrush, and the honor of knighthood. He set himself to the improvement of his lands, letting out to the natives on the coast, and also to the Scottish settlers, such arable portions of his lands as had been depopulated by the war, for terms varying from twenty-one to 301 years. These leases seem to have been largely taken advantage of by the Scottish settlers,who allowed the natives to keep the "Glynnes," or Glens, and themselves took possession of the rich land along the river Bann, from Lough Neagh to the town of Coleraine, near its mouth. Thus, in time, county Antrim, from north to south, became nearly as Scottish as the portion of county Down lying north of the Ifourne mountains.

The plantations in counties Down and Antrim, however, were limited in scope in comparison with the "Great Plantation in Ulster," for which James I.'s reign will be forever remembered in Ireland.

About the year 1607, O'lS^eill, Earl of Tyrone, and MacDonnell, Earl of Tyrconnel, with a number of the lesser Irish chiefs, having rebelled against the King and been proclaimed traitors, their lands were confiscated by the Crown; and all of northern Ireland - Londonderry, Donegal, Tyrone, Cavan, Armagh, and Eermanagh - passed into the hands of the King.

The plan adopted by James for the colonization of these six "escheated" counties, was to take possession of the finest portions of this great tract of country (amounting in all to nearly four millions of acres); to divide it into small estates, none larger than two thousand acres; and to grant these to men of known wealth and substance. Those who accepted grants were bound to live on their lands themselves, to bring with them Endish and Scottish settlers, and to build for themselves and for their tenants fortified places for defence, houses to live in, and churches in which to worship. The native Irish were assigned to the poorer lands and less accessible districts; while the allotments to the English and Scots were kept together, so that they might form communities, and not mix or intermarry with the Irish. The purpose was not only to transfer the ownership of the land from Irish to Briton, but to introduce a British population in place of an Irish one.

James seems to have seen that the parts of Scotland nearest Ireland, and which had most intercourse with it, were most likely to yield proper colonists. He resolved, therefore, to enlist the assistance of the great families of the southwest, trusting that their feudal power would enable them to bring with them bodies of colonists. Thus, grants were made to Ludovick Stewart, Duke of Lennox, who had great power in Dumbartonshire; to James Hamilton, Earl of Abercorn, and his brothers, who represented the power of the Hamiltons in Eenfrewshire. North Ayrshire had been already largely drawn on by Hamilton and Montgomery, but one of the sons of Lord Kilmarnock, Sir Thomas Boyd, received a grant; while from South Ayrshire came the Cunninghams and Crawfords, and Andrew Stewart (Lord Ochiltree) and his son. But it was on Galloway men that the greatest grants were bestowed. Almost all the great houses of the time are represented - Sir Robert MacLellan, Laird Bomby, as he is called, who afterwards became Lord Kirkcudbright; John Murray of Broughton, one of the secretaries of state; Vans (Vance) of Barnbarroch; Sir Patrick McKie of Laerg; Dunbar of Mochrum; one of the Stewarts of Garlics, from whom .Newtown Stewart takes its name. With the recipient of 2,000 acres, the agreement was that he Avas to bring ''fortyeiffht able men of the age of eighteen or upwards, being born in England or the inward [i. e., southern] parts of Scotland." The progress of the colonies in the different counties is very accurately described in a series of reports by Government inspectors, at various periods between the 3'ears 1610 to 1620, and in the letters of Chichester himself, which are to be found in the Calendar of State Papers for Ireland, and in the Carew Papers (both published by the British Government).

The most interesting of these reports are those regarding "undertakers" (as the grantees were called), who took possession in the year 1610, made up their minds to remain and to thrive in Ulster, and who founded families whose names were afterwards to be well known in Ireland. In Donegal, on Lough Swilly, will be found on the map the names of two villages, ]\Ianor Cunningham and Kewtown Cunningham. The men who introduced so Scottish a name into so Irish a county are thus noticed in the report of 1611: "Sir James Cunningham, Knight, Laird Glangarnoth, 2,000 acres, took possession, but returned into Scotland. Three families of British residents preparing to build . . . John Cunningham of Cranfield, 1,000 acres, resident with one family of British . . . Cuthbert Cunningham, 1,000 acres, resident with two families of British ; built an Irish house of copies, and prepared materials to re-edify the Castle of Coole-McEtreen." In county Tyrone, "The Earl of Abercorn, chief undertaker in the precinct in the county of Tyrone, has taken possession, resident with lady and family, and built for the present near the town of Strabane some large timber houses . . . His followers and tenants have since May last built twenty-eight houses of fair copies, and before May by his tenants, who are all Scottish men, the number of thirty-two houses of like goodness." "The Lo. Uchelrie [Lord Ochiltree] 3,000 acres in the county of Tyrone, being stayed by contrary winds in Scotland, arrived in Ireland at the time of our being in Armagh, upon our retiirn home, accompanied with thirty-two followers, gent, of sort, a minister, some tenants, freeholders, and artificers."

In 1618, the Irish Government instructed Captain Nicholas Pynnar to inspect every allotment in the six "escheated" counties, and to report on each one, whether held by "natives" or "foreign pknters." Pynnar's report (published in the Irish State Papers), presents a very exact piclure of what had been done by the settlers in the counties inspected - - Londonderry, Donegal, Tyrone, Armagh, Cavan, and Fermanagh. He states that, " there are upon occasion 8,000 men of British birth and descent for defence, though a fourth part of the lands is not fully inhabited." Of these, fully three-fourths must have been Scots; and if there be added the great colonies in Down and Antrim, there must have been an immigration from Scotland of between 30,000 and 40,000 in these ten years.

The only county in which the Scottish settlers failed to take firm root was Fermanagh, for there, in 1618, when Pynnar reported, a large number of the Scottish proportions had been sold, and were held by Englishmen. The result is seen in the small number of Presbyterians in comparison to Episcopalians to be found at the present day in county Fermanagh.

The most exact account of the emigration to TTlster is contained in a hook of travels in Scotland and Irelanrl, hy Sir William Brereton, of Cheshire, England. He states that he came to Irvine, in AATshire, on July 1st, 1635^ and was hospitably entertained hy Mr. James Blair, and that his host informed him that "above ten thousand persons have witliin two years last past left this country wherein they lived, which was betwixt Aberdine and Enuerness [Inverness], and are gone for Ireland; they have come hy one hundred in company through this town, and three hundred have gone hence together, shipped for Ireland at one tide. None of them can give a reason why they leave the country; only some of them who make a better use of God's hand upon them have acknowledged to mine host in these words, 'that it was a just judgment of God to spew them out of the land for their unthankf ulness.' One of them I met withal and discoursed with at large, who could give no good reason, but pretended the landlords increasing their rents; but their swarming in Ireland is so much taken notice of and disliked, as that the Deputy has sent out a warrant to stay the landing of any of these Scotch that come without a certification."

The closing sentence of the foregoing extract gives us a brief and characteristic description of Scottish motives and methods in the colonization and settlement of a new country, that^ma^ well..be applied to every one of their successive migrations, or "swarmings," from that day to this. It was the spirit of unrest, the thirst for adventure, and, chiefly, the desire to better their worldly condition, that led them into the Land of Promise in that day, and at numerous periods since. They came without regard to the jealous forebodings of the governing few, already on the ground, who feared they themselves would be outnumbered by thp strangers; they likewise paid no regard to the official restrictions by which the rulers of Ireland at that time, and the Councils of American colonies a century later, sought to prevent their entry.

The emigration from Ireland to America of the grandchildren and great-grandchildren of these Scottish colonists of the sixteenth century began soon after 1700; and for more than three-quarters of a century afterwards, Ulster poured into America a continuous stream, sometimes reaching the dimensions of a flood, of people of Scottish birth or descent. In 1718, several hundred of them came together from the Yalley of the Bann, south of the town of Coleraine, in county Londonderry, landing at Boston. Here, they were not permitted by the Puritans to remain, but Averc obliged to go out to the frontiers, forming colonies along the coast of Ifaiiie, at Lonrlonrlorry, in New Hampshire, and at Worcester, in Massachusetts. In the latter place, they huilt a cliurch, and contemplated having Presbyterian services, after the manner of their fathers; but the bigoted Puritans, then in the majority, tore down the building in the night; forced them to abandon the project, and taxed them to support their own State Church. Many of these settlers were thus obliged to move further out towards the frontier, where they founded the towns of Pelham and Coleraine, in Massachusetts.

A great many Scotch and Scotch-Irish also emigrated to JSTew York, to New Jerse}^ and to Maryland, Virginia, and the Carolinas. But it was to Pennsylvania, the Quaker Colony, that the great bulk of the Ulster migration came. They began to reach there before 1710; and before 1720, thousands had come into the colony by way of Newcastle, Del. (then included in Pennsylvania). At first, they generally settled near the disputed Maryland boundary line. Before 1730, they had occupied much of the lower lands in the townships of East and West Nottingham, Cecil county, ]\Iaryland, and Mill Creek and White Clay Creek in Newcastle county, Delaware, In Pennsylvania they settled in the townships of London Britain, New Loudon, Londonderry, London Grove, East and West Nottingham, Upper and Lower Oxford, East and West Fallowfield, Sadsbury, East and West Cain, and the newer townships between, in Chester county; Little Britain, Colerain, Bart, Sadsbury, Salisbury, Drumore. Martic, and Donegal in Lancaster county ; and Derry, Paxtang, and Hanover, in Dauphin county. They had also gone into Bucks county in laro-e numbers, settling in Warwick and Warminster townships, along Neshaminy creek; and in Northampton county, in Allen and Hanover townships.

James Logan, then secretary of the province, and himself a Scotch- Irish Quaker, writing of them to the Penns in 1724, states that they had generally taken up the southern lands (towards the Maryland line), and as they rarely approached him Avith proposals of purchase, he calls them "bold and indigent strangers, saying as their excuse, when challenged for titles, that we had solicited for colonists and they had come accordingly." They were, however, understood to be a tolerated class, exempt from quit-rents by an ordinance of 1720, in consideration of their being a frontier people, and forming a cordon of defence about the non-fighting Quakers. They thus served to protect them, if need be - and the necessity often arose - from the murderous incursions of the Indians, and

In 1729, Logan expresses himself as pleased to find that Parliament is about to take measures to prevent the too free emigration from Ulster to America. "It looks/' he writes, "as if Ireland is to send all its inhabitants hither, for last week not less than six ships arrived, and every day, two or three arrive also. The common fear is that if they thus continue to come they will make themselves proprietors of the Province. It is strange that they thus crowd where they are not wanted. . . The Indians themselves are alarmed at the swarms of strangers, and we are afraid of a breach between them - for the [Scotch-] Irish are very rough to them." In 1730, he writes and complains of the Irish as having in an "audacious and disorderly manner" possessed themselves about that time of the whole of Conestoga Manor, a tract of about 15,000 acres, which had been reserved by the Penns for themselves, as it contained some of the best land in the Province. In taking this land by force, he says, the}'' alleged that "it was against the laws of God and nature, that so much land should be idle while so many Christians wanted it to labor on, and to raise their bread." This same spirit on the part of the Scotch- Irish led them in after years (1745-50) to settle in the Tuscarora and Path Valleys, where their cabins were burned by the provincial authorities, and later (17G3-8), along Eedstone creek in what is now Fayette county, where they were warned off by the Quaker Assembly, "under pain of death;" and later still (1779 and 178-1-7) along and near Short creek, in what is now the territory of Jefferson, Belmont, and Harrison counties, Ohio, where they were repeatedly driven off by United States troops, their cabins burned, and their improvements destroyed; but to which localities they as persistently returned and rebuilt, and remained on the land, improving it, until the Territory was thrown open for settlement.

In another letter written by Logan, about the same time (1730), he says : "I must own, from my own experience in the land-office, tliat the settlement of five families from Ireland gives me more trouble than fifty of any other people. Before we were broke in upon, ancient Friends and first settlers lived happily; but now the case is quite altered."

Logan's successor, Eichard Peters, had a somewhat similar experience with the Scotch-Irish emigrants of his day. In a letter written by him in 1743, he states that he went to the Manor of Maske, to warn off and dispossess the squatter settlers. This was another choice tract of upwards of 40,000 acres, located in the wilderness by the Penns as a reservation, lying on both sides of Marsh creek, then in Lancaster, now in Adams county, being the site of Gettysburg, and including the bottom lands southward to the Maryland line. On that occasion, the people who were settled there, to the number of about seventy, assembled and forbade Penn's surveyors to proceed. On the latter persisting, the settlers broke the surveyors' chain, and compelled them to retire. Peters had with him at the time a sheriff and a magistrate; and many of the settlers were afterwards indicted ; but a compromise was effected, by which the squatters were permitted to lease and purchase the Penn titles for a comparatively insignificant consideration; and they were left in possession.

The reasons for the emigration of the Scotch from Ulster to America are in part the same as those given to Brereton by the emigrant from Scotland to Ireland in 1635, which are noted above. But there was another and more cogent reason in addition. In Ireland, notwithstanding the fact that they had saved that country to Protestantism and to the Crown in the revolution of 1688, the Scots were grievously and unjustly discriminated against in the matter of their religion, which was, of course, generally of the Presbyterian form. These discriminations took the form of certain enactments by the Bishop's party in the Irish Parliament (which was then entirely ruled by the ecclesiastics of the Episcopal or State Church). These enactments deprived Presbyterians of the right to hold office in Ireland, required them to pay tithes in support of the Episcopal clergy, prohibited marriages from being performed by any but a Bishop-ordained priest, eitlicr of the Roman or Episcopal Church; and annulled marriages theretofore performed by Presbyterian ministers, declaring illegitimate the children of such marriages. Adding to these the economic causes arising from a discriminating tariff levied against Irish woollens and linens, in favor of the English manufacturers, and the raising of rents by the landlords, to whom a great majority of the Ulster Scotch-Irish were but tenants, and we have a sufBcient explanation of the reasons for the exodus which took place from Ireland to America during the eighteenth century. Archbishop Boulter, Primate of Ireland, writing to the Bishop of London in 1728 concerning the emigration to America, says; chief grievances that occasion such nnmbers of the people of the north going to America, I have for some time designed to write to your lordship on that subject.

But a memorial lately delivered in here by the Dissenting ministers of this place, containing the causes of this desertion, as represented to them by the letters of their brethren in the north, (which memorial we have lately sent over to my lord lieutenant), mentioning the oppression of the ecclesiastical courts about tithes as one of their great grievances. I found myself under a necessity of troubling your lordship on this occasion with a true state of that affair, and of desiring your lordship to discourse with the ministry about it.

The gentlemen of this country have, ever since I came hither, been talking to others, and persuading their tenants, who complained of the excessiveness of their rents, that it w^as not the paying too much rent, but too much tithes that impoverished them; and the notion soon took among the Scotch Presbyterians, as a great part of the Protestants in the north are, who it may easily be supposed do not pay tithes with great cheerfulness. And indeed I make no doubt but the landlords in England mi2;ht with great ease raise a cry amongst their tenants of the great oppression they lay under by paying tithes.

What tlie gentlemen want to be at is, that they may go on raising their rents, and that the clergy should still receive their old payments for their tithes. But as things have happened otherwise, and they are very angry with the clergy, without considering that it could not happen otherwise than it has, since if a clergyman saw a farm raised in its rent, e. g., from 10 to 20 1. per annum, he might be sure his tithe was certainly worth double what he formerly took for it. Xot that I believe the clergy have made a proportionable advancement in their composition for their tithes to Avhat the gentlemen have made in their rents. And yet it is upon this rise of the value of the tithes that they would persuade the people to throw their distress.

In a conference I had with the Dissenting ministers here some weeks ago, they mentioned the raising the value of the tithes beyond what had been formerly paid, that a proof that the people were oppressed in the article of tithes. To which I told them, that the value of tithes did not prove any oppression, except it were proved that that value was greater than theV were really worth, and that even then, the farmer had his remedy by letting the clergy take it in kind.

And there is the less in this argument, because the fact is, that about the years 1694 and 1695, the lands here were almost waste and unsettled, and the clergy in the last distress for tenants for their tithes, when great numbersof them were glad to let their tithes at a very low value, and that during incumbency, for few would take them on other terms; and as the country lias since settled and improved, as those incumbents have dropped off, "the tithe of those parties has been considerably advanced without the least oppression, but I believe your lordship will think not without some grnmhling. The same, no doubt, has happened where there have been careless or needy incumbents, and others of a different character that have succeeded them.

I need not mention to your lordship that I have been forced to talk to several here, that if a landlord takes too great a portion of the profits of a farm for his share by way of rent (as the tithe will light on the tenant's share), the tenant will be impoverished; but then it is not the tithe but the increased rent that nndoes the farmer. And indeed, in this country, where I fear the tenant hardly ever has more than one-third of the profit he makes of his farm for his share, and too often but a fourth or perhaps a fifth part, as the tenant's share is charged with the tithe, his case is no doubt hard, but it is plain from what side the hardship arises.

Another thing they complain of in their memorial is, the trouble that has been given them about their marriages and their school-masters. As to this I told them, that for some time they had not been molested about their marriages; and that aa to their school-masters, I was sure they had met with very little trouble on that head, since I had never heard any such grievance so much as mentioned till I saw it in their memorial.

As for other grievances they mention, such as raising the rents unreasonably, the oppression of justices of the peace, seneschals, and other officers in the country, as they are of no ways of an ecclesiastical nature, I shall not trouble your lordship with an account of them, but must desire your lordship to talk with the ministry on the subject I have now wrote about, and endeavor to prevent their being prepossessed with an unjust opinion of the clergy, or being disposed, if any attempt should be made from hence, to suffer us to be stript of our just rights.

The spirit of emigration - fostered no doubt by the accounts sent home by their countrymen who had preceded them - seized these people to such an extent that it threatened almjst a total depopulation. Such multitudes of husbandmen, laborers, and manufacturers flocked to the other side of the Atlantic, that the landlords began to be alarmed, and to present ways and means for preventing the growing evil. Scarce a ship sailed for the colonies that was not crowded with men, women, and children. It is stated by Proud, in his history of Pennsylvania, that by the year 1729, six thousand Scotch-Irish had come to that colony, and that before the middle of the century, nearly twelve thousand arrived annually for several years. In September, 173G, alone, one thousand families sailed from Belfast, on account of the difficulty of renewing their leases.

The first extensive emigration took place from about the year 1718 to the middle of the century. A second emigration occurred from about 1771 to 1773, although there was a continuous current westward between these two periods.

The cause of this second emigration was somewhat similar to the first. It is well known that a greater portion of the lands in Ireland are owned by a comparatively small number of proprietors, who rent them to the farming classes on long leases. In 1771, the leases on the estate of the Marquis of Donegal having expired, the rents were so largely advanced that many of the tenants could not comply with the demands, and were deprived of the farms they had occupied. This roused a spirit of resentment to the oppression of the large landed proprietors, and an immediate and extensive emigration to America was the result. From 1771 to 1773, there sailed from the ports in the north of Ireland, nearly one hundred vessels, carrying upwards of 25,000 passengers, nearly all of whom were Presbyterians. This was shortly before the breaking out of the Eevolutionary War, and, as has been often remarked, these people, leaving the old world in such a temper, became a powerful contribution to the cause of liberty, and to the Independence of the colonies.

The Scotch-Irish emigrants landed principally at Newcastle and Philadelphia, and thence found their way northward and westward into the eastern and middle counties of Pennsylvania. From thence, one stream followed the Cumberland and Virginia valleys into Virginia and North and South Carolina, and from these colonies, passed on into and settled Tennessee and Kentucky. Anether powerful body went into western Pennsylvania, and settling on the head waters of the Ohio, became famous, both in civil and ecclesiastical history.

The Pennsylvania Scotch-Irish began to settle west of the Blue Ridge mountains before 1750, where up to that time the Indians held undisputed sway. Fear of an Indian outbreak led the Penns in that year to send the justices of Cumberland county over the mountains into the Tuscarora, Aughwick, and Path Valleys, where the settlers were dispossessed, their cabins burned, and their bonds taken that they should return to the older settlements. Some of them did return for a brief period, but soon went back, while others hid themselves away in the woods, and after the justices had departed, built themselves new cabins, and continued to improve their "claims." Before 1760, small settlements were made by members of this hardy and adventurous race aroimd the the military posts of Forts Bedford, Eedstone, and Ligonier; and in 1768,

Rev. John Steel and others were sent by the Provincial authorities to warn off the settlers at Eedstone (in Fayette county) and Turkey Foot (in Somerset county). In 1769, however, the land having been ceded by the Indians, all of southwestern Pennsylvania was thrown open to settlement, and within the next ten years more than 25,000 people were living in the territory now comprising the counties of Westmoreland, Allegheny. Fayette, and Washington. In 1790, the population of these four counties amounted to upwards of 63,000, Washington county alone containing nearly 24,000 inhabitants.

In his "Introductory Memoir to the Journal of Braddock's Expedition," Winthrop Sargent gives an estimate of the character of the Scotch-Irish, which, although properly objected to by some as exaggerated, is not an unfavorable description of many of the early pioneers of Pennsylvania :

They were a hardy, brave, hot-headed race, excitable in temper, unrestrainable in passion, invincible in prejudice. Their hand opened as impetuously to a friend as it clinched against an enem^^ Thev loathed the Pope as sincerely as they venerated Calvin and Knox; and" they did not particularly respect the Quakers. If often rude and lawless it was partly the fault of their position. They hated the Indian while they despised him, and it does not seem, in their dealings with this race, as thouo'h there were any sentiments of honor or magnanimity in their bosoms that could hold way against the furious tide of passionate, blind resentment. Impatient of restraint, rebellious against everything that in their eves bore the semblance of injustice, we find these men readiest amono- the ready on the battle-fields of the Revolution. If they had faults, a lack of patriotism or of courage was not among the number.

The founder of the society of Friends was George Fox, who was born at Drayton in the Clay, in Liecestershire, England, in July, 1624. His father was a Puritan weaver, and the son, originally intended for the church, was apprenticed to a shoemaker and dealer in wool. "In 1643," he says, "I left my relations, and broke ofE all familiarity with young or old." For the next few years, he was in spiritual darkness, and groped after the light. He dates the beginning of his Society from Liecestershire, in 1644. The course of Quakerism was at first toward the north of England. It appeared in Warwickshire in 1645; in Nottinghamshire in 1646; in Derby in 1647; in the adjacent counties in 1648, 1649, and 1650. It reached Yorkshire in 1651; Lancaster and Westmoreland, 1653; Cumberland, Durham, and IM orthumberland, 1653; London, and most other parts of England, Scotland, and Ireland, in 1654. In 1655, Friends went beyond sea, 'Svhere truth also spruug up," and in 1656 "it broke forth in America, and many other places." (Fox's Journal, IL, 442.)

The Society of Friends was not organized by the establishment of meetings to insj)ect the affairs of the church until some years after Fox began preaching, and then a prominent part of the business of these meetings was to aid those Friends who were in prison, for persecution followed hard upon their increase in numbers. In 1661, 500 were in prison in London alone; there were 4,000 in jail in all England; and the Act of Indulgence liberated 1,200 Quakers in 1673. But Quakerism flourished under persecution. Tliey showed a firmness which has been seen nowhere else in the annals of religious history. Other Dissenters might temporize, plot against the Government, or hold meetings in secret; the Quakers, never. They scorned these things. They received the brutal violence of the Government in meekness ; they met openly, and in defiance of its orders; they wearied it by their very persistence. Nevertheless, the simplicity, the earnestness, the devotion, and the practical nature of this system of theology, when contrasted with the dry husk of Episcopacy, and the jangling creeds of the Dissenters, won them adlierents by the thousands. They came mostly from the lower ranks of society, but from all sects.

Quakerism is distinctively the creed of the seventeenth century. Seekers were in revolt against the established order. It gave these seekers what they were looking for. In theology, it was un-Puritan; but in cultus, modes, and forms, it was more than Puritan. The Quaker was the Puritan of the Puritans. He was an extremist, and this brought him into conflict with the establislied order. He believed that Quakerism was primitive Christianity revived. He recognized no distinction l)etween the clergy and the laity; he refused to swear, for Christ had said, swear not at all ; he refused to fight, for the religion of Christ is a religion of love, not of war; he would pay no tithes, for Christ had said, ye have freely received, freely give; he called no man master, for he thought the terms, Eabbi, Your Holiness, and Eight Eeverend connoted the same idea. He rejected the dogmas of water baptism and the Puritan Sabbath, and in addition to these, claimed that inspiration is not limited to the writers of the Old and 'New Testaments, but is the gift of Jehovah to all men who will accept it, and to interpret the Scriptures, men must be guided l)y the Spirit that guided its authors. Here was the cardinal doctrine of their creed, and the point where they differed radically from other Dissenters. Add to this the doctrine of the Inner Light, the heavenly guide given directly to inform or illuminate the individual conscience, and we have the corner-stones of their system.

In July, 1656, Ann Austin and Mary Fisher, the vanguard of a Quaker army, appeared in Boston from Barbadoes. They were the first Quakers to arrive in America. They were imprisoned and shipped back. In October of the same year, a law was passed, which provided a fine for the shipmaster wlio knowingly brought in Quakers, and obliged him to carry them out again. The Quaker was to be whipped, and committed to the house of correction. Any person importing books, "or writings concerning their devilish opinions," or defending their "heretical opinions," was to be fined, and, for the tliird offense, banished. ISTor was any person to revile the magistrates and ministry, "as is usual with the

Quakers." The law of October, 1657, imposed a fine for entertaining a Quaker. If a Quaker returned after being sent away once, he was to lose one ear; if he returned the second time, the other ear; and the third offense was punished b}' boring the tongue. The law of October, 1658, bauished both resident and foreign Quakers, under pain of death. In Massachusetts, Quakers had their ears cut off; they were branded; they were tied to the cart-tail and whipped through the streets; women were shamefully exposed to public gaze; and in 1659-60, three men and one woman were hanged on Boston Common. Such was the welcome of the first Quakers to American soil.

Pennsylvania, the Quaker Colony, was founded by William Penn, in 1681, under a patent granted by Charles II. on March 4th of that year. The first colouy left England in August, 1681, in three ships, the Johu and Sarah, from London, the Amity, from London, and the Factor, from Bristol. The John and Sarah is said to have landed first; the Amity was carried by a gale to the West Indies; and the Factor, having proceeded up the Delaware as far as the present town of Chester, was, on December 11th, frozen up in the channel, and its passengers obliged to pass the winter there. William Penn had sent his cousin, Captain William Markham, with the colonists, as deputy governor, and did not emigrate himself until the month of August, 1G82, when he embarked on the Welcome. After a passage of some two months, during which smallpox broke out among the emigrants, and carried off one-third of their number, Penn and his fellow colonists landed at Newcastle, Del., on October 27th. Of the history of Penn's colony, and of the Quaker government during the next ninety-three years, and until it was finally overthrown in 1776 by the Revolutionary Scotch-Irish, it is not necessary here to speak. Much of this is familiar history to every school-boy. But the influence of tke Quakers in the settlement and growth of the states south of Pennsylsylvania, has never been sufiiciently recognized; and as it was from these states that most of the Quaker emigrants to Harrison and adjoinino- counties came, it will be appropriate to inquire into the history of the Quaker in the South. "They appeared in Virginia," says Dr. Stephen B. Weeks (from whose work on Southern Quakers and Slavery much of this sketch is condensed), "soon after their organization; they were in the Carolinas almost with the first settlers; they were considerable in number and substance; they were well-behaved and law-abiding; they maintained friendly relations with the Indians; they were industrious and friifrnl; they were zealous missionaries; and through their earnest and faithful preaching became, toward the close of the seventeenth century, the largest and only organized body of Dissenters in these colonies.

"They have always been zealous supporters of religious freedom. They bore witness to their faith under bodily persecution in Virginia; under disfranchisement and tithes in the Carolinas and Georgia. By reason of their organization and numbers, they were bold and aggressive in North Carolina, in the struggle against the Established Church. They took the lead in tliis struggle for religious freedom in the first half of the eighteenth century, as the Presbyterians did in the latter half. They continued an important element in the life of these states until about 1800, when their protest against slavery took the form of migration. They left their old homes in the South by thousands, and removed to the free aSTorthwest, particularly Ohio and Indiana. These emigrant'^ composed the middle and lower ranks of society, who had few or no slaves, and who could not come into economic competition with slavery. They were accompanied by many who were not Quakers, but who were driven to emigration by the same economic cause, and so great was this emigration that in 1850, one-third of the population of Indiana is said to have been made up of native North Carolinians and their children.

"Soon after 1800, Quakers disappeared entirely from the political and religious life of South Carolina and Georgia. They now number only a few hundred in Virginia. They are now relatively less important in North Carolina than in colonial days, but are still an important factor in the making of that state."

Under the Ordinance of 1787, passed by Congress for the government of the Northwest Territory, neither slavery nor involuntary servitude, except for crime, was to be allowed in any part of this territory; and with a legal guarantee in the organic law of the territory, it became a fit home for men who found themselves driven to migration by the institution of slavery in the South.

When we come to study these Quaker migrations in detail, there is little to differentiate those of one state from those of another. They went in substantially the same way, but owing to difference in location, pursued different routes. At first, North Carolina Quakers went very largely to Tennessee, while Virginia Quakers, being nearer, went directly to Ohio. In this way, Virginia Quakers took possession of Ohio, while North Carolina Quakers pressed on to Indiana.

Territory to settlement, stopped naturally in Ohio. As there were then no Friends' meetings in that territory, Quaker emigrants left their certificates at Bedstone (in Fayette county) and Westland (in Washington county), Pennsylvania. The first certificate to Westland meeting is dated June 24, 1785. Most of the certificates to Westland and Kedstone came from Virginia meetings. The migrations of Carolina Friends to this part of the West were few, until after the establishment of the Ohio meetings. After 1785, certificates from Virginia monthly meetings to Redstone and Westland became numerous; about half of them represent; families, some of them being young couples who turned to the West for their fortunes. Those Friends who took certificates to Eedstone and Westland were but the advance guard of the western migration which set in about the year 1800. They continued to go to these meetings for a year or two longer; thus South Kiver sent twelve to Westland in 1801, and the southern Goose Creek sent fifteen in 1801 and 1802, of which thirteen were families, besides a considerable number sent before the beginning of the present century. Meetings were soon established within the Northwest Territory, and then Westland soon disappears as a stopping-place. Thus, in- 1803, we find certificates from South Eiver to "Concord Monthly Meeting, ISTorthAvest Tei'ritory;" but this name almost immediately gives place to "Concord ]\lonthly Meeting, State of Ohio," and the migrations at once become very numerous. Mr. Williams' very full account of the emigration of his own family from North Carolina to Concord settlement (in Colerain township, Belmont county) will be found in the Chapter on Harrison County Pioneers. During the first ten years of the century, most of the emigrants from Virginia went from Crooked Run, Hopewell, South River, and the two Goose Creek Monthly Meetings; during the second decade they went from Hopewell, South River, and the southern Goose Creek Monthly Meetings. The migration from the northern Goose Creek and Hopewell became active again about 1825, and continued so until 1836. The meetings in Virginia which belonged to Baltimore Yearly Meeting were the first to send out settlers, for they were nearer the western countr}^, and had less to hold them in the way of local associations. From 1812-16, there was a considerable migration from the lower meetings of the Virginia Yearly Meeting. Of the meetings belonging to this Yearly Meeting, South River furnished the greater number of emigrants. From this meeting there went eighty-six families, and forty-three single persons, their removal covering the forty years from 1801 to 1810. In the same way.

The Friends, Or Quakers 27

migrations from the southern Goose Creek began with the century, were to Westland first, and then to Ohio. These removals sapped the life of the Meeting, and it was laid down in 181-1. In 1811, the movement began among all the lower meetings. Emigrants from Virginia went largely to Ohio. Those who took certificates to the Indiana meetings belong to the later period.

The first migration from North Carolina to the West was made directly over the Allegheny mountains, by the adventurers wlio laid the foundations of Tennessee. The first considerable movement of Friends from jSTorth Carolina to the jSTorthwest was made from the Contentnea Quarter. It was emphatic and sweeping in its character. It was literally a migration. A letter written from Concord, Belmont county, Ohio, (the Quaker settlement a few miles southeast of JSTew Athens), by Borden Stanton, one of the leaders of this migration, to Friends at Wri^^htsborough, Ga., who were also thinking of going West, and who did so at a later date, has fortunately been preserved. It reveals to us the motives, the troubles, and the trials of these modern pilgrims to an unknown land. It is dated 25th of 5th month, 1802, and reads as follows:

Dear Friends - Having understood by William Patten and William Hogan, from your parts, that a number among you have had some thoughts and turnings of mind respecting a removal to this country; and ... as it has been the lot of a number of us to undertake the work a little before you, I thouglit a true statement (for your information) of some of our strugglings and reasonings concerning the propriety of our moving . . .

I may begin thus, and say, that for several years Friends had some distant view of moving out of that oppressive part of the land, but did not know where, until the year 1799, when we had an aceptable visit from some traveling Friends of the western part of Pennsylvania. They thought proper to propose to Friends for consi»deration, whether it would not be agreeable to best wisdom for us unitedly to remove northwest to the Ohio river, - to a p\ce where there were no slaves held, being a free country. This proposal made a deep impression on our minds .

Nevertheless, although we had had a prospect of something of the kind, it was at first very crossing to my natural inclination; bemg well settled as to the outward. So I strove against the thoughts of moving for some time ... as it seemed likely to break up our Monthly Meeting, which I had reason to believe was get up in the wisdom of Truth. Thu3, I was concerned many times to weigh the matter as in the balance of th3 sanctuary; till at length, I considered that there was no prospect of our number being increased by convincement, on account of the oppression that abounded in that land . . .

Under a view of these things, I -was made sensible, heyond doubting, that it was in the ordering of wisdom for us to remove; and that the Lord was opening a way for our enlargement, if found worthy. Friends generally feeling something of the same, there were three of them who went to view the country, and one worthy public Friend. They traveled on till they came to this part of the western country, where they were stopped in their minds, believing it was the place for Friends to settle. So they returned back, and informed us of the same in a solemn meeting ; in which dear Joseph Dew, the public Friend, intimated that he saw the seed of God sown in abundance, which extended far northwestward. This information, in the way it was delivered to us, much tendered our spirits, and strengthened us in the belief that it was right. So we undertook the work, and found the Lord to be a present helper in every needful time, as he was sought unto; yea, to be as "a pillar of cloud by day and the pillar of fire by night;" and thus we were led safely along until we arrived here.

It appears by a copy of the minutes of a monthy meeting on Trent river, in Jones county, N. C. held in the ninth and tenth months, 1799, that the weighty subject of the members thereof being about to remove unitedly to the territory northwestward of the Ohio river, was and had been before that time deliberately under their consideration. And the same proposal was solemnly laid before their Quarterly Meeting, held at Contentnea on the ninth of the tenth month; which, on weighing the matter and its circumstances, concluded to leave said Friends at their liberty to proceed therein, as way might be opened for them; yet the subject was continued till their next Quarter. And they having (before the said Monthly Meeting ceased) agreed that certificates be signed therein for the members, to convey their rights respectively to the Monthly Meeting nearest to the place of their intended settlement, showing them to bo members whilst they resided there ; such certificates for each other mutually were signed in their last Monthly Meeting, held at Trent aforesaid, in the first month, 1800; which was then solemnly and finally adjourned and concluded, and their privilege of holding it, together with the records of it, were delivered up to their Quarterly Meeting, held the 18th of the same month, 1800.

They stopped first at the settlements of Friends on the Monongahela river, in Fayette and Washington counties, Penna., to prepare for their new settlement over the Ohio. They brought their certificates with them, laid their circumstances, with extracts from the minutes of their former monthly and quarterly meetings in Carolina, before Redstone Quarterly meeting, and received the advice and assistance of Friends there.

Thus they proceeded, and made their settlement in the year 1800; and were remarkably favored with an opportunity to be accommodated with a quantity of valuable land at the place which was chosen for their settlement by the Friends who went to view the country, before the office was opened for granting lands in that territory.

The first of us moved west of the Ohio in the ninth month, 1800; and none of us had a house at our command, to meet in, to worship the Almighty Being. So we met in the woods, until houses were built, which was but a short time. In less than one year. Friends so increased that two preparative meetings were settled; and in last twelfth month a monthly meeting, called Concord, also was opened, which is now large. Another preparative meeting is requested, and, also, another first and week-day meeting. Four are already granted in the territory, and three meeting-houses are built. Way appears to be opening for another Monthly Meeting; and, I think, a Quarterly Meeting. . . .

I may say that as to the outward [i. e., worldly possessions], we have been sufficiently provided for, though in a new country. Friends are settling fast, and seem, I hope, likely to do well.

This seems to have been the first considerable migration from North Carolina to the West. It seems also to have been the only case on record where a whole meeting went in a body. But it was not the only case of removal from Contentnea Quarter. Removals from this Quarter either to the West, or to upper meetings of the same Quarter, continued until Carteret, Beaufort, Hyde, Craven, and Jones counties were depopulated of Quakers, and the meetings there laid down. Friends in these counties now reported to Core Sound Monthly Meeting, in Carteret county. Migration from Core Sound began in 1799, when Ilorton Howard, secretary of the monthly meeting, took a certificate to Westland, Josiah Bundy and Joseph Bishop also removed to Westland that year. In 1802, ten parties asked for certificates; no destination was given, but we are justified in assuming that it was Westland or Concord. In 1802-0-4, the movement was to Concord, Northwest Territory. There was then no more emigration from there until 1831. Migrations began from Contentnea Monthly Meeting in 1800. Between 1800 and 1815, we find thirty-six certificates issued. Two were to Redstone, one to Indiana, and all the rest to Ohio, most of them to Concord.

In the folloAving list^ an attempt has been made to give the names of those families which were the leaders in the westward migration, or which furnished the most recruits to it, from the various monthly meetings in the East. The names of the meetings to which the joarticular families went have also been given, with an approximation of the date:

Hopewell Monthl}'- Meeting, Ya., sent to Concord (1803-05), members of the families of Lupton, Piggot, Jenkins, Pickering, Miller, Ellis, Steer, Bevin; to various other monthly meetings in Ohio (1804- ): Mc- Pherson, George, Walter, Wickersham, White, Walton, Wilson, Allen, Adams, Branson, Cope, Crampton, Faucett, Hackney, Janney, Lloyd, Little, Lupton, Pickering, Steer, Smith, Swayne, Townsend, Taylor.

Goose Creek (northern) Monthly Meeting, Va. - To Concord (1805- 08): Evans, Pancoast, Sinclair, Spencer, Gregg, White, Whiteacre, Canby, Dillon, Smith; to other meetings, nearly all in Ohio (1820-54): Talbott, Buchanan, Rose, Hampton, Hughes, Nichols, Bradfield, Trehern, Mead, Wilson, Birdsall, Brown, Shoemaker, Taylor; to Salem, Columbiana county (1806-07): Craig, Smith, Canby, Janney, Gilbert.

South River Monthly Meeting, Va. - To Concord (1802-05): Pidgeon, Gregg, Bloxom, Wildman; to Salem, (1805-07): Stanton, Carle, Macy, Gurrell, Fisher; to other meetings, mostly in Ohio: Redder, Milliner, Holloway, Fisher, Ferrell, Early, Moorman, Stratton, Johnson, Preston, Burgess, Ballard, Terrell, Lea, Cox, Cadwalader, Butler, Morgan, Bailey, I/ynch.

Cedar Creek Monthly Meeting, Va. - To Salem (1812-23): Stanley, Blackburn; to Short Creek (1813-41): Moorman, Terrell, Maddox, Hargrave. Creek.

White Oak Swamp Monthly Meeting, Va. - To Ohio meetings, not specified (1811-36): Ratcliff, Crew, Ladd, Harrison, Bates, Hockaday, Hargrave, Terrill, Andrews, Binford, Johnson, Ricks. Most of these went to Short Creek.

The Friends, Or Quakers 31

Eich Square Monthly Meeting, N. C - To Short Creek (1805-11): Patterson, Maremoon (or Moreman), Taylor; to other Ohio meetings (1805-12): Patterson, Maremoon, Hicks, Crew, Eeams.

Contentnea Monthly Meeting, N. C - To Concord (1802-05) : Hall, Edgerton, Outland, Doudna, Albertson, Dodd, Bailey, Morris; to other meetings in Ohio (1805-34) : Copetand, Bundy, Collier, Cox, Price, Hollowell, Hobson, Spivy, Thomas, Peele, Hall, Jinnett.

Wrightsborough Monthly ]\Ieeting, Ga. - To Ohio meetings, not specified: Butler, Hollingsworth, Moore, Jay, Pearson, Killey, Henderson, Williams, Brooks.

Gravelly Eun Monthly ileeting, Va. - To meetings chiefly in Ohio (1822-30): Butler, Thomas, Peebles, Binford, Wrenn, Johnson, Hunnicutt, Sems, Watkins.

Cane Creek Monthly Meeting, IST. C. - To Ohio meetings, not specified (1805-09): Stanton, Haydock, Cox, Hadly, Baker, Clark, Hussey, Hasket, Moffit, Hale, Eatclifi".

Many of the first comers to Concord and Short Creek, Ohio, emigrating before those meetings were definitely established, left their certificates with the nearest meetings in Pennsylvania, being those of Westland, in Washington count}^ and Redstone, in Fayette county. The following families came to one or both of these places: Prom Hopewell, Va. (1786-1803): Faulkner, Perviance, ToAvnsend, Sidwell, Berry, Mills, Blackburn, Branson, Hodge, Lewis, Brock, White, Bailey, Smith, Eoberts, /Wells, Morris, Finch, Antrim. From Fairfax, Va. (1785-1833): Smith, n/ Stokes, Wharton, Davis, Hough, Ward, Mitchner, Plumber, Shine. From Crooked Run, Va. (1787-1803): Cadwalader, Reyley, Hank, Russel, Berry, ^-.^ -Wright, Hunt, Richards, Mullen, Updegraff, Lupton,Wood, Evans, Cleaver, Yarnell, Painter, Dillhorn, Taylor, Holloway, Penrose, Miller. From Goose Creek (southern), Va. (1801-03): Olipliant, Erwin, Lewis, Morlan, Richards, Whitaker, Pidgeon, Schooley^ Wright, Parsons, Sinclair. From South River, Va. (1801-02) : James, Hanna, Baugham, Harris, Holloway, Terrell, Stratton, Ferrall, Carle, Via, Tellus. From Core Sound, N". C. (1799-1802): Howard, Bundy, Bishop, Dew, Ward, Mace, Stanton, Williams. From Contentnea, S. C. (1800) : Thomas Arnold. From Mt. Pleasant, Va. (1802): Bradford. From Bush River, S. C. (1802-03): Pugh, Jay, Kelly, O'Neal, Mills, Peaty, Horner, Wright.