Fayette County, Indiana - Chapter 3, 1917 (part 1 of 3)

Chapter 3

The history of the region now comprised in Fayette county and of its county seat prior to the organization of the county in January, 1819, is very difficult to trace. It is well known that when the county was organized there were nearly three thousand people within its limits, but where they came from, how they reached the various parts of the county or what steps they took to get the Legislature to organize the county are matters about which there has been very little ascertained until within the past few years. With the organization of the county in 1819 and the keeping of official records the historian is able to find some definite data on which to base the early history of the county, but the history of the decade following the first settlement of John Conner on the i^resent site of Conner sville in 1808 or 1809 has been practically a closed record until 1909 - just one hundred years after John Conner, a young man who had not yet reached his majority, first pitched his camp within the limits of the city now bearing his name, and thereb}- became the first white man to settle in the city of Connersville.

This history of Conner's career in b"a}ette county is fairly well known, but an account of liis jjarticipation in state afi^airs seems to have been neglected by local historians until recently. Every citizen of Fayette county has more or less of a hazy idea of the fact that all of the land within the limits of the county was bought by the United States government from the Indians, but just when the purchase was made, who consummated it or how much was paid for it are matters which are not generally known. Likewise most of the ]jeople now living in the county have heard of the old Indian trail up the White Water, but where it ran, how much it was used or anything definite about its connection with the history of Fayette county, in general or of Connersville in particular are cjuestions which have been unanswered until within the past few years. And of the city of Connersville itself - the location of the trading post of Conner, or the exact site of the block house where soldiers of the regular army were once stationed or the location of the proposed public square - these questions and many more ha\e been answered onh' witliin Ihe ])ast few vears.

liistory (if tlie decade imuK-diatcly iirccfdiiij;- the (irtianizati<in vi llie cmiiUy and brino" to light a lari^e nunil)er of facts which had apparently been lost forever. This historian wiio deserves the gratitude of every citizen of the county for his jjatient and exhaustive researches into this neglected field of the county's histor\' is J. ],. Heineniann. of L'onnersviile. i-'or twenty years Mr. Heinemann has ))een collecting every available bit of information concerning the early history- of the county, but it was not until 1909 that he gave to the public the results of any of his lalxirs. in that year he issued his first brochure dealing with Fayette count\-, under the title of "The Twelve-Mile Purchase." in which he sets forth the provisions of the treaty which included practically all of the present territory of Fayette county. The treaty which resulted in the purchase of the strip from the Indians has peculiar interest to b'ayette countw not only because it resulted in the acquisition of most of the land now in the countw but more particularly l)ecause John Conner was one of the interpreters present at the making of the treaty and the onl\- citizen of the future county of Fayette to have his name signed to the document which was to iriake possible the formation of the county just ten years later.

Mr. Heinemann has made extensive researches into all of the events surrounding the making of this treaty, and for the benefit of future generations of F'ayette county it seems apjirojiriate to give the result of his as it was originally jiublislied in looi). under the title of "The Twelve Mile Purchase."

The Twelve Mile Purchase is a descripti\e phrase which became popularly the name for the ac(|uisition of the Indian lands Ijy the United States. of the territor}- in \\-liich I-'a_\"ette connt\- almost wliolh- lies. .\ map will show an uneven stri]i on the west l\'ing nutside of the purchase. The expression is accurate, however, only, so far as it pertains to our neighborhood. The treaty with the Indians which took place at Vt. Wayne, Indiana, was concluded September 30. 1809. and provided for the cession of two separated portions of territor)-. The larger portion lies in the Wabash region, extending southwardly and eastwardly. but still not far enough east to make it contiguous to our own. .\s we expect to employ the local terminology, and call it The Twelve Mile Purchase, it may be well at the start to give the official rendering of the act. thus luaintaining accuracy as well as showing the origin of the title our forbears ga\e it.

James Madison, President of the llnited States of America, by William Henry Harrison, governor and conniiander-ln-chief of the Indian Territoi-j-, superintendent of Indian .ilfjiirs. and commissioner pleiiiiioteutiary of the United States for treating with the said Indi.m tribes, and the saciienis. head-men and warriors of the Delaware, rnt.iwatiniie. Miami and Kel River tribes of Indians, h.ive agreed and concluded upon tile following treaty: which, when, ratified by the said I'resident. with the advice and conseni of the Senate of the T'nited States, shall be binding on the said parties.

Conse(iuently, it is pfii]jerly called, Treaty of Ft. Wayne. September 30. 180C); and, in text hooks, it will he found under that title. Our localism, "Twelve Mile I'urchase" s])rings from the use of a detail to describe the whole act, which fact will be readiK- seen, when it is noted that the west boundary of this purchase follows practicallx- the watershed dividing the basins of the White ri\er on the west and south and the White Water river on the east. It is seemingly made twehe miles wide because the basin of the White Water river a])i)roxiniates that distance and would he entirely covered by such a descri|)tion. In other words, the described stri]) of territory, the beautiful and fertile valley of the White Water, is enclosed exactly by the metes and bounds set down in the terms of the TweKe Mile Purchase.

In article I of the treat}-, the territory is mimitely described. The first .set of details covers the tract which lies in the \\'abash region, extending to the southeast till it ititersects the boundary of an earlier treaty, that of 1805. Then follows this descri]ition of land : led between the following bound- .irdly .(long the general boundary r!)."i) to its intersection with the (A. II.. ISO.-,): thence .along said the fir.st mentioned line, will be id parallel line to its intersection el to the line established bv Oie

In this description, the old boundary line established in 1795. by General Wayne, is made the base, and a parallel line westward twelve miles

(.iistant is made llif ik-w limit dI the red man's Ikhiic. ( '(inse(|iK'ntly. in \ie\\ nt the tact, that nn communications existed between us and the settlements in tlie Waliasli coiuitr\ . it was an eas\- matter tor our pioneers to ii^nore the part of the purchase wliich la\ m that re.^ioii. and simply call the new ac(|uisition. "The Twehe Mile I'nrchase": which term, accm-ately enout^h describes our own portion since it is twelve miles wide, and conutint;' its t^reatest eloui^ation - about ninety miles north and south.

How inviting- a lield to the whites wlio lirst trod its surface! it was a fan- country, destined to become the lionie of ci\ili/.ation. of the arts and commerce, alniost instantly. Tlie strip became the heart of what is now the c;onnties of l'"ranklin. |-'ayette. Wayne and l\andol])h, and is tlie watersiied or valley of the west fork of the White Water river. lint the briefest jjcriod is needed to convert it into a well settled nei,!-liborhoo<l. The first settlers haxe left an abundance of monuments to mark the sta.tjes of their rapid i)ros.;-- ress. in domestic and ci\il ii-istitutions. in itidustries that still obtain, and in moral im])ulses that cannot be effaced, so that these are well remembered. They are still with us in their works and are honoretl in their jiosteritv. Anil in conse(|uence. it is llttint;- at this time, when liie centenary of his extinu-uishment dawns ui)on us. to consider t^enerously. for a few- niotuents, the known facts of the lone Indian who has departed.

There are not many thint^s to say of him. Mis traditions are effacingthemselves year by year; and. as for written history, his takes the form mostly of land relint|nislinients and transfers of habitation. That he had ignoble traits is allowably the case; btit he had noble ones also. He may ha\e been uncouth and shiftless and susj^icious, and in the possession of plent\- of other undesirable traits, as judged by the white men who had to do with hini ; but then, the contact was not of his seeking, and. unfler the circumstance, it is l)robable that the futin-e will more and more reco.gnize iri him a courage, a tenacit}- and a daring, beyond the ordinary, in contending as he did for his hunting grounds, a.gainst the flood of whites that our colonial growth jjoured out oxer him.

Article 7 : The tribes wlio are parties to tliis treaty being desirous of putting an end to the depredations which are committed by abandoned individuals of their own color, upon the cattle, horses, etc., of the more industrious , and careful, agree to adopt (lie following regulations: viz., when any theft or other depredation shall be committed by any individual or individuals of one of the tribes above mentioned, upon the prop- of an.v individual or individuals of anotlier tribe, the chiefs of the party Injured shall malie apiilication to the agent of the T'nited States, who shall be charged with the delivery of the annuities of the tribe to which the offending party belong.s, whose duty it .shall be to hear the proofs and allegations on either side and determine between them. And the amount of his award shall be immediately deducted from the annuity of the tribe to which the offending party lielongs. and given to the person in.iured. or to the chiefs of his village- tor his use.

It is more than interesting to know who were the signatories to this treaty. The names present a curious admixture of \ocal sounds now lost to us. hut which once were familiar enougli to tliose who had acquired a knowledge of the pecuhar structure of the Indian's Hugo. Tliey are reproduced verhatim, below, as found in the original document.

Here are grouped the high plenipotentiaries, whose conduct in solemn conclave, passed the so\ereignty over our lands, from one hand, nature's own children, the aborigines, the true sons of the soil, to that of another, the I'nited .States of America, the white man's government, lately installed on this contineiU with momentous promise, and even greater realization judged hy the standard of things done. Tlow rapid the progress, and how dazing to the children of our forests, the white men's ;ichievements were, is now difficult for us to ajipreciate. .\11 we know of the Indian's view-point is fragmentary. We are acquainted with his history not at all, in completeness or with any -great degree of accuracy, h'ootprints here and there are left to us, hut, beyond this. the\- ha\e \anislied - the race is gone. '(6)

Wii-Liam Henry Harrison

In noting the signatures to the treaty, it may be permissible to dismiss the first one, WilHam Henry Harrison, who became the first governor of Indiana Territory when organized in 1800, as too well known to bring it into contrast with the other names. He ser\ed continuously in public life for many years, and in tlie year 1840 was honored with the Presidency of the United States. His intimate connection with our Indian affairs follows after the campaigning of General Wayne which culminated in the treaty of Greenville, Ohio, under date of 1795. Subsequent to it, and up to the time of the Twelve Mile Purchase, he had negotiated five treaties for Indian lands.

In the treaty which concerns us now, that of [8oy, the first family of Indians represented in the signing of the document, are the Delawares. This is the proper place for them, owing to the important bearing its terms are to have on their future life. Their hunting grounds are now to be diminished exactly to the extent of the Twelve Mile Purchase, and it is they, principally, who are to move out of their homes into new quarters.

The Delawares belong to the general group, Algonquin, and originally were at home on the banks of the Delaware ri\'er, whence their name as used by the whites. .\m(ing themselves they were Lenni Lenape (manly men). They occu])ied territory successi\-el^- in what is Pennsylvania, Ohio, and after that, following the establishment of the Indian boundary of 1795, found their abode in the White Water \alley. In establishing themselves here, thev had evidently displaced the Miamis: for the second article of the treaty of 1809. clearly foresees a further encroachment by them. It reads as follows :

The Miamies explioitl.v ;iekiimvlt>(lge the wiual right of the DelMwares 'with themselves to the country watered by the White river. But it is .-ilso to be clearly under- .stood, that neither party shall have the right of disposing of the same without the consent of the other: .ind, any improvemepts which shall be made on said land li.v the Delawares, nr their friends, the Mohicans, shall be theirs forever.

The country watered by the White river liegins exactly west of the boundary agreed on in 1809. Thi.'^ west line of the Twelve Mile Purchase is about where the traction line crosses Williams creek, and as is well known, all the small streams, beyond the limits described. How in the opposite direction, forming the headwaters of the east fork of the \Vhite river, which river courses southwestwardly to its junction with the east fork (of the White river) not far from Vincennes. .'^o that, acknowledging the ec|ual right of the Delawares to the country watered by the ^^^hite ri\er, simply allowed

In the study of iiuii\i(luaiity - the personal element in man - there is oftentimes as much interest in the doings of a savage as any other humanV being. His nature moves in simple grooves, and in consequence, it is easier to weigh his silent motives. At the treaty of 1809. Hack-ing-poms-kon was not present at the close of the i)roceedings. His name .is at the head of the li.st of l^eiawares. as befits his station in his tribe, but he was not there to sign for himself. Why? The answer will likely never be known positively. He was tlieir senior sachem, and a genuine Indian with -long seasoning in the arts of his people. As much as fourteen years before (1795) he was a head warrior, for his name appears under the caption f)f Sandusky Delawares, in the treaty of Greenville. Perhaps liis name was considered essential to the j)resent treat}', and under jiressure he consented to its use by another. Wliether this \iew be truth or fancy, it is known that land relinquishment had become a liitter morsel to the aborigines ere this : and the important place in Indian affairs of the career of the Prophet and his brother Tecumseh, grows out of this fact. Their active labors originated only a few years before the events now considered, and the>- reached their upmost power immediately following, and because of the terms of the treaty of 1809. ''^^ Prophet had set himself u]) for the guidance of his brother redskins in the towns of the Delaware Indians, esijecially along the liead waters of the west fork of the White river. His doctrines were a mixture of self-reform and hostility to the whites : and, in view of recent events, carried consideral)le argumentative force with the natives. .\s e\ents proved, be completely alienated the Shawnees from the white man's compacts, and induced many Delawares, wlio. biu lately, had been neighbors with the Shawnees in Ohio, individually to join ni the aloofness. That Hack-ing-]3oms-kon was fully cognizant of these things is attested b\' one personal episode known to historv. It occurred near Muncie about i8of). where a momentary craze was worked up by the Prophet against the whites, under the title of "witchcraft," indirectly attacking them and the Indians favorable to the white man's methods. Several executions harl been enacted, when the case of Hack-ing-i)oms-kon was taken up.

This chief was of different stuff from the others. He did not wait for any additional accusation. Advancing to the Prophet, he denounced him as a liar and an impostor, and threatened him with personal vengeance if he made any charge of witchcraft against him. This was a very practical test of divine protection, from the Indian point of view, to which the Prophet was not prepared to submit, and after some discussion Haclv-ing-poms-lvon was remanded to custody to await further proceedings, but without being deprived of his standing and authority as a chief. No further action was talien against him.

The crusade against supposed witchcraft wore itself out shortly and whilst the council was still sitting, a leader of a Chri.stian hand of missionaries appeared hefore them to learn authoritatively, the mind of the Indians, as to the future stay of Christians ;unong- them. The council gave little encouragement, and finally referred die leader of the Christian band to Hacking-poms-kon. This chief coincided with the council in the view that their services were not particularly desirable to the Indians, especially in view of the surplus of religion ftu"nished by the Prophet.

During the three years that followed - leading up to the treaty of 1809 - the same sad tale of disa])pointment and discomfiture in his contests with the wliites continued, and that the old chief - typical redskin that he was - took on suUenness, where braxery failed, is at least a plausible theor\- for his absence during the closing hours of Se])tember 30, 1809, with permission to Anderson to sign for him, at that treaty.

But who is Anderson ? Certainly not an Indian name, "^'et .Anderson himself is an Indian, notwithstanding this fact. As a Delaware he had been in contact for long years with border-land white folks, and for this reason, perhaps, should be held blameless for his English name - others gave it to him. In the treaty of 1795 his name ajjpears as "Kik-tha-we-nund, or Ander- .son." In other records it is found as Kith-til-kand : and as the s])elling is merely the white man's attempt to reproduce on paper, by means of the alphabet, a sound which an unlutored savage utters, the variation is not surprising. Our best ]3resent-day authority on Indiana Indians, J. P. Dunn, says, "Kokto-wha." in Delaware language means, "making a cracking noise," i. e., as of a house or a tree abf)ut to fall ; and the suffix, "nund" indicates that the noise js caused by some ])erson. Consequently, he recoinmends "Kok-to-wha-nund" with accent on the second syllable, as a phonetic rendering in English of an Indian sound u.sed by them as the name of this chief. The same authority says Hack-ink-]3om-ska, pronounced with accent on the second last syllable, means "He Walks on the Ground."

It, in the l)ela\\are dialect, Hack-ing-[)(Hii.s-k()n means "lie Walks on tile (iruund." wliy limk further for a source whence comes our Americanism '"hiking." C'axalrymen do not "hike"; but a commf)n description with u.s for the infantrymen's, or any other footman's, mode of travel, he who walks on the ground, is "hiking." Is it an Indian word?

Sometimes valuable aid is derixed from geographical terms and descriptions, for tracing Indian history. We will always have Ander.son to the north and Andersonville to tlie soutli; tlie former ])lace is situate just beyond the new Ixnuidary established in iSoo; and it was an Indian rendezvous of importance for some time after that date. Chief .Knderson continued prpm^ inent in their councils and still maintained his eminence at the time of the treaty of iSiS, which finall}- extinguished Indian possessions throughout central and soutliern Indiana. Thus taking the two periods, the treaty of 1795 and tlie one of 181.'^, there is a chieftainship of twenty-three years between tliem to Kok-to-wha-nund,. known better to the whites as \\''illiani Anderson.

Of the Delawares who signed the treaty of i.Sot), the next in order is I'etch-e-ke-ka-pon. Xo other trace of jiis career has come under notice. The same is true of the next one to sign, namel\- Captain Killbuck. except that the family name of Killbuck is connected with the afifairs of the Delawares before coming to us, while they still held sites in central Ohio.

\\'hat his subsequent career was cannot l)e said, hut tw(i years ])revious (1807) ^'1 event came into liis life, which, though a reflected glory, still lent some splendors to his re]Kitati(in at this time, no doubt. In describing it, it is necessary first to say that I ])ass o\ er the names of all the Pottawatomie Indians, for the reason that they were at home i)rinci])ally further north than our locality. And, also, for a similar reason I cannot take time td exann'ne all the Miami names, which come next in order. Rut there is one name among the latter that cannot be omitted. It is that of Meshekenoghqua (pronounced Mi-ski-kin-noq-kwa) or Tlie Little Turtle, 'i'his chief is the one who stood at the head of the great .Miami confederacv of two decades

Little Turtle will remain a permanent figure in American history. His talents were recognized by all who met him at the time under a great variety of circumstances, and he easily adjusted himself to whatever exigencies arose. It is natural, consequently, that with the close of hostilities (1795) he should wish to learn more of the white man's ways, and his travels to the "Big Council" (the City of Washington) brought him into contact with many capable men, some of whom left records of their impressions of this leading representative of the Indian race.

One who met him east in 1807, which is two years before the Twelve Mile Purchase, speaks of "The Beaver" as one of the chiefs in the party of which Little Turtle was the leading spirit. The description which he gives cannot fail to enhance our story.

(They) were dressed iu ;i costume usually worn by our own citizens of the time - coats of blue cloth, gilt buttons, pantaloons of the same color, and buff waist-coats; hut they all wore leggings, moccasins and large gold rings in their ears. The Little Ttirtle exceeded all his brother chiefs iu dignity of appearance - a dignity which resulted from the character of his mind. He was of medium stature, with a complexion of the palest copper shade, and did not wear paint. Itis hair was a full suit, and without any admixture of gray, although from what he said of his age, at Ft. Wayne in 18(>4, being then flfty-three, he must at this time have been tifty-seven years old. His dress was comijleted by a long red military sash around the waist, and his hat (a chapeau braze) was ornamented by a red feather. Immediately on entering the house, he took off his hat and carried it under his arm during the rest of the visit. His appearance and manners, which were graceful and agreeable in an uncommon <legree, were admired by .'ill who made his acquaintance.

In such company il is to l)e ex)3ected that "The Beaver" learned things, and took on accomplishments that leave nothing to be desired. And, that if a full biography of him could be written, his life would lie found creditable by the best standards of Tndianhood.

As this completes the list of names attached to the treaty under the title. "Delaware Indians." the ones who predominated in the Fayette county neighborhood, the -Story curtails itself and finds a finish. As to the whites who joined as witnesses to the treaty of 1809, it is not necessary to study them in this connection. Vet, there is one man whose name is attached to it - our original pioneer. John Conner, woodsman, scout and inter])reter - who

<leser\es special c(in>iclerati(Mi, l)ut another cliapter in this vohinie treats of his life in detail and it is unnecessary to expand upon it in this connection. It is perhaps appropriate to repeat a moral reflection which arises without effort, and is contained in a statement made by Governor Harrison upon a notable occasion when be said, that this land "seems destined by the Creator to give support to a large population, and be the seat of civilization, of science and the true religion." The centurv which has passed since this fair tract of land became a pari of the state of Indiana has seen the fulfillment of the l)ropKecy made by our first governor : and we of Fayette county are not only full sharers oir the Inuxlens, but also of the honors and emoluments which ha\ e come to those who ha\e made their homes in the Twelve Mile Purchase.

Proceedings Oe The Treaty

Following the a|>i)earance of this monogra])hic study of Mr. Heinemann the newspa))ers of the state began making favorable comments on the character of the i)ublication. It was to be expected that the people of Fayette county andof the White Water valley should be interested, but it was somewhat of a surprise to note that many papers over the state took the opportunity to speak of it in \ ery complimentary terms.

The second brochure of .\lr. Heinemann was also concerned with the Twelve Mile Purchase, the subject of his first monograph. It had not been known e\en to Indiana historians that Gen. William Henry Harrison had a journal ke])t of the proceedings of the deliberations at Ft. Wayne, September 30, 1809. which finally resulted in the actual signing of the treaty, but the original of the journal had been hidden away in the archives at Washington, D. C. for more than a hundred years. It was due to the indefatigable efforts, .of. Mr. Heinemann that this rlocument was found and - but let him tell the story in his own words. It appeared for the first time in print in the brochure of Mr. Heinemann.

Tourn.M. Oe Proceedings

This pamphlet contains a reproduction without typographical alteration of the diary kept b}' Peter Jones, secretary to Governor Harrison, one of the commissioners appointed by President Jefferson to deal with the Indians (ju this occasion.

Besides the local appreciation attached to its every detail, in a wider sense, the treaty is likewise not without some value to every student of Indiana history in general, because of the subsequent events that arose from it. The Indians under the influence of the Prophet and Tecumseh were somewhat advanced in the formation of their plans at this time, but it was only in the progression of events that their real designs were uncovered. With the new treaty in existence, evasion ceased to be possible, and their hostile sentiments and their determination to fight were made manifest in the conduct that followed.

What transpired after the treaty of Fort Wayne, can be indicated by a few brief extracts from Dillon's History. This book was written at a time when the local atmosphere of the pioneer days still surrounded our ancestors, and, consequently, the emphasis of e\ents as found there, is quite likely a verv true picture of one view of the pioneer period of our commonwealth.

Tecumseh cleai-ly iutiiuated that he would resist auy attempt that might be made to survey lands which had been ceded to the United States by the treaty of Fort Wayne. (p. 431.)

Throughout the course of the year ISIO, various rumors of the growing power and the hostile intentions of the Shawnee Prophet, produced a state of some alarm among the people, and retarded the progress of settlements and improvements in several counties of the Indiana territory. (p. 430.)

In an interview with one of the messengers (of Governor Harrison), who visited the Prophet's Town in the month of June, 1810. the prophet declared that it was not his intention to make war on the white people; and he said that some of the Delawares. and some other Indians, "had been bribed with whiskey, to make false charges against him." When pressed by the messenger, Mr. Dubois, to state the grounds of his complaints against the United States, the prophet said that "the Indians had been cheateil out of their lands; that no sale was good unless made by all the tribes; that he had settled near the mouth of the Tippecanoe, by oivJer of the Great Spirit ; and that he was, likewise, ordered to assemble as many Indians as he could collect at that place." (p. 440.)

"Brother: this land that was sold, and the goods that were given for it. was only done by a few. . . . The treaty at Fort Wayne w;is made through the threats of Winaniiic; but in the future, we iire pre]iared to punish those chiefs who may come forward to propo.se to sell land. . . . Those that did sell, did not own it. It was me. These tribes set up a claim; but the tribes with me will not agree to their claim. If the land is not restored to us, you will see, when we return to our homes, how it will be settled. We shall have a great council, at which all of the tribes shall be present, when we shall show to those that sold, that they had no right to the claim they set up; and we shall see what will be done with those chiefs that did sell the land to you. (p. 443.)

-Krother: 1 wish y<.u unested. If you do not ; settlement, it will be veri intend to bold our council ably make them a visit, them: but should they ol and refuse the tomahawk

The governor then re(iuesled Tecumseh lo stale, plainly, whether the surveyors who might be sent to survey the lands - purchased by the treaty of Fort Wayne, in tWlSI - would be interrupted by the Indi.ius: and whether the Kikapoos would, or would not. receive their, aauiuitie-s. Te<'.uiU}*eh. in reply, sjiid : "Brother: when you speak of annuities to me,' I' look at the' land, and pity the women and children. 1 am authori/.eil to say that they will not receive them. Brother, we want to save that piece of laud. We do not wish you to take i|. It is siiial! enough for our purjii'sc. If you take it. you must lil.inic yourself .-is the cause of trouble between us and the tribes who sold it lo you. 1 waul the present boundary line to continue. Should you <'ross it, 1 assure you it will be productive of bad consequences." The council, which was

On tile ne.xt day (oivcnior ll.iirisoii, .UleHdeii only by his iutcriireler. visited the camp of Tecumseh. where he was ie<fived politely. In the <-ourse of .i long interview Tecumf<eh r<?peated the principal dei-laration and sentiments which he had previously uttered and avowed in open council; and when Goveriuu- Harrison told him that his claims and pretensions woulil not be acknowledged by the I'resident of the Fnited States - "Well." said Tecumseh. ".-is the great chief is to determine the matter. I hope the (Jreaf Spirit will jiut sense enough into his head to induce him to direct you t give uj) this land. It is true, be is so far off be will not be in.iuied by the war. He may sit still in his town, .-iiid drink his wine, \\hiie y<ni and I will have to fight it out." (I>. 44G1.

l*'or some unknown reason. "The journal of the rroceedinos," printed hefewith, was omitted from the oii\ernment ])nhlications in the last century, when these matters were hrst collected in American State I'ajiers. and it remained hidden ;iwa\- for a hundred years, ;is a niaiuiscript in the files of the Dei)artment of War at \\ashinj.;ton.

How it was hrnncrht to lijaht is shown hy a letter and its several answers, wliich follow: and their puhlication. also will render credit for the part performed by the eminent Indianian. Senator Beveridge. throug;h whose influence the .search, by the War Departiiient oflfcials. for the inissinq- diar\- was undertaken.

Tile treaty \v;is ccincluded September ;!(l. l.sdll. and is printed in full in the volume quoted .-ibovc, and also in \ol. II. Indian .Vffiiirs. Treaties, Senate Documents. But 1 can find no ac<-ount of the diary retpured b.v the otHcial instructions.

.Vic the minutes of the proceedings preserved in the archives of the department of w.ir, and are they accessible to the general public? To the best of my knowledge, the state lilirary. at Indianapolis, contains no reference to them e.xcept that to be found in the volume referred to, and if the minutes still exist, but have never been put into print. I should be exceedingly favored by whatever interest you manifest ill this belated exploration into Indiana history.

The copy of the same b.v a suit.-ible stenographer is an expense which I shall gladly defray, if ,vou see tit to use your sujierior opportunities in locating the original manuscript.

AVith the assurance that whatever aid yon give will lie very greatly appreciated, and thanking yon in advance for overlooking whatever trouble or inconvenience this letter gives yon. I beg to remain very resniectfull.v.

T'nited States Senate. Sir : - The office is in receipt, by your reference of .June 2,Hrd, of a letter addressed to you by the war deiiartment returning a eoniniunication from Mr. .T. L. Heinemann, t'onnersville, Indiana, relative to his desire to obtain a copy of the Journal of Proceedings of the commission that concluded a treaty with the Delaware, Pottawatomie, Miami and Eel River Indians at Ft. Wayne on September 30. 1S09 (7 Stat. L., 113-115). The .Journal referred to, which was found recently in the files of the war department, was referred to this oflSce by that department on June 23. 19<>9, and a certified <'opy thereof is being prepared and will be forwarded to you for Mr. Heinemann's use ;is soon ;is it is completed. Very respectfully, iu iiayuieiit of certilietl cuiiy cif Journal of the Proteediiiss of the Indian Treaty of ISiV.). I am i-etuniiiis the ilraft to y<iu. and he« to suKKe^'l that yon have same maihpnyalile to Mr. Ahhott. artuis conunissionor, and forward it to him at Washin;,'ton direct.

I have now the honor to enclose the slietch of the lands lately ceded hy the Indians to the United States and the Journal liept by Captain Jones, the secretary. There appears to be much more land in these tracts than I e.xpected being upwards of 2,900,0(10 acres. I believe there are two or three excellent salt springs on the tract near this. General William Clarke who is now at Washington can give you some information on this siib.iect. The one marked in the sltetch has been visited since the treatj- b,v some of our citizens who say that it promises well.

The sketch is principally intended to show the advantages which would arise from opening a road to Dayton in the state of Ohio it would bring us 120 miles nearer the seat of government. I believe that the Indians would consent to have the road ojiened through that part of their country which it must necessarily pass through.

On h'riday the i st of .Se])teniher (ioxernor Harrison, as commissioner for Treatino- with the Indian Trihes set out from Vincennes for Fort Wayne accompanied h}- his Secretary I'eter Jones one Interpreter a I-'rench Man as a guide a Servant of the tldverndr tS: two Indians, .\fter !ea\ing- tlie Settlement of Knox Connt_\- nur route was along the road newly cut out hy the orders of the Government in the direction of the Xorth liend to its termination, & tlien along the frontier of the Count\- oi ]J)earhorn to I'^ort Wayne, at which place we arrived on the fifteenth. Directions had 1)een gixen to Mr. John Johnston the Indian .\gent to assemhle the Inflians, against that time. The Deliware Trihe with their Interpreter) Mr. John Conner reached Fort Wayne at the very moment of our arrival. Two principal Chiefs HockinmioniscDn and tiie Bea^-er were however absent on a visit to Detroit.

The Governor learned witli regret that the head Chief Tipinipe of the I'ulawatimies & Five A-Iedals were not returned from Detroit but authorized their son & nephew to act for them. Tn the evening the Eel River Tribe arri\ed & more of the Putawatimies.

i/th. The Miami Chief Peccan Oul Osage and some inferior ones arrived. A messenger was sent for the little Turtle who returned for answer that he would come in on the igth Inst. -\ mischievf)us report was circulated amongst the Indians that a Detacliment of American Troops were marching against them. Some of the young men were much frightened but the Chiefs treated it with the ridicule it deserved. The Putawatimies waited on the Governor & requested a little liquor which was refused. The Governor observed that he was determined to .shut up the liquor casks until all the business was finished.

]8th. .\n express was despatched to Detroit to hasten the arrival of the Deliware & F'utawatimie Chiefs who had gone to that place & whose presence was \ery much desired 1)y the Governor. Mr. Barron the Interpreter was also sent to the Miami Towns sixty miles distant to bring Richardville the Principal Chief of that Tribe who had excused himself under pretence of real or pretended sickness from comeing in withe the other Chiefs.

The Governor had a conference with a Deputation from the Deliwares who reside west of the Mississi])])i who came for the purpose of prevailing on those of that Tribe who reside in this Territory to join their brethren in Louisiana. .\ reciprocal ])romi.se was made by the Governor to promote the above object as much as jiossible :uid In" tlie Chiefs to aid his views in respect to the proposfed Treaty. Measures were taken also to explain the wishes of the Government to the Putawatimies & to engage their cooperation. More of the Putawatimies & Miamies ari\ed the whole number on the ground this day was eight hundred and ninety-two.

iQth. The Turtle arrived this day with a number of Miamies & Putawatimies. The Goxernor visited the Putawatimies in their Camjj as had prex'iously done the Deliwares. Measures were also taken to sound several of the most influential Chiefs on the subject of the proposed Treaty. Captain Hendricks the Mohecan Chief informed the Governor that the British Agent of Indian affairs had ad\-ised all the Indian Tribes ne\-er to listen to any

JOth. The (io\ern,.r had a conference with all the Miami .S: lud Kner Chiefs & e-xjilained to them at great lens^th the object of his \isit to this |)lace and the great advantage which they would derive from causeing the W'eas to move from the neighborhood of our Settlements an<l join their bretluxii the Miamies & Eel River Tribes) these three tribes are all ])ro])erly s])eaking Miamies see the Treaty of ("imnseland i Their Xation w<iuld then become mucii more respectable an<l thev would be enabled greatly to increase their anmiit)- b\' selling a Tract of hnul which was exausted of game and which was no longer useful lo them. They were desired to take the Governor's proposal inti> consideration iK: I'nolly iS: deliberatelx" to weigh all the arguments he had used to adopt his ad\ ice. .Mr. \\'ells remained with them at their conference and in the e\ening reported to the (io\ernor that they had determined on no account e\er to part from another foot of their lands. Tliere is some reason to beliexe lio\\e\er that this was a mere titiesse to enhance the ])rice of their land. This exening .Mr. liarron returned from the Mississinway &- rep(«rted that the Chief RicharcK ille was contined to his P>ed & obserxed that it was im])ossible for him to attend at i)i-esent ])ut he reipiested the Governor to be informed that he would come up in a few days if he should find himself able X: that he had advised the other Chiefs by all means to comiilx- with Governor's wishes.

_'ist. The Governor had determined not to assemble the Chiefs in a Creneral Council until the arrival of the b'ive .Medals, the rutawatimie Chief, but finding that his object had been \ery much tnisre])resented to them, lie commenced on this da\- both to the Deliwares & I'utawatimies the wishes of the Go\-erninent in relation to a furtlier cession of Latids.

In the e\"ening the I'vitaw ntimie Chiefs sent a message to the (loveruor to inform him that the_\- had delennined that the other Tribes should agree to make the proposed cession.

William Wells Joseph liarr.ni John Conner and .\brahatn .\sh were sworn Interpreters. The Governor addressed the Chiefs in a speech of considerable leneth showing the pro])riety of their agreeing to his ])roposition to sell a tract of Country binding on the Wabash the Vincemies tract and the Ijoundary established by the Treatv of Grouseland and another bounded b\- the latter on the st)uth & the old boundary line running from Mouth of Kentucky River on the East. He urged the vast benefit which they derived from their annuities without which they would not be able to cloathe their woman & children, l^he great advance in the price of Goods and the depression of the value of their peltries from the troubles in Europe to which their was ni> probability of a speedy termination. The little game which remained in their country particularly in that part of it which he proposed to purchase. The usurpation of it by a Banditti of Muscoes & other Tribes that the sale of it would not prevent them from hunting upon it as long as any game remained. But that it was absolutely necessary that they should adopt some other plan for their su))]:)ort. That the raising of Cattle & Hogs required little labor and would be the surest resourse as a substitute for the wild animals which thev had so unfortunately destroyed for the sake of their skins. Their fondness for hunting might still be gratified if they would prevent their young men from hunting at improper seasons of the year. But t(> do this effectually it will be necessary that they should find a certain support in their Villages in the summer season. That the proposed addition to their annuities would enable them to jjrocure the Domestic Animals necessary to commence raising them on a large scale. He observed also that they were too a])t to im])ute their i)0\'ertv and the scarsity of Game to the encroachments of the White Settlers. But this is not the true cause. It is owing to their own im])ro\i(lence & the advice of the British Traders by whom they were stimulated to kill the wild animals for the skins alone when the flesh was not wanted. That this was the cause of their scarsity is evident from their being found in much greater quantitx- on the south than on the north side of the Wabash where no white man but traders were ever seen.

The remnant of the W'eas who inhabit the Tract of Country which was wanted were from the \icinit\ to the Whites poor & miserable all the proceeds of their hunts & the great ])arl of their annuities expended in Whiskey. The .Miami Xation would be much more respectable & formidable if its scattered members were all assemljled in the center of their Country.

A rough sketch of the Country in which the two tracts which were wanted were ]>articularly delineated was shewn to them, after which the Owl a Miami Chief addressed the Governor.

23rd. The Chiefs met in Council at the Deli ware Camp to consider the Governor's ])roposition it was understood that the Putawatimies declared unequi\ocally in faxour of the sale and were seconded bv the Deliwares.

The iniamics reiiiainecl silent. The (ioxernor had a private interview witli the Turtle who expres.sed some solicitude tn know whether tiie dismission of Mr. U'ells from his employment as X^ent wduld effect his standing with the (ro\-ernment. The (^lovernor assured him that he should be treated in all respects as he had heen heretofore so lonq as he conducted himself with propriety. He then assured the Governor unequivocally that he would exert himself to the utmost of his power to effect the proposed Treaty, hut that many difficulties were to he encountered before it could be accomplished. That great complaints were made by the Indians on account of the compensation formerly allowed That those who were in favour of the Treaty were decidedlv of opinion that they aught to be alloweil for the larger tribes at least a further annuitv of Siooo 6v; for the smaller ones $500 besides a considerable sum in hand. In the evening the Miami Chiefs waited on the Governor at his lodgings and spent the evening with him. The rec|uested to have a little li(|uor for their \oung man. Two Gallons were given to each Tribe. .\ Potawatomie Chief ^^ ineiuack waited on the Governor late in the evening and tokl him that he came to make him sleep well by communicating the agreeable information that his ]iroposition would be acceeded to by the Indians.

J4tli. The Indians met in Council to determine upon the answer to be given to the (iovernor. When the .Miamies declared their determination not to sell a foot of Land. Observing that it was time to put a sto]) to the encroachments of the whites who were eternally ])urchasing their lands for less than the real value of them. That they had also heard that the Governor had no instructions from the President to make the purchase but that he was luaking it upon his own authority to please the \Miite peo])le whoom he governed. The Pnlawatimies vehementlv urged the sale & rejiroached the Miamies in the most bitter terms. "That the I'utawatimies had taken the Mianu'es under their ])rotection when they were in danger of being extenuinated & saved them. That the}' had always agreed to the .sale of lands for the benefit of the Miannes and they were now determined that the .Miamies should sell for their benefit."

Ivnown bis wislies to you. The proposition which I have uiade you, I foudly hoped would h.-ive iieen .uceptable to all, because I knew it would be beneficial to all. Why then this dis,i};reeinent auioughst you. Is there some evil spirit amonghst us'? That lias set Brothers against Brothers & the Children against the Father? The Wind I hear h;is blown from the North, no good Las ever yet come from that quarter. If we who inh.-ibit this great Isleand. who were liorn here, are not friends to each other, who will be our Friends.

Believe me my ("hildren. the people u]ion the other side of the big water would desire nothing better than to set , us on<-e more to cut each others throats. Glad enough would they be to see us contending againsl e;iih other in battle provided the.v were secured behind the Walls of a strong fort. .Miamies be not offended with your brothers the I'utawatimies. If they have di.<covered to(j much eagerness to compiy with the wishes of their Father. Look .it their Woman & Childreu see>,tlieiii exposed to the winds & the rain as tlic.\' will he in .1 short time to the snows of the Winter. I'utawatimies do not suffer your love for ycmr Father and your own distresses to make you angry with your brothers the Mi.-imics. I know that they are .attached to vet be- ti.xed to youi- satisfaction, re. 1 li.ive put i-outidence in you and you have vith your grand Children the Puttawatimies to n-. he will remlier you for it. Tlie proceedings -tary will be sent to him. his eyes will see it id you will know tli:it his heart is .vours. Your 1 feel the good eftVrts of your fathers affection for .vou.

I promise you that the Osages shall not molest you in your hunting grounds. My Children the Miamies, what disconcerts youV Il.ive you not always received justice from the hands ef your- faftierV What is it he asks of you? Nothing but what .vou. can spare. Will not your situation be made better by agreeing to his proposal? I kuow that you have long desired to have your brothers the Weas along- .side of you. It will add to your strength -a< present they are of no use to you - bring .vour scattered members together & you will he strong, besides there is danger that this distant member may fall off it is already we.ikened by the excessive use of of licpior. My Children your father will never be the cause of breaking the chain of friendship that connects you with each other.

I'uttawatimtes & Miamies look upon each other .-is brothers and at the same time look upon your grand fathers the Del.iw.ires. 1 love to see you all untied. I wish a strong chain to bind you all together in the bonds of friendship. I wish to hear you speak with one voice the dictates of our He.irt. All must go together. The consent of all is necessarj-.

Delawares and Putawatimies. I told yon that I would do nothing with the Miamies without yoin- consent. Miamies I now tell you tli.it nothing can be done without your consent. The consent of the whole is necessary. This is the first request your new Father (President Madison) has ever made you it will lie the last, he wants no more of your land agree to the proposition which I now make you & send on some of your wise men to take him by the hand. lie will set .vour Hearts at ease. He will tell you that -he will never make |iro|io.sition to you to sell your lands. My Children the Miamies will you not listen to the voice of your father will .vou not iijien your ears to the recommendjition of your grand fathers the Deliwares & vour brothers the Puttawatimies. Consult together mice more if any ill will remain hi the fveiiiti.y the .Miami Chiefs from two \"illaoes met with the l':el River Chiefs muler the .aiispices of the 'i'urtle iS; asfeed to meet the Governor's wishes.

_>'.th. A meetin.ti- of the several Tribes took i)lace. The I'utawatimies m-i^ed ati immediate conii)liaiice to the i)roposal of the I'nited States. The Miamies from .Mississiinvay took the lead in the debate & declared tliat they would ne\ei- consent to sell any more of tlieir lands that they had been advi.sed liv the b'atlier the P.ritish nc\er to sell another foot. The I'utawatimies |)ourcd ni>on them a tori-eiU of abuse and declared that they wnuld no lousier consider them as I'.rothers but that they would loose the chain which had united tliem with the Toiuah.iwk & setting up a shout of Defiance which was echoed 1)\- all the warriors jtroceeded immediately to the Council House to inform the (roventor of what the\- bad done, the Governor blamed them for their rashness & made tliem i)i-omise not to otfer the Miamies any further insult to put their cause in bis liauds.

Tt a])])eai-ed that such of the .Miamies as bad determined in fa\dur of the Treaty were intiniidated b\ the vehemence <if the Chiefs of the Mississiiiv\a\- N'illatje & remained silent. 1 Jm'ino- the whole of this dav and the preceedin,<,r one. ])arties of youno nieii of the .Miami Tribe were constantl_\- ari\- ino- loaded with goods from the liritisb .\gents at Maiden and cbaroed also with strong remonstrances against the pro]X)sed I'reaty.

In the evening the Go\-ernor bad the greater ])art of the Miami Chiefs at his lodgings and in a con\ ersation of some boin's e.xjxised ])rof'idious conduct of t!ie British towards them from the commencement of the Rexolutiotiar}- War untill the present mometU. "To them all their misfortunes were to be attribnteil & tlteir present l<in(lness to them j)roceeded from ikj other cause but a wish to embroil them with the United States. In case of a War with tlie latter, the 1-jiglish know that they are unable to defend Canada with their own force, ihev are therefore desirous of interiiosing the (7)

Indians lietween them and danger." --\ ccimplimentary answer was returned by tlie Head Cliief Paccon & they returned aliout ten o'clock a little inchm'cd with AVine.

27th. The Miami Chiefs were this da\- debating on the proposed Treat}-, the Chief Silver heels ]jarticularly distingnisbed himself in favour of the Treaty. They came howe\-er to nt) decision. In the e\'ening the Governor recommended to the Putawatimies to accommodate their difference with the Miamies they immediately assented & a proper (|uantity of W'ampon was prepared for the purpose.

28th. The Putawatimies & Miamies met & the bad words spoken by the former on the 26th being- recalled the>- shook hands and became again friends. The pro])osed Treaty was again taken under consideration and various objections \vere started by the ]\liamies , amonghst other things it was insisted that they ought to sell their lands In- the acre & that they should receive two Dollars for it. In the evening the Ciovernor was informed that they had agreed to sell the small tract near h\)rt Recovery only, and none on the Wabash.

Yesterday the fiiendsLi]i was ,ill afloat to-day it is made tinii. You the people of the T'Uited States h.ive as-seiiihled us all here, our Chiefs, &c. You remher the time when we first took each other by the h;iiid at Greenville. You there told us where the line would he between us. You told us to love our woman & children and take care of our lands, you told us that the Si)anish bad a sreat deal of money the English & some of your peo]ile likewise. I)ut that we should not sell our lands to any of them. In consequence of wbicb last fjill we ;ill |iut our band.s upon our lands & determined not to sell our lands. We all love our bauds. .\.fter this determination you sent for us ;it the end of out' year bul we did not ex|iecl to bea.r from you what we have beard. Imt we yesterday determined to sive you an answer. You have told us not to let ,iny pei-son have our lands hut consider well before we sell fbem. This was iioiid .idvii*'. you know when things are scasce the.v are dear, you know the price of lands. We .are willing to sell some for the price that it sells for jimouKhst yourselves. The land yon want on the Wabasb we have nolbini; to say to al ]a-esent as the Weas are not here. If i)eoiile have auytbini; that tbey do u<it waul tliey will jiart from it easily, -^'e yet find Kanie on this land when there is none. We will let you know it. Father you know the Mi.iniies. .vou know fh.-it when tbey do business with ,iny other Indians no resjiect is paid to what they say. Father at this Council you have told the Jliamies to si)eak. We therefore exfiect that you will he governed by what they say. When you spoke to ns you wished that we should comply. \A'e now wish that you would comply with what we wish. The land we propose selling to you will be measured and when it is we wish to he iiresent. Father the land you

Id f;o lioiiie imsiiccessfui. We will li'l yon liiivi' senile land near Fort Uecovery. Iliiland on the Wabash our younger Brotlieis (i(iu|i.\. I >on"t be dissjitisfied. This is oiii ili'ti>iiiiiuati(iii. We liavc dispntPil almiil yiinr pruiiDsal but our disinites were t'orlimali'ly si'lllcil yesterday. Kalher you kimw e\ cryrliing. you will immediately iiiidersiauil wlial 1 new say -we wisli tii Ueep as far as jiossible from the White people, we know that when your Horses are lost you hianie the Indinns, we wish to keep our people and yours as sei)arate as possilile. This is the sentiments of your ("hildreii here present. We have nothing more to sjiy. Our Chiefs. Warriors. Women & ("hildreii salute you, the former annuity due to us by the ruiteil Sl,ites we li,ive eonie to re<eive ami w isli them deliverert as soon as ixissible.

The (iovernor then nddressed them in a .speech ut two h(jnr.s in which lie _oa\e a History of the Coiuhict of tlie L'nited States towards the red |)eo])le contrasted with that of Great P.ritain. "The loss of the conntrv from Pittsluirs^h to the Miami was entireh- to he .-ittfihtited lo the hitter who urj^ed the Indians to commence all those Wars, which ha<l terminated so fatally to them, if all the lands wliich had heen taken from them in those Wars which they had enoatjed in hy the ad\ ice of the P.ritish had heen sold on the same terms as those ceded since ihc Treaty of (jreeinille tlieir .\mniity would now have heen e(|iial to all their wants nor would they have to lament the numerous warriors who had fallen in fighting the battles of the linghsh. How different was the conduct of the Uiu'ted States? Consious of their ability lo punish their enemies thev had never asked the assistance of their red children but ha\e always adxised them to remain at jieace in their Cabbitis & suffer the white jieople to fight their own battles." The Gosernor e.\])lained to them the nature of a Treaty "Xo other jiower but tlie I'nired St.'ites had e\er Treated with them. Other Civilized Xations considered the lands of the Indians as ilieir own and appropriated them to their own use whene\er they ])leased. .\ Treaty was considered by white ])eo])le as a mo.st solemn thing and tho.se which were made by the L'nited States with the Indian Tribes \\ere considered as binding as those which were made with tlie most ]io\\erful Kings on the other side of the P.ig Water. The\- were all concluded with the same forms and printed in tlic same I'.ook so that alt the world might see them and brand with infamy the ]iart\ which violated them. The l'nited States would alwa\s adhere to their engagements. To do otherwise woidd be offensive to the great spirit and all the world would locik ujion them as a faithless ])eople. \\'ith res])ect to your selling the land bv the acre it is entirely out of the question. But if the L'nited States were to agree to ii, \ou have no one that could sur\ey it for you or who could tell whether it was accurately done or not. If it was sold by the acre we would onlv take what was good and leave the rest ujion your hands. When it is bought in the large (|uaiitit}- xou are paid for good and bad togetlier and }-ou all know that in every tract that is purchased that there is a great portion of bad land not fit for our pur])ose. This idea must have been suggested to you by some person who is as much your enemy as the enemy of the United States." The Governor then told them that he was tired of waiting and that on the next day he wduld submit to them the form of a Treaty which he wished them to signe and if they would not agree to it he would extinguish the council fire.

All the I'utMWMtimies ;i(l(lres>< you. listen to \vL;it the.v .s;iy. which come from them .ill. Fiither the Fnrawatimies are of the same o))inion that they have ever been, that .voiir iiroiio.«itioii is right and .just. We all know that our Father never deceived U.S. we therefore agree to his jiroijosal. All the Chiefs & Warrior.s have heard you say that they may go and see their great Father tlie I'resideut and that he would tell them as you have done.

You have now lieard the sentiments of all the Putawatimies. Fatlier after we conclude the Treaty some of our young men would be glad to go and see their Father. Father your t'hildren have listened to you with attention all that .you have said is good, yon have asked for l:ind. we will give it to you. We have heard you say that the piece of land .-it the Wea Towjis which we li:id formerly given, you were willing to retore Ibis hiis laadc us lia|i|)y wc have always heard from you and our are present. We your cbihln.n coiisider llic laud as belonging to us ;ill not to one nation alone, we know Ibal everytbiiig you have said to us is true. Vou have also recdinniended to us to be moderate & friendly to each other.

A Deliware Chief then amse and ol),ser\ed that the Deliwares had always kept fa.st hold of the chain of friendshi]) which united them to the se\enteen fires at the 'I'reaty of Green\ille. That they had alwa^'s listened to the \-oice of their Fatlier and were now willing to agree to liis ])roposals.

30tli. It \\;is now the opinion of all the Gentlemen about the b^irt that the .Missisinwav Miamies could never be brought to sign the Treaty and all the attempts which the Governor had made through the Inteqireters and scjme confidential Chiefs to find out the real cause of their obstinacx- had hitlierto failed. Tie therefore determined to make them a \isit to their cani]) in ])erson for tlie purpose of ascertaining whether their opposition pmceded from a fixed determination ( rts they had asserted) not \o sell an}- more lands uid'ess they could get two Dollars pr. Acre, or some other cause which he might be enabled to remo\e. He accordingly \\ent to their camp about sun rise attended onl}- b\' his Tnterjjreter Mr. P.arron in whose integritv he had tlie utmost confidence. He was received In all the Chiefs with the ulinn>i cni])lacencv and liaviny collected them all in the Tent (if the principal he tnld them "that he had ])aid them that visit not as the representative ni the President but as an old frienti with whom they had been many years acc|uainted and wiio always endeaxored to promote tlieir happiness b}- every means in bis l)ower. That be ]ilainly saw that there was something; in their hearts which was not ccinsistent with the attachment which they oug-ht to bear to tlieir threat b'ather and he was afraid that they bad listened to bad birds. That he had come there for the ])urpose of hearint]^ ever\- cause nf coni])lainl as^amst the L'nited States and he would not leave them untill they laid open eserythint^- that o])))ressed their Hearts. lie knew that thev could ha\e no solid objection to the pnjimsed Treaty for they were all nieti of sense and rellection and well knew that they would be mush benefited b\- it." The ( iovernor requested that all the Chiefs present would speak in their turn, and callins.^ upon the principal Chief of the Eel Ri\er Tribe who was an old friend of his that bad serve<l with him in General Waynes .\rmy he demanded what his objections were to the Treaty. He drew out the Treaty of Crouseland. "P'ather - Here are your own wtirds, in this paper you jiromised that you would consider the Miann'es as the owners of the latul on the Wabash why tlien are you about to ])urchase it from others? The (".overuor assured them that it nexer was his intention to pm'chase the land from the other Tribes that be had always said and was ready now to confess that the land belonged to the Miamies and to no other Tribe that if the other Tribes had been inxited to the Treaty it was at their particular request (The Miamies). The Tula watimies bad indeed taken bi,a:her g^round than either the C.overnor or the Miamies e.xjjected they claimed an equal right to the lands in question with the Miamies. hut what of this their claiming it ga\e them no right and it \\a> not the intention of the C.overnor to ])ul anything in the Treat)' which would in the least alter their claim to their lands on the W'al)asb as established by the Treaty of Grouseland unless they cho.se to satisfy the Deliwares with lespect to their claim to the Countrv- Watered by the White i\i\er. 'That e\ en the whole compensation pro])osed to he gi\en for the lands w(ju1(1 be given to the Miamies if they insisted u|)on it but that tlie\ knew the offence which this would give to the other 'Tribes and that it was alwavs the C.overnor's intention so to draw up the 'Treat}' that the I 'utawatimies iK: Deliwares would be considered as participating in the advantages of the 'Treat\ as allien of the Miamies. not as having- any right to the land." I'".ver\' countenance brightened at this declaration, the other Chiefs s|)oke in theii- tm-n, each had some grievance to complain of. 'They had been told that justice should he

(lone to them in their (hsi)utes with the White People, the principal War Chief complained that he had heen cheated hy a Air. Audrain a connection of Mr. Wells out of se\enty Dollars that he had in vain applied to Wells for redress, the old story of the Spirits seized hy ^Vells was again broug:ht forward and a very strong antipathy both to Wells and the Turtle was manifested by all. The Governor had no alternative but to promise immediate satisfaction for these claims and to assure them that he perfectly understood and admitted that they (the Mississinway Chiefs) were the real Representatives of the A'liami Nation and that he should always consider them as such. Some attemjjts were then made to induce the Governor to alter his determination with respect to the (|uantom of compensation to be given for the land but finding that the Governor was immovable as to this point they gave it up and after desultory conversation upon the Governor's demanding whether they were entireh- satisfied Paean the principal Chief told the Governor he might g'o to the Fort and they would shortly wait upon him with good news. The Treaty was immediately prepared and in full council at which all the Warriors attended, the Treaty was signed without a single objection excepting on the part of the Turtle who objected to the article which gives the Mohecans the right to settle on the White River. The Other Miami Chiefs however declared in favour of it and the Turtle gave it up.

The separate article with the Aliamies had been agreed on before upon their consenting to the Article in the original Treaty which embraces the Kickapoos.'

October the first, second and third The Goxernor was employed in delivering the annuities for the ]jresent year. The Goods promised bv the late Treaty and arranging the claims of certain Citizens against the Indians & those of the Indians against the Citizens for Horses stolen and other depredations all which were amicably adjusted. When the Goods for the I 'utawatimies were laid out Viz: fifteen hundred Dollars from the jjublic store & five hundred Dollars of their annuity which had been sent to Fort Wayne seeing that their fyilc was so much less than the Miamies they refused to take them alledging that their numbers were greater than all the other Tribes present put together & that they had less goods than any. As soon as the Governor was informed of this he assembled all the Chiefs & Warriors in the Council House and e.xplained to them the reason of their haxing hut five hundred Dollars of their present years annuity part having heen sent to Detroit & a part to Chicago .\fter some consultation the\- agreed to take the Cioods but as the Governor discovered that thev were not satisfied

4tli. We set mit oil our return to X'inceinies tiirous^h tiie liuliaii Country on the nii)rnin,i); of tlie 5th passed the Lamp of i'acan the principal .Miami Chief & found one of his men mortally wounded in a drunken frolick the preceding night. The Chiefs informed the Governor that they had not discovered the murderer. The (iovernor recommended to them by all means to punish him when discovered if it should appear to have proceeded from previous malice, hut if it should appear tt) he altogether accident to let him know it and he would assist to make u]) the matter with the friends of the deceased.

Passing through the Indian \illages at the h'orks of the Wabash we arrived at Mississinway on the 6th where we were hospitably recei\ed l)y Richardville the Grand Sachem of the Mianiies who expressed his entire satisfaction at the conclusion of the Treaty. At the Eel Ri\'er Village on the Rabiere we met with some of the Wea Tribe whom the Governor sent to collect the Wea Chiefs & conduct them to N'incennes at which place we arrived on the 1 _nh October.

On the fifteenth of October Lapoussier the jirincipal Chief of the Weas arived with fifteen of his Tribe The little Kyes iS: .some others on the 18th, Shawnee and others on the icjjtii & the Xegro legs on the 22(1. In all on that day there were sixty-one.

On the 24th. The Governor assembled in the e\ening at his own hou-^e all the Indians and informed tlieiii "that he wished to see them to discoxer whether they were in a situation to understand the important business which He had to lay before them. He had shut up the liquor casks, Init he was sory to see that some bad white men had disregarded his Proclamation & Secretly furnished them with the means of intoKication. He was glad however to find that the\- were then all soljer & he hoped that thev would not drink any more until the business on which he assembled them was finished. On the morrow he would explain to them the proceedings of the Council at I'ort Wayne."

October 25th. The \\'ea (.'hiefs being all assembled the (jovernor produced the Treaty latel\- made at Fort Wayne and explained it to them. He then represented to them "the advantages they \vould derive from removeing from the neighborhood of \'incennes and settling higher up the Countrv with their older brothers the Mianiies and the great assistance that the\ would derive from the proposed addition to their annuity & the Goods which they were to receive in hand and which would be to the same amount as the larger Tribes received in consequence of the inconvenience they would suffer l)y remo\'ing from their present haljitations.

October 26th. The Chiefs of the Weas all assenil)led & after some explanations with respect to the Treaty & a most urgent appeal from the Negro legs to the Governor's feelings on the subject of the injury done to the Indians by the sale of Whisky by the White people for which thev receive in payment Articles indispenciljie to the subsistence of the former & those which would cover their nakedness. The Treaty was chearfully signed by every Chief & head Warrior present.

Octolier _'7th. The Goods were delivered and on the 29th the Chiefs again met the Goxernor & expressed their satisfaction at what had been done & most earnestly entreated "that some means might be fallen on to put a stop to the sale of Ardent Spirits to the Indians - Which prevented the Annuity granted them by the United States from affording them that benefit which their father wished & caused the young men to be so disobedient to their Chiefs that it is impossible to restrain them."

The above is a true statement of the proceedings at the Treaties concluded with the several Indian Tribes at Fort Wayne on the 30th September last and with the \\'eas at Vincennes on the 26th Ultimo.

While the appearance of tlie fir.st two historical studies of Mr. Heinemann brought him many favorable comments, it was left to his third and last publication to Ijring him state-wide recognition. This was his "The Indian Trail Down the White Water Valley," which first appeared in 1912, a second edition l)eing issued in 191 5. The monograi)h carries a sub-title, "Some Primitive Indiana History of the Connersville Neighborhood," and an examination of its contents shows that the author has covered the liistory of the Connersville neighborhood from the days when only an Indian trail led through its uninhabited precincts down to the early part of the twenties. More particularly, however, he is concerned with establishing the location of the old Indian trail through the county and the events concerned with John Conner's career in Connersville. The author has spent a lifetime in collecting the data tm which tliis m(iniii;rai)h is hased and lie has sohed idr ;ill time to come the location of the early industries of Conner - his tradini;- ])ost. house, hotel, saw-mill, distillery - and has also unearthed iletinite information concerning the hlock-house ami the soldiers who were (|uartere<l in it. All of these newly discovered facts are marshaled into line and l)acked hy imdisputed authorities. -\ \ aluahle feature of the nionotjraph is the illustrations which show the location of the \-arious places described in the article. As has i)re\iously been staled, the newspapers of the state made a])preciative mention of .Mr. Heinemann's tirst two historical ])amphlets, hut his third and last pamphlet called for nuich wider comment. The Iiuliiiiia/^olis Xczcs in an editori.al had the foUowint; to say of his "Indiim Trail Down the White Water \'alley" :

Considering the results achieved, and the evident pleasures flowing to himself from these efforts to know from first hand sources the real history of his home county, it is a safe prediction that no more potent factor will he found for preserving Fa>ette county's inner history correctly than the ])rivate collection of historical material in the hands of J. L. Heinemann.

The collection of all thi- material and the ])ul)lication of the three studies l.asfd thereon has been piirelv a labor of love for Mr. Heinemann. The recollections of the longings of his l,oyliood days to know sonielhing of the early hi-'tory of tl^e haunts (jf his youth induced liiiu later in life to engage in the task of collecting all the possible facts concerning the early history of the city of his birlli. He has written iiriimirib" for tlie bo\ s of St. < iabriel's l)arish. where his immature talent for this kind of work was fostered, but in writing for them he has written for all the people of the city and countv.

The editor of the jjresent \olume is greatly indebted to Mr. Heinemann for the i)ri\ilege of using his e\tensi\e collection of materi.-il rel.ating to the countv.

There is a l)len(ling of history and topography in the title "The Indian Trail Down White Water Valle}." The main purpose is to descrihe primitive conditidns in and anmnd (.'onnersville, hut in doing this, the Indian trail wliich came down from the nortlnvest to llie point Gninersxille occupies, and which passed down the valle}-, is made the thread to connect the various phases of the white man's intrusion. The suhject deals with the earlier stage of local history. There are no hooks nor maps treating of it in this particular form. Only single facts are found, in the traditions of pioneers and voiced in their family circles or mentioned in newspaper articles of former times; or perlia]).s used disci inncftc(ll\ and witiidut fu-(irdinati( m in tiic rt-ininiscences tliat have lai<cn paiu])lilct nr iiouk form in later years. The subject goes into a period that antedates all present-day records of our locality. It treats of John Conner, the frontiersman and trader, the scout, the interpreter. It speaks of days liefore d )nners\ ille l)ec;une a ci\ic ort^anizatiun and when it existed in tlic forniatixe statue nf Conner's i'ost. - a time when Indians roamed unmolested in tlie \ alley and im the hillsides. It speaks n\ the days when thi.^ locality was an unhrdken forest, e.xcept The Tr.-iil, and latterh' The I'ost. and a camp here and there of simie hardy huntsman who pushed up from the white man's domain, lower dnwn than is our-- in the White Water \'alle\ .

The use of a few date> fr..m the .general lii-.t(M-y nf our country will he helpful to gain a true ])ers]>ecti\ e of the local picture here treated.

1810. A. I). William Henry Harrison. ( iovernor of the Territory, jiarleys and contests with Tecnmseh to secure non-interference of hostile Indians with surveying of lands .acquired the \ear before.

1823. A. D. About this date John Conner transfers his holdings in this neighborhood and moves to Hamilton Count}', near the site of his brother. \Villiam Conner.

The boundary line of 1795, which h.id an important jilace in the early history of the middle west, starts at Fort Recovery, ( )hio, a i>oint only slightly across the Indiana State line, and takes a southvvestvvardly course with sufficient angle to leave Union City, Richmond, Liberty and Brookville all eastward, so that those localities are inside of the portion which became government lands at that time. Our locality, being west of the line mentioned, is still the redman's domain for somewhat near twenty years. Much of the upper East Fork valle}-, though outside of the government lands at that time, is in close proximity to the boundary ; and as the East Fork and the West Fork valleys are separated by \ery few miles oi highlands, broken by creeks and small waterways, coursing in l)oth directions, both of them served the Indians as an attractive route for reaching the Ohio river from their newly formed settlements westward from central Ohio. It would be strange indeed not to find man\- lingering aborigines wistfully looking at the beauties as well as the bounties of this valle}- whose courses they traveled as long as it was permitted them to do so.

In the White Water valley there are many natural advantages to make it attractixe to white settlers, as well as to the Indians. The attempt to include the West Fork valley in a treaty pertaining to lands lower down in the state was futile in 1805, and only four years later was the transfer secured. In the main it was heavily timbered country: the poplar tree at home here was particularly majestic. It developed a sui-ijrising regularit\- of growth, as well as great height. The pleasures of roaming through poplar groves, as known to us - a mere remnant of the early scenes - can be nothing more than a ripple of the thrilling emotions felt by the redskin who bounded through these forests in quest of game. In the northwest portion of Fayette county the land is high and level, and elsewhere it is either roUing land or hillside or valley. The bottom lands of the streams afford ample haunts for all sorts of wild game. Besides, in all directions, in spots, are to be found ])onds and marshes that harbor water fowl and fur-bearing animals. Just (ner the hill, west of the upper part oi Connersville, stretching northward a mile or more, la\' such a body of water surrounded by many acres of bushy marsh land, which remained until times within the recollection of persons still living. Another pond of considerable size lay north of Connersville, abiut (ine-half nu'le west ni Waterloo, which was known as Goose pond. How plentiful small game must have been when Indians were alone, can l:e inferred from the fact that a half century later, that is, in the days of the early manhood of persons now on the scene, a single discharge of a huntsman's gun l)rought down ri\'e wild geese at (lOose pond. Wild turkeys al.so abounded in our neighborhood. Squirrels were so numerous that the early settlers found them a menace to the crops. And as to wild deer, these were

Xo less a jjerson tlian a L'nited -States senator from Indiana - lion. ( ). II. Smith - who l)ei.;an his career in C'onners\ ille as a xoun^^ la\\\er in iSjo. has preserved a story that illustrates the mixiiiij the early \illa.t;ers liad with untamed nature, and how dose was their contact with the wild elements of life. It is told in his reminiscences, as follows:

The Al.ain .-treet referred to i'~ h'.aslern a\enue. ;ind Cross street is Second .-treet. The "wet. hushy prairie north of town" is without douhl the same that lay west of the l"a\ette coimt\- infirmary, lor the exjiression "I'rairie Marsh" is not infre(|uenlly to he met with in the lan^uat;e of the first settlers, as applyiiii,^ to it. and additionally. "I'rairie I'.r.inch" is a name even much later used for a small stream liexond kle]ihant llill. rnnnini^' toward kick Creek. There ;ire confirmatory tr.adilions ol this sioi-\- from Senator Smith, in some of the e.arly f.amilies: and one of tliem lends the excitement of a personal encounter to this cha>e. It is to the eftect that John Sam])le. who conducted a hotel in the lo^ house on lleinemamfs corner, came into too close touch with lirnin. in the hlock of lots south (.f fifth street, ami received for his trouble an embrace and some stineezing that was truly strenuous before he was released b}- the vigorous onslaught of his friends.

Oliver H. Smith, while a resident of Connersville, platted a small section of land of which "Cross street" is a part. It corresponds to the present Second street, between Central and Eastern avenues. This record was made in 1846.

As the senator wrote his sketches in 1858, it is altogether likely that he would describe the killing of the large black bear correctly in saying it took place on the corner of Cross street. The name did not enter extensively into use, however, although Eastern avenue is well known as the "Main street" <jf the earl}- da_\s.

Bears were sufficiently plentiful in the early village days of Connersville to allow another experiene with one of them to be handed down in tradition. The writer of these lines, in his boyhood, lias often heard it described by those who were on the scene, anil tiie contingent of men who rushed out from the Sample Hotel (southwest corner Fifth street and Eastern avenue) took a hand in the hnal battle. It is to be found also in a reminiscence once published in the local press, and can be liest told in the original words: ninety feet west of E.istern .ivenue). Tlioinns P.niton .iiul a friend of his were sitting on .1 fence near tlie liouse that stood on tlie hill .iust where the "big cut" has been made for tlie Junction railroad, and saw bruin dasliing along at the top of his speed. Tlie.v got some dogs after him and ch.ised him along the hill and down that known .as Koofs Hill (west Sixth stieet ) and into the little village; and .iust where we have .stated, he was shot by .Mr. Harlan.

These episodes belong to a time that is fully a decade of years after all the lands were taken up by whites, and when many little settlements scattered here and there were taking on village manners ; and, conse(|uently, are truly indicative of how rich must have been the rewards when the aborigine alone was here to pick the game that suitetl his taste or that fell victim to his prowess and care-free methods of pmviding for the necessities of a day.

La.St Representative Of The Aborigines

There is an incident, in the policy of the government at the time of the treaty of 1795. which had an inii>ortant bearing on the kind of Indians our forliears were to tind in tliis part of Indiana. It determined who were to be the last reiiresentatives of the red race to use these lands. Geographically, we belong to tlie Miami basin, and conse(|uent1y are within the jjurlieu of the c.iuntrv of tlie famous Miami Indians; \ct tlu'sc <li(l nol live lu-re at the time. Instead, anotlier is fotnid. and one whose historie liome is (|iiite distant. In this treaty, tlie i^overnment. hy acts of ('.en. ,\ntli<>n\ Waxiie. declined to set aside sejiarate lands for the different trihes who were forced to vacate their homes in ( )hio. Tlie result was a lojjpin^ o\ er and miufjlinii' of Indians on the nearh\- horder. to which our locality is adjacent, 'i'he -Miamis, the <jris:inal owners ..f the whole re,!.;ion. crowded themselves into the upper ^^'abash section: the Shawnees became scattered hands or detached individttals throug;h<)ut central Indiana; and the Delawares, when leaving the \alley of the Muskegum and the u]iper Sandusky, in ( )hio, lodged merely across the newh- made l)oundar\ among their kinsmen, who bought from the I^iankeshaws. as early as 1770. the right of donn'cile on the headwaters of the White river, that is, near the present sites of Muncie, .\nderson and .\ol)lesville. .\llhough occupying the ])ortion of ( )hio indicated, the Delawares had not alwa\s lived there. The fortune of the redmen to move out as civilization comes toward him, explains the successive locations of this tribe, who were eastern members of their nation, w^hich belonged to the general group, .\lgonc|uins. and who had sites successfully in 1 'ennsyb ania and in Ohio before coming hei-e. and who subsequently were moved to Missouri and Oklahoma. Their first intercourse with white men was on the banks of the Delaware river, where thev concluded a tre:U\ with William I'enn, near Philadelphia, in idSj. Among themselves they were l.enni- Lenape I len-ni len-ah-])a\' ) - m.anly men; and in their western homes were known by other Indians as \\'ah-])i-nach-i, or ])eople t()W-ard the rising of the sun, and because of their ancient lineage were called grandfathers, though with us their common name is Delawares. derixed from their residence at the river of that name when first known to the whites.

Of personality - that is, the (|uality which singles out individuals - whatever little there was originallv in then" Indian associates, to our lirst settlers. has been now all but effaced by tlie ravages of time; and. in the bistorv' of this neighborhood. Indian proper n;nnes of local significance .are lost irretrievably.

Ben Davis is the I'jigli.sh cognomen of the Indian who stood in the fore of the traditions of the early villagers, but it is noted he remained Ijehind - a sullen, morose, irreconcilable redskin, one who in his dotage wandered about the creeks and haunted the outlying districts of our neighborhood - when all others had departed and were gone to new western homes. One

Story aljoiit Eeii l)a\is has e\ident]y never ajjiieared in print since it was given to a local paper many years ago; and it will liear reprinting here, as it illnstrates the decadent state into which even the noblest of our Indians had fallen:

III IlKisf (l.-iys (if ISl.N-li). liidi.ins were iiiiiiien.us .jiisl heyiiiid the riuvhiise line, wiiicli l.-i.v .-ilMmt Hve miles west (if I be vill;ij;e. Aiii(.n.i; llieiii \v,-is iiii eld ex-chief wild wMs cnlleil t'hief Hen D.-ivis. 'i'lie Iiuli.-ins were en friendly terms with the whites. .111(1 (ifteii c.inie into tile settlement te tr.-ide :in(l drink whislcey. Anion.!; them, iind a very freiinent visitor, too. w:is Hen Diivis. When .-i little intoxicMted. old Ken was very tMlUative; .-iiid would often tell of his (UhmIs of lilcxxl and murder when on the w:ir|iatli with his hr.ives. over in the Kaslern states. His mui'derous tales had become so notoriiiiis that all the children .iiid many of the women had come to fear him. as tliey would a wild lieasl. Alioiit this time, the widow linrlon lived in a cabin near to evening,'. Calvin F.nrton. when a lad of twelve or fourteen years. w;is hominy" in .-III old-fashioned mortar." as they wei-e called, with an iron weil.w fastened in the end of a stick of wood for a ]iestle. The Hrsi tliin.u' lie knew, in stepped old fhicf Hen Davis and asked in broken lOiiKlisb .mil in a tivuff Indian way. for the iiaiids. and be replied as calm as he could: "They are .inst ont here a little wa.v. and I will !;o and call them." So sayiii?; be sicii]ieil ont .-it the door and as soon as he turned the corner of the caliin. be botinded awa.v like a deer, for a stillbonse which then stood near where (ieorj;e Frost's lionse stands, where there weie several men at work. He told them that Chief Hen I>avis was at their lioine. and they were afraid he would kill them. The men started for the caliin and met old Ben on his way for the still, while little Tom Hiirton. now niir tailor, Tbonias Hurton. was lioldlns hiin by the band. Old Hen b.id taken Tom .aluii-' lo show him the way.

The men took him to the slilUionsc. pivc him whiskey, and had a j:reat deal of fun witli him. That iii>:bt after the old chief bad fallen asleep, a very roufili fellow, by the name of Kli Ilenders(ai. sifted j-iinl |iowder in bis Ion- hair and set fire to it. The Indian spraiii,' to bis feet and ^-.-ive wild yells of fury, and swore ven.sieiince a;.'aiiist every while man about the stillbonse.

The general histor\- of Fayette count}', (|uiiting from an article by Dr. John Arnold, in the Riislnillc Republican, saxs that Ben Davis was killed on Blue creek, near Rrookville, in 1820.

Simon Girtv, notwithstanding his name, was truly an Indian in manners and in deed: and perhaps was a natural son of a white man who notoriously figures in the history of an earlier ejidch in southern Itidiana and in Kentucky. He had a band of followers, and was in a miibir sense a thief, and he camped on the river bank, below Third street, aliout the vear 1812. After a careftd search aiiumg the family traditions of those of our pioneers who are left, for Indian proper names, in their true lingual setting, the result has been dishearteningly meagre. The Indians naturally possessed names proper to each individual ; but with the whites the tendehcy was to merge the aborigines in the t)ne common identit\- of Indians. And it is likely that no vogue ever attached itself here to the little which might have been learned of the native tongue. One excei)tion, however, relieves the degree of our ancestors' indifference on this point. Me-shin-go-me-tha is found to linger behind. Its preservation belongs to the Harrisburg neighborhood; \et who he was or what he did cannot be toliL Only the jingle of his name survi\es. But until disproved the tradition stands, and we may think of one native, at least - who lived here, and died somewhere in the happiness of I)eing known by his Fayette county acquaintances as Me-shin-go-me-tha.

Mr. J. E. WilHams. of Harrisburg. furnishes the testimony that "Meshin-go-me-tha" has been handed down in his family as the name of an Indian who was alxnit the Harrisburg neighlx;rhood after the arrival of white settlers. Mr. .Vnios \\'. Butler, of Indianapolis, who is a descendant of the .\mos Butler who founded Brookville, and consequently Indiana history is a familiar field to him, in a letter suggested that this Indian might be the same whose career was mostly ])laced in Grant county. Indiana. In the history of that locality the name has l)een preserved as "Me-shin-go-mesia." although this variation is not surprising, for it comes from the difificulty of correctly committing Indian vocal sounds to writing. The same experience has been had also with the name of "Tecumseh," which very good authority now says is more ])roperly spelt "Tecumtha," if kept true to the Indian pronunciation.

Considering the open mute wiiich The Trail offeretl tt) the Wabash country, it is very probable that Mr. Butler's opinion is well founded; conse(|uenth-, that .\le-shin-go-me-sia might well ha\e been an occasional inhabitant f)f our locality in the early days. .\ history of Grant county, published in t886. gives a sketch of him which will be interesting reading. The subject thereof lived to be a very old man, which left his traditions still fresh when it was written, although his young manhood easily corresponds to the primitive times of our locality. I'nder the heading: Me-shin-go-me-sia, his ancestors and descendants, the article reads :

No reliiilile .icccuuits of the ancestors of Me-shin-go-nie-sia can be traced further hack th.in the foiirlh fieneration, or lo the time of Osnaudhih, who, at the head of one division of the tribe, left Ft.W.-iyiie (at wliat date is not IvHown) and .settled on the Big Miami River, in Oliio. Soon after his settlement at this point he visited General Washington, at that time President of the United States, who presented him with tokens of regard. This aroused the .iealousy of the other tribes, by whom it is believed he was poisoned.

Upon the death of Osnandiah his son, Ataw-ataw, became chief, and he in turn was succeeded by his son, Me-to-cin-yah, who removed witli his tribe to Indiana and settled in what is now Wabash and Grant counties, and after a successful reign of many years, died, and his remains were buried in Wabash county. He was the father of ten children : Jle-shin-go-me-sia, Ta-cou-saw, Mack-quack-yno-nun-gah, Shop-on-do-sheah, Wa-pe-si-taw, Me-tack-quack-quah. So-lin-jis-yah. Wa-cau-con-aw. Po-kung-e-yah and Wecop-eme-nah.

Upon "the death of Me-td-cin-y.ili, his eldest sun, Me-sliin-w-nie-sia. succeeded to the chieftancy. He was born in Wabash county, abmit the lies;inning of the last quarter (if the eighteenth century (the precise date not known). At the age of about thirty years, he married Tac-ka-quah, a daughter of So a-nah-ke-kah, and to them were born two .sons, Po-kung-gah and Ataw-ataw. He was a man of great firmness, though not obstinate. He was ordinarily intelligent and always displayed .iudgment and good business sense in the management of the affairs of his band. With his death, which occurred in the month of December, IS70, the last chief of this historic tribe passed away.