Gibson County, Indiana - Chapter 16: The Underground Railroad in Gibson County, 1914

Chapter 16: The Underground Railroad in Gibson County

One of the most interesting topics of the early historx- of Gibson county, and one which has never been written, is the "underground railroad," which passed through the county from south to north in the days before and during the Civil war. The underground railroad, in brief terms, was an avenue of escape, a system of "stations," or friends, extending from the slave states into Canada. A negro was transported from one station to another under the protection of the different station masters, who incurred great risks and many narrow brushes with death, in their desire to serve the cause of abolition. Not only from the slave owners in pursuit did the .runaways and the station masters have to fear, but from a class of Northerners termed "wolves," who, in order to gain the reward offered for the return of escaped negroes, would endeavor to apprehend the fleeing men. There were many avenues of escape running during the fifties and sixties, and many and diverse were the methods used to smuggle the negroes to the Canadian line. Once in that neutral territory, they were safe from pursuit. One of these lines extended through Gibson county, and there were two stations known to have existed here, the principal one being three miles northwest of the city of Princeton, just below a big hill, at the home of David Stormont; the other station being in the Carrithers neighborhood east of Princeton, the home of John Carithers. There was also another small relay station one mile west of Patoka, kept by David Hull.

In the history of the underground railroad, written just after the war Iw William Still, a colored anti-slavery worker, reference is made to the station kept by David Stormont. It is in the story of Seth Concklin, who nobly sacrificed his life to aid the wife and kindred of Peter Still, a slave who had bought his own freedom, but whose dearest possessions were yet in bondage, to escape by the underground railroad route. The plan proposed by Concklin was a hazardous one, and he undertook to execute it alone, with consequent failure. He and his charges were captured after they had proceeded as far north as Vincennes, Indiana, twenty-five miles north of Princeton. To William Still se\-eral letters were written b)' Concklin during his attempt to escape with Peter Still's wife and relatives. One of these missives refers directly to David Stormont, althuus^h the letter has the name written as "Stornion." The letter follows :

"To \\"m. Still : - The plan is to go to Canada, on the W'aljash, opposite Detroit. There are four routes to Canada. One through Jllinois, commencing above and below Alton ; one through to north Indiana, and the Cincinnati route, being the largest route in the United States.

"I intended to have gone through Pennsylvania, but the risk going up the Ohio river has caused me to go to Canada. Steamboat traveling is universally condemned ; though many go in boats, consequently many get lost. Going in a skiff is new, and is approved of in my case. After I arrive at the mouth of the Tennessee river, I will go up the Ohio seventy-five miles, to the mouth of the Wabash, then up the Wabash, forty-four miles to Xew Harmony, where I shall go ashore by night, and go thirteen miles east, to Charles Grier, a farmer (colored man), who will entertain us, and next night convey us sixteen miles to David Stormon, near Princeton, who will take the command, and I will be released.

"David Stormon estimates the expenses from his house to Canada at forty dollars, without which, no sure protection will be given. They might be instructed concerning the course, and beg their way through without any money. If you wish to do what should be done, you will send me fifty dollars, in a letter, to Princeton, Gilison county, Intla., so as to arrive there b_\- the 8th of March. Eight days should be estimated for a letter to arrive from Philadelphia.

"The money to be State Bank of Ohio, or State Bank, or Northern Bank of Kentucky, or any other eastern bank Send no notes larger than twenty dollars.

"One half of my time has been used in trying to find ]iersons to assist, when I may arrive on the Ohio river, in which I have failed, except Stormon.

"Having no letter of introduction to Stormon from any source, on which I could fully rely, I traveled two hundred miles around, to find out his stability. I have found many Abolitionists, nearly all who have made propositions, which themselves would not comply with, and nobody else would. Already I have traveled over three thousand miles. Two thousand and four hundred by steamboat, .two hundred by railroad, one hundred by stage, four hundred on foot, forty-eight in a skifif.

Operations. I have been two weeks on the decks of steamboats, three nights out, two of which I got perfectly wet. If I had had paper money, as McKim desired, it woukl have been destroyed. I have not been entertained gratis at any place except Stormon's. I had one hundred and twenty-six dollars when I left Philadelphia, one hundred from you, twenty-six mine.

"Telegraphed to station at Evansville, thirty-three miles from Stormon's, and at Vincennes, twenty-five miles from Stormon's. The Wabash route is considered the safest route. No one has ever been lost from Stormon's to Canada. Some have been lost between Stormon's and the Ohio. The wolves have never suspected Stormon. Your asking aid in money for a case properly belonging east of Ohio, is detested. If you have sent money to Cincinnati, you should recall it. I will have no opportunity to use it.

However, as has been stated before, the worthy Concklin failed in his mission to get his negroes to the Canadian line. Concklin was placed in jail, whereupon he wrote to David Stormont to get funds for bail. A report afterward circulated, and found to be reasonably true, was to the effect that a man was found drowned, with his hands and feet in chains and his skull fractured. This was Seth Concklin.

In his book, "Looking Back from the Sunset Land," Rev. N. R. Johnston has written a very interesting narrati\'e of his observation of Seth Concklin and his party. He writes :

"In fulfillment of presbyterial appointments I was at Princeton preaching two or three Sabbaths the latter part of March and the first of April. Early in the week before my last Sabbath there, Mr. David Stormont came to my lodging place (Elder Robert Stormont's) and told me that Seth Concklin and the four escaped slaves were at his house, having recently arrived safely from Alabama. Of course I accepted Mr. Stormont's invitation to ride with him to see his guests. They all were well, though tired and sleepy, and all were anxious about their safety as they knew that though they were now in a free state they were not free from the danger of being captured and taken back to slavery again. They had arrived the night before, having been conducted by the colored man, Charles Grier. Mr. Concklin gave me a warm welcome and was somewliat cheerful. With the others I soon became acquainted, though the two sons and the young daughter were reserved and diffident, having had no other school than the slave plantation. ^Irs. Still, 'Aunt Vina,' was quite free in conversation. She was manifestly a woman of great natural ability and of rare common sense. I spent the day and the evening with the fugitives and their rescuer and from them learned tlie whole story of their flight and journey. To me it was intensely thrilling, and I am sure that it would be the same to the reader if I could give it at length and with all its incidents as narrated by the fugitives. All I can do is tn give the merest outline as told to me so that the reader may know how the cscajie was effected.

"At Cincinnati Mr.- Concklin bought a large .skiff and took it with hini on board an Ohio .steamer, and afterwards up the Tennessee river to Morence, Alabama, not far from the plantation where the slaves were. Here, under the assumed name of Miller, he busied himself inquiring for work and, representing that he was a miller, as he once had been, he tried to explain to the inquisitive why he had brought a skiff with him. In his meanderings he went to the plantation, and to the shoe-shop by the wayside, where one of the slri\es was the cobbler for the others. Concklin needed some shoe mending done and thus he had an opportunity and without suspicion to obtain desirable information as to localities, for the time was near when, according to the appointment that had been made by Peter Still and his wife, he must go to visit her in the night. When the hour came Concklin was there 'sharp.' After waiting a while in the tolerably dark night, a colored woman approached quietly accompanied by one of her sons (no doubt) timidly. In subdued voices they spoke to one another. How could Aunt Vina know that this man was the very one that her husband had sent from Philadelphia to conduct her and her children out of the house of bondage? I will tell the reader, but in my own words, as she told me that afternoon at the house of David Stormont. She said : 'When my husband was about to lea\'e me to go back to Philadelphia, I took off the cotton cape I had on and gave it to him. It had a hole in one corner. I said, "Give that cape to the man that is to come for us and tell him to bring it back to me, and when I get the cape and tlnd the hole in it I'll be sure that he is the right man." ' And as she told me ibis incident she went to her bundle of clothes and brought the cape and said to me: 'See there, sir; there is the hole,' showing it to me; and then she added : 'Then I knew all was right and I was glad.'

"Their interview was necessarily brief. Concklin told the woman what to do and when to bring the children to join him in the boat. The\- came at the appointed time and place and were soon rowing down the Tennessee river. When daylight came and when they saw people on the shore who might suspect that they were fugitives they laid down in the boat so that tliev could not be seen from the land. At one place .some men on the shore sliouted to the boatman to stop. He did not obey the order, but rowed on the more stoutly. The fellows on shore then fired guns at the boat, but the God of the oppressed preserved those in the skiff from harm. Passing out into the Ohio and thereon up to the mouth of the Wabash, they rowed up this stream to New Harmony, and then carried out their plan as written in the letter to William Still.

"The night that I lodged at I\Ir. Stormont's Mr. Concklin and I slept in the same room and conversed until a late hour about things in which wc ])oth were interested, and we were not forgetful that the house might be surrounded at any hour of the night by a posse of pursuers of fugitive slaves.

"That was probably the last time that Seth Concklin ever slept on an ordinary bed. The next day duty called me away and I bade good-bye to the fugitives and their faithful friend and guide. Shortly after they were all on the highway towards Canada.

"What happened after their departure from Mr. Stormont's was not known except from unreliable reports from published telegrams and from Seth Concklin's letter to David Stormont, written after Concklin had been lodged in prison. Probably the reader may understand the situation at this time if I here copy a brief extract from a letter I wrote from Evansville, Indiana, to William Still under the date of March 31, 1851.

" T think it was twenty-three miles above Vincennes, Indiana, where they were seized by a party of men and lodged in jail. Telegraphic dispatches were sent all through the South. I have since learned that the marshal of Evansville received a dispatch from Tuscumbia to look out for them. By some means he and the master, so says report, went to Vincennes and claimed the fugitives, chained Mr. Concklin and hurried all off. As soon as he was cast into prison Mr. Concklin wrote to David Stormont at Princeton to find bail. As soon as he received the letter and could get away, two of us were about setting oft' to render all possible aid when we were told they all had passed south a few hours before, through Princeton, Mr. Concklin in chains. What kind of process was had, if any, I know not. I immediately came down to this place and learned that they had been put on a steamboat at three p. m. I did not arrive until six. Now all hopes of their recovery are gone.'

"After the letter from which this is extracted was written, additional facts were learned that threw some light on the dark tragedies. I communicated some of them to William Still, and this letter also he published in his book which came out nearly twenty years afterwards. I did not hear of the capture of the fugitives until Mr. Stormont came into town and infunned me of the sad inteUigence. This was sometime on Saturdax-. Nothing could be done for the prisoners until after the Sabbath, when I was expected to preach. Besides, Mr. Concklin's letter had said that the trial was fixed for Thursday of the week following. Accordingly we made arrangements to go to Vincennes as soon as the Sabbath was over, that we might do all in our power to rescue the captives.

"Early on Monday morning Mr. Stormont and I were seated in the buggy and the lines in his hand, ready to set out from Princeton on our errand of rescue as we tried to hope, when a friend came hurriedly to inform us that we need not go as, on the day before, the captured party had all been taken through the town, going south in charge of the United States marshal from Evansville, and accompanied by the slave owner, McKiernon, from Alabama. Afterwards, the following facts were learned. The telegram that had been sent from Evansville into the South had been read by Mc- Kiernon, who hastened to go for his chattels. Taking the United States officer with him from Evansville, he hurried to Vincennes and claimed his slaves. They were given up to him and into the possession of the marshal without any trial whatever. The law was obeyed to the letter and the persons surrendered 'on the claim of him to whom such service or labor is due.' Concklin was handcuffed liy the marshal and put into the stage coach with the colored people, and behind the coach rode in their own carriage the sla\e owner and the marshal. They left Vincennes on Sabbath morning and reached Princeton in time for dinner. W'hile the master was in the hotel eating, the prisoners were retained in the stage under guard and without food; and then they all hurriedly drove on to Evansville.

"As I was expected to preach in St. Louis the next Sabbath and as I believed it my duty to do everything possible to prevent the dragging of the fugitives back into bonds, and if possible to save poor Concklin from chains, and from the awful fate which seemed to await him if carried into Alal)ama by the bloodhounds who had caught him, I hastened to take the morning stage for Evansville in the hope that I might reach the city before the departure of the captives and their captors. It was my purpose to hasten to employ an attorney and have writs issued for the release of the captives who had been brought away from \'incennes without any trial whatever. Puit T was too late. Three hours before my arrival all the party had de])arte(l Insteamboat for Paducah, a town at the mouth of the Tennessee river. That same night I took the first steamer going down the river, and still hM])ing that possibly if I could reach Paducah before the departure of the company I might do something for the friendless captives, ^'ain hope! An hour before my arrival at Paducah the master and his slaves had taken the stage for Florence, Alabama. I could do nothing. But what of Seth Concklin? My boat was detained an hour or two, so that I had time to go ashore and make inquiries of some colored men laboring on the wharf. They told me what they had. heard the people say and from what I learned afterwards I believed that they were partly correct, as we will soon see. The United States marshal had gone down to Paducah, still having in his charge the slaves and Mr. Concklin. The passage was in the night. The officer sat up in guard of the captives, Concklin still handcuffed. Reports said that after the boat landed at Paducah, and while it was yet night, the marshal fell asleep or had asked McKiernon to guard his prisoner while he would sleep. It was reported moreover that when the marshal returned to where he left Concklin the latter was gone. McKiernon told the officer that while lie (McKiernon) was watching he fell asleep and on awakening saw that the manacled man was missing. No one had seen anything of him. When morning came search was made and the dead body of the man, yet in his chains, was found in the river. On the side of his head was a very severe wound, probably a broken skull. The body was taken to a sand bank on the shore, not far distant, and buried in his clothes and irons as before death. All kinds of conjectures and reports were afloat. Having learned all I could possil^ly in the short time I had, I returned to my steamer and went on to St. Louis. On landing I hastened to find the vessel which had brought the fugitives from Evansville to Paducah and sought an interview with the ofiicers to learn what I could from them. As the boat was owned by Northern men, I felt free to converse with the officers, though while the boat lay at the wharf at Paducah waiting for the morning nearly all the officers were asleep except the clerk, so that he was almost the onh- one who could tell me anything reliable. He had seen nothing of the parties after a late hour of the night, until in the morning after the man in irons was missing; but he told me what he had seen and heard after that time. One of the reports or opinions expressed was that Concklin (known by the name of Miller) had jumped overboard to drown himself rather than be taken to Alabama to fall into the hands of slave holders or Southerners. Another was that he had jumped into the water in the expectation of wading or swimming ashore, even though wearing heavy manacles, but that in leaping to the water he had been struck accidentally on the head. the blow causing death. A third supposition, or rather suspicion, was that duriiiij the short time that Miller was guarded liy McKieninn, llie master, the latter had struck the hated man a fatal blow on the head, and then had thrown him overboard and that to avoid suspicion in the morning he had tokl the marshal that while on guard he had fallen asleep and that on awakening he had discovered that Miller was gone. An}' of these reports might have been true, as Miller was kept upon the hurricane deck where no other person was at night except his guard. But after learning all I could and after the friends of Seth Concklin in Philadelphia had sent a deputation to Paducah to ascertain all possible as to his death and burial, I regarded the last opinion as the most plausible. The following facts led to this belief. It was said, but upmi what authority I do not rememl^er, that McKiernon had promised to [>a.\ the United States marshal one tliousand dollars on condition that he wnuld return the fugitives and the man Miller at South Florence, Alabama. As at Paducah Miller was found dead, and as the four slaves were in the possession of the master in his own state, he had no more need of the marshal, who now reutrnecl ti:) Evansxille. Report said moreover that McKiernon and the marshal had (|uarreled about the money promised, the fdrmer refusing to pay because Miller had not been returned according to contract; this [iroljably had not Ijeen written. Then the supposition was inferred that in nrder to have revenge upon the man who had taken awa}' his property, and to get rid of the payment of the one thousand dollars, he had taken a bludgeon or something and had struck the fatal blow on the head of ^Tiller, and then threw him overboard, expecting to escape detection as all were fast asleep and none could testify to the facts which would condemn the murderer."

Were all of the experiences of David Stornicmt available fur ])ublica- .tion, they would form a chain of thrilling narrative with true dramatic (luality. But, unfortunately, many of these incidents have been lost, and there remain but few scattering tales regarding the days when Storniont kept a station house, and relayed runaway negroes toward the north.

The log home of David Stormont was continually watched by suspicious slave owners who had come North in purstiit of their negroes, and also the wolves, the Christian wolves as they were called, hovered near the Stormont premises to^ get damaging evidence against the station keeper. W hen returning from church Stormont was often conscious of men following him at a discreet distance. And it was well for the men that they shnuld observe discretion in their movements, as it wa-^ the babil of Daniel Slornioiit to carry a gun along with his Bible when be went to church, and could n<e one as readily as the other. Mrs. Stormont kei)t a tea-kettle of boilins' water

While wandering about in the woods nearby one day David Storniont stepped over the brow of a hill and perceived in the valley below a group of men, Southerners, with their horses picketed near them. Their close proximity to his home could mean but one thing - that his house was being watched at night, if not even in danger of an open attack. Hurrying home, he apprised his wife of the danger, and the two made preparations to resist. All through the night Stormont sat at an open window, with his guns at hand, and his wife with him to load them as fast as he fired. No attack was made, but the howling and barking of the dogs on the outskirts of his farm all night was evidence conclusive that men prowled around all through the night hours.

Slave hunters frequently stopped at Stormont's and inquired as to his help to runaway's. He re]jlied invariably that he would "clothe the naked, and feed the hungry." Indeed he did this and more. To obtain provisions and clothes for the negroes without arousing suspicion was a delicate task. A pair of shoes one place, trousers at another, and small purchases of foodstuffs at different stores was the only way he could be reasonably safe from exposure. He always sent his visitors to Vincennes, with instructions to look for Sugar Loaf Hill, where the next station might be found. Often Mr. Stormont kept the slaves at his home for several days, and when he did he let them work on his acres. One time several negroes were working in the fields when their master passed by the road running alongside, and at another time two negroes were in Stormont's back yard, when the master called at Stormont's front door for a drink of water. Often spies came, generally one or two colored men and one white man, pretending that they were escaped from the South. Stormont was a man of strong intuition and deep insight into characters; deception was an open book to him; and it was seldom or never that these spies were successful in learning anything of him.

To men of Stormont's type there is due much consideration for the brave and charitable part they played in the drama ^f those times. They received no remuneration for their services, only the knowledge that they were serving a noble cause. The work was dangerous, but not too danferous for them to undertake, willinglv and energetically.

In the "Pioneer ilistory of Indiana," by Col. William M. L'ockruni, of Oakland City, Indiana, the following narrative is taken: "Some time late in the snmmer of 1S52 a man rode hurriedly into Princeton, Indiana, co\-ered with dust and his horse in such a lather of sweat it showed evidence of hard riding. Tied to the back of his saddle were a large whip and several cords, and hanging to the horn were several pairs of handcuffs, and a lirace of hea\y revolvers belted around his waist outside his dusty coat. .Altogether he was a fierce-looking fellow.

"Dismounting, he tied his horse to the ci>urt-yard rack and, hurr\iug to the south door of the old courthouse, put on the bulletin l)oard a notice of three runaway negroes, offering a reward of five hundred dollars for their capture. After doing this he inquired for the Ix'st tavern and had his horse taken to the livery stable. He made inquiry if there was anyone who would be willing to help capture runaway slaves. Some time after he got to the tavern two gentlemen who were always boasting of the many times they had engaged in such work, called on him, offering their services to help him catch the runaways. The slave owner inquired about their ex]'erience in such business and thev informed him that they had been in many such hunts. He told them they would do and if he got the negroes he would divide the reward, which was offered between five men: that all he wanted was their help in catching the rascals. He asked them who the other three men w(juld be. There were several names mentioned to him of tlir)se who would be of good help in such an undertaking. The>' mutually agreed on the three men, when he enjoined them to secrecy. Onl\- those going on the raid should know anything about what they intended to do. After this was arranged, it was agreed the first two men should come back to the tavern not later than four o'clock, to let him know if the three men selected could be depended on to go. P)>- that time he could secure some needed rest and they would mature a plan of action for the coming night.

"The slave owner said that he felt certain the runaways would pass somewhere near Princeton during the early part ')f the night, and aim to cross the Patoka river and get as far on toward White river as they could before da\-light. He thought it best to guard one or two bridges over the Patoka, and should they fail in capturing them he would organize a posse and picket White river at every point where it was thought likely they could cross. Pulling a small map from his pocket and looking over it for a short time, he pointed out a route which he thought most hkely they would follow. He pointed to Wheeling (Ku-ksville). as the place where he thought they would try to cross the i'atoka river, and said that he would go to that point with the five men selected and watch that hridge.

"He authorized the two men if they could rind any reliable persons to guard the Columbia briage, lor them to do so, as it might be possible thac they would go that way. Bidding the two men good bye, he asked them to be prompt and report at the time named.

'That the reaaer may understand, I will state that the slave-hunting bullies had made themselves so obnoxious to many good people in and around Jr'rinceton, that this bogus slave hunt was inaugurated to teach them a needed lesson. The pretended, slave owner was none other than an antislavery spy, and he had fi\'e confederates who were well acquainted with the country and the people. The ones selected to guard the Wheeling bridge were the most offensive ones in that business. The anti-slavery confederates had eight heavy bombs made at Kratz & Heilman's factory in Evansville, which would hold about three pounds of powder, each with a screw attachment so that a time fuse could be put into the powder.

"As soon as it was dark the five men, carrying the bombs, started two hours ahead of the brave negro catchers. The first two bombs were placed near the side of the road in a deep hollow about two and a half miles northeast of I'rinceton, the next two were placed about three-fourths of a mile from the W heeling bridge, and the other four, two on each side of the bridge about sixty or seventy yards away. A man was left at each station to fire the fuse at the proper time, and the extra man nearly a hundred yards from the bridge down the river to command an imaginary battalion. These bombs were the real thing for a great noise.

"At four o'clock the two men were on hand and had the names of three men who would go out and watch tlie Columbia liridge; also said that the other men of their party would be ready at any time set for the start. The slaveowner said that he did not care to see the three men who were to go to the Columbia bridge, as he thought they had Init little ciiance of success, and he authorized the two men to see that they went, and for them and the other three of their party to meet him on the north side of the seminarv at one hour after night and they would go to the Wheeling bridge.

the pretended slave owner and his confederates with the buniljs, s(3 he could locate their places, and when the bridge-watching party got to the deep hollow, Indian creek, a deep, loud voice some way to one side said, 'Who goes there?" The men stopped and listened for some time, but nothing more was heard. The leader turned to his posse and said, 'Did you let it be known (hat we were going on this hunt?' They all said that they had not. He nxle around and called several times, but there was no response.

"They then rode ahead and after passing several miles came to where the second station was located, when from out of the woods to one side of the road, in a deep sounding A'oice. came the second challenge. 'Who goes there?' The party stopped and the leader said in a loud \oice, 'Who are you, that you demand who we are?' He waited for some time, Init there was no more sound heard. The leader, after locating the place well, turned to his men and asked if they thought it could be possible that the abolitionists would attempt to defeat their plans. They all said they did not think they had any idea of their mo\ements. The leader said it was strange indeed that they should have been twice stopped by such an unearthlx- s(jund.

"They rode on in silence to the bridge, crossed over it and went on watch on the north side, keeping their horses close at hand so the}- could mount, if they needed to, in a moment, as the slaveowner told them the slaves would run and that there were twci desperate characters in the lot. The brave slaveowner had them watch closel}-. He would w'alk up and down both banks of the river, pretending to Ije watching e\er\-thing. b'inally he came running up the bank and said, 'Boys, get on your horses. I am certain there is something going on. I heard a noise as of men slipping through the brush.' At this time one of his confederates called out, 'Halt ! Dismount ; let twi) men hold the horses; get into line. Shoulder arms!' .\t this time one of the bombs near the horses went off. The leader called, 'Ciet over the bridge, boys; the abolitionists will blow it down.' .\t this another bomb exploded near them. This put the horses in a fearful panic and they went across the bridge at a great gait.

"Soon the two bombs on the south side exploded. The men were on the go and it was a half mile before the leader could stop thehi. Shaming them for such cowardice, they stopped and listened, and hearing nothing, marched on to where the last voice was heard as they went to the bridge, and were listening there when the two bombs at this point were exploded within a few feet of them. After this there was no more halt, and the man who fired the two bombs at Indian creek said he could not tell that they went any faster, as they were at top speed when they got to him. The leader tried to keep up, calHng to them to stop. They did not heed him, for they had seen and heard enough for one night and ran all the way back to Princeton. 'Tn 1865 a captain of the One Hundred and Forty-third Indiana Regiment, who for years after the war lived at and near Francisco, Indiana, and later moved west, while seated on the capitol steps, at Nashville, Tennessee, gave me the data for the above story. He said he was never so thoroughly frightened in his whole life as when the big bombs commenced to go off; it sounded as though the infernal regions hafl broken loose. Who the five men were who had charge of the bombs he never could learn, but always believed that they lived in the Stormont and Carithers neighborhood northeast of Princeton. There is one fact certain, as he expressed it, it broke him of 'sucking eggs', and if any of the other four men e\'er attempted to catch a runaway negro afterwards, l;e never heard of it.'"

Kidnapping Cases

In the fall and winter of 1863 I had the misfortune to be an inmate of Libby prison hospital with a wound made by a minie ball through my hip. There were at that time about one thousand Federal officers, from the rank of brigadier-general down to second lieutenant, in that prison. Among that number was Col. W. jMcMackin, of the Twenty-first Illinois, the regiment with which General Grant went into service. ********* He learned where I lived and that the town of Princeton was near my home, and in talking together he related to me this strange story which took place some twenty-five years before :

He said he had gone to Princeton, Indiana, to meet Hiram Hunter, and had been there for quite a time doing some school work in the old brick seminary which stood on the hill, under Hunter or some other persons whom Hunter assigned to give him lessons in theology. During the time he was there he went out with the nfinisters to different churches in the country surrounding Princeton and heard the old ministers preach. At one time he attended a camp meeting some miles southwest of Princeton. There were many preachers and thousands of persons in attendance. While attending one of these meetings eight or ten miles southwest <^f Princeton there was a lengthy service at night and during the time th: meeting was going on there was some rain and (|uite a flurry of wind. After the meeting was over Rev. Hiram Hunter, who \va^ in attendance, wa.s invitetl by a gentleman who h\e(.l near to go home witli iiini to .spend the night. The Colonel, through Hunter, was also invited. The)' were all on horseback and Mr. Knowlton (no doubt Knowles ) h:u\ his wife on the same horse back of him. They had gone some tlistance from the church when the\- found the n.)ad completely blocked by the top of a tree which had fallen. They all dismounted and crept around the tree top. On coming to the road on the other side they found a covered wagon which was stopped by the blockade. On coming up to it a man was seen standing in the road. Mr. Hunter was in front and asked the man how he came there with a covered wagon at such a time at night. The man answered him by saying that it was none of his business. Mr. Hunter was a determined man and it did not take much of this sort of thing to raise his anger. He said, "I spoke to you as a gentleman and your answer shows that you are an ill-l)red cur. I am now satisfied that there is something wrong aljout )'oii, and l>efore we go any farther we will investigate." At this point another man appeared, who had been cutting a road around the other side of the tree anfl demanded to know what the trouble was. ]Mr. Hunter told him that there was no trouble, but the\' thought there was something wrong and intended to know what it was. At this the man with the axe said that the first man who attempted to lay iiands on the wagon would lose his life. As quick as thought one of the stalwart sons of Mr. Knowlton, who were with the campmeeting party, caught the axe and wrenched it out of the threatening fellow's hand. The other man attempted to aid his partner, when the senior Mr. Knowlton laid him on his back in the road. The two boys tied the man they had and the father and Mr. Hunter drew the arms of the man who was knocked down behind his back, and Mr. McMackin tied them hard and fast with his handkerchief. The night was cloudy, but there was a moon, and it was not very dark. The timber was so very thick on each side of the narrow road that they could not see to any advantage. Matches at that time were not in general use. ^Ir. Knowlton told one of his sons to take his mother home, and bring back some material to make a torch. The young man was soon liack with flint, steel and punk, and in short time they had a flaming torch. In the wagon they found a negro man and woman with their hands tied, fastened to a cross piece under the bottom of the wagon and a rope was tied in each of their mouths. They were soon liberated, but it was some time before thev could stand or talk. They said they lived in Illinois, some miles west of Vincennes, Indiana, and they had been tied ever since the .

latter part of the night before and had been gagged most of the time. They further said that they had crossed the Wabash at Mt. Carmel on the ferry; that they were free negroes and that these two men had come to their cabin the night before, after they had gone to bed, pretending to be lost, and asked the privilege of feeding their team near the house, saying they would sleep in their wagon, but if the negro woman would get them a good supper they would give her a silver dollar. She did so. Sometime after midnight they knocked at the door, saying they were cold in the wagon, and asking permission to lie on the floor. The door was opened and they caught and tied and put them in the wagon, nearly twenty-four hours before they were liberated.

The wagon was turned ; the two kidnappers were made to walk behinl it, guided by Hunter and Knowlton. One of the boys drove the team and they were soon home. After getting into the house they had an informal examination. The two negroes told the same story that they did at the wagon. The man knocked down was the first interrogated. He was very insolent and said he would make it dear business to them for stopping him and meddling with his property; that the two negeroes were his, and he had a description of them which he showed. He said they had run away from southern Kentucky about two years before. The other kidnapper would not say anything. The stories of the negroes were believed, and it was decided to hold the men until morning and take all of them to Princeton where legal proceedings would be brought.

The first cabin of this family was standing in the yard. A pallet was made down on the floor, and the kidnappers were put on it. There were no windows and but one door which was fastened witli a rope on the outside. The bovs volunteered to occupy a room not more than ten feet away and guard the door. Somehow these outlaws untied each other and got out at the top of a wide, low chimney and made a break for the stables to get the horses, but the boys with their guns foiled theni in this and they made a rush for the woods nearby, and thus escaped. That was the last these people ever heard of them. The next morning it was decided that Mr. Knowlton and a neighbor would take the negroes back to their home. The two men were well mounted and armed with long rifles, as everybody was in those davs. They soon got started, the negroes driving the wagon. When thev arrived in the neighborhood where the negroes lived, they learned that the team and wagon had been stolen about three miles north of their cabin, and that the negro family had lived in that neighborhood for more than twenty years.

A Bluff That Failed To Work

About the year 185 1 an old negro man named Stephenson came to see the author's father, who was largely interested in farming, to ha\c him keep his boys, one fourteen, one twelve and the other ten }ears old, for him until he could make arrangements to start for Liberia. This my father agreed to do. It was spring time and the boys helped with the wiirk. Things went on that season and the old man had no chance to get away and work was well under way for the second season. Old man Stephenson had come to this country from South Carolina with Dr. Samuel Mc- Cullough about the middle of the forties. He was a free man, but married a slave and bought her freedom. They li\-ed in the same neighborhood for }ears until his wife died. One evening", just as the work was over for the day, the colored boys were doing up the work around the barn. Two men rode up to the front of the house and called to the author's father, who was sitting on the porch, sa}ing that they wanted to see him. They told him they had a description of three colored boys who were born in S<nith Carolina who were slaves, and had called to see him about it, as they had learned he had three colored boys working for him.

These two fellows, no doubt had a confederate in the neighliorhood who had given them a perfect description of the boys. My father talked to them a while, not having the least idea who they were, and evidently they did not know him or the\' would have been the last fellows to come there on such a mission. He excu.sed himself to go into the house for something. They waited for him to return, which he did with his bear gun, "Old \'icksburg,"' in his hands.

Thev crjmmenced to plead with him to let there be no difficulty. He told them that there was not the slightest danger of any trouble. He wanted them to see what sort of a machine he guarded the l:)o\'s with, anil said to them, "Do you see that little house?" pointing to a room in our yard. "The three boys sleep there, and if they are disturbed I will kill fifteen such worthless vagabonds as you are before you get them, fugitive law or any other law. And I want to say before I get mad that you had better go for you may get into danger." He cocked the big gun and said, "I feel it coming on - go and go quick."

They took him at his word and the\- went in a hurry. He waited until they had gone about seventy-five yards awav when he turned loose (")n tlu-m. intending to shoot iust above their heads. .\t the crack of that monster

The boys remained with us for nearly three years before they got away to Liberia, and that was the last we ever heard of the men hunting for them.

In 1817 William Ba,rrett moved to this state from Tennessee, and settled in what is now southwestern Columbia township, Gibson county, Indiana. He had formerly lived in the state of South Carolina and moved from there to Tennessee in 1804.

Some years after they reached Indiana a negro man named Reube, who had formerly been a slave of Airs. Jacob Sanders, but had been freed for having saved his master's life, came on from South Carolina with a relinquishment paper for Mrs. Barrett to sign for her part of her father's estate. Reube remained for nearly a year; the winter weather was too cold for him and he had determined to go back before another winter set in. John W. Barrett, a son of ^VilIiam, at that time a large gawky boy of about eighteen years old, and six feet eight inches tall, went with Reube on many fishing and hunting adventures. When it came time f(jr Reube to start back, John took him over to Princeton and led the horse which he had ridden back home. Reube intended to go from there to Evansville with the first passing team that went that way.

The act which gave Reube his freedom was a heroic one. There was a maniac in that section of South Carolina, who at times became very desperate and was kept in confinement in such a place as the authorities had for that purpose. He was very sly and cunning, and stepping up back of Mr. Sanders pinioned his hands behind him and threw him on the ground, and with a large knife attempted to cut his throat. Reube being in the garden nearby, saw his master's peril and running up behind the maniac, struck him at the butt of his ear with a hoe and felled him to the ground. Mr. Sanders said, 'Txeube, from this day on you are a free man and I will at once make out your free papers." He told him to stay on the place if he wanted to, for as long a time as suited him, and he would pay him for all the work he did. The papers were made out and in giving him his freedom, a full history was given, and it was recorded. To make it certain that no one would disturb Reube, Mr. Sanders had a full history of the case engraved on a gold plate ; also had a gold chain attached to the gold plate that went around his neck, so that it was easy at any time, if the patrol stopped him, to show the certificate on the plate. Mr. Barrett's family heard nothing of Reube for two or three years. Finally Mr. Sanders wrote to his niece, Mr;. Barrett, asking her why Reube did not come back.

In 1832 Col James W. Cockrum bought the steamboat "Nile," and intended to run her up the Yazoo river and other small rivers to bring the cotton out and carry it to Xcw Orleans. John \\'. Barrett, a brother-in-law, was maile clerk (.f the boat and had charge of the freight. At one landing on the Yazoo river there was a large quantity of cotton to be loaded and the planters were still delivering from their farms. Young Barrett was on the deck tallying as the mate and deck hands were putting the cargo al)oard when a colored man came near ami said, "iNlr. Barrett, don't \'ou know my? I am Reube, who hunted with }ou in Indiana. Don't let on you know me." Barrett did know him and was greatly surprised at thus meeting him. Finally he got a chance and told Reube to roll a bale of cotton behind the cabin stairs. Reube told him that his master was on the l)ank and it was not safe for them to be seen talking together. The planter whom Reube called his master had a large amount of cotton and was watching the count of the bales and his slaves were helping to load it in order that they might finish l)efore n'ght. During the loading Barrett had several chances to say a word to Reube. There was a wood yard some miles below where the boat would stop to take on wood. Reube said he would be down there when the boat came, as it would be some hours after night, and when the boat was rounded to Reube was ready to load wood as soon as it was measured. Barrett watched his chance and took Reube down in the hold and secreted him there and looked after him. They got to New Orleans, unloailed the cotton, and took on a lot of government freight for the u])per Arkansas i'i\-L-r to one of the military outposts. Reube wa^ ^lill in hiding. no one l)ut the clerk being aware of his presence on board.

While they were unloading the government freight, Barrett went to the commander of the fort and told the history of Reube and all about his being kidnapped and being sold into slavery to a Mississippi planter on the Yazoo river. .\s fortune would have it, the commander was a New England man and felt indignant at the outrageous treatment the p(jor negro had received, and assured Barrett that he would keep him in his employ at good wages until he had opportunit)' to send him back to South Carolina, which he (lid. Aljout a year afterward the Barrett family received a letter from Air. Sanders telling of Reube's arrival home. John W. Barrett told me in 1854, the last time he was ever in Indiana, that after he left Reube at P'rince- (16) ton, he had no opportunity to get away to Evansville until about the middle of the next da}'. He was making inquiry of some people if they knew of any teams which were going to Evansville. Reube was very fond of showing his gold certiiicate of freedom; finally two men told him they were going to Evansville that evening, but they could not get away before the middle of the afternoon and made an agreement that he could go with them by cooking for them on the road and after they got there. Reube readily agreed to this since they told him that they had some thought of going to Tennessee. They finall}- started, and after staying a day or so at Evansville, which was then only a small place, they started on the Tennessee trip. They made it convenient to go west in Tennessee and on to Memphis. They told Reube, to whom they had been very kind, that in a day or so they would go to North Carolina, and in doing so would pass near his home if he wanted to go with them, but the next place they went to was the Yazoo river. There they took Reube's gold plate and papers from him and sold him to the planter with whom Barrett found him.

Montgomery To The Rescue

Harvey Montgomer_\- was the seventh child of Judge Isaac Montgomery. I was a young boy when I knew him best and he was my ideal of an upright Christian gentleman. He lived with his father at his home two miles southeast of Oakland City, Indiana, until he married. He then settled on a quarter section, just north of his father, where he spent his life.

At one time Harvey and Joseph, who was the third child of Judge Montgoiuery, and a hand working for them named McDeeman, had two loads of produce, venison, hams, hides and bear bacon, which they were taking to Robert Stockwell at Princeton. Joseph at that time lived on what was afterward the Richey farm, about one-half mile west of his father's. He was a very large man and was known far and near as one of the strongest men, physically, who ever lived in that section.

As they were getting within about two miles of Princeton, and after climbing a hill, they stopped to let their ox teams rest, when they heard a loud noise as of men in a wrangle. Joseph and McDeeman left Harvey with the teams and. taking their guns, went to find out what the noise was about. When they got to the parties making the noise, they found two negroes handcuflied together and a white man beating one of the negroes with a heavy stick.

the place where the trouble was and asked the man with the club what in "hades" he meant by beating the man with such a bludgeon. There were two white men and one of them became very insulting, telling Montgomery they were beating their own property and it was none of his business. One of the negroes cried out. "Oh, that is Mr. Montgomery. Don't you know me? 1 am Pete who kept your camp at the Bear's ilen."

Montgomery did know him. The bully had the cluli drawn back to hit Pete, when Montgomery leapt like a panther and hit the fellDW at the butt of the ear and completely knocked him out. At this, the other kitlnapper started to draw a large knife, when McDeeman, who was a full fledged Irishman, raised his gun and said, "On your worthless life don't nio\'e }our hand. If you so much as bat your eye, I will shoot it out of your head. " They took the key away from them, freed the negroes, put the handcuffs on the kidnappers, gave the two negroes the clubs and marched the two men up to the wagons and on into Princeton. ]\Iontgomer\' tried to ha\-e the kidnap])ers ])ut into jail until court would set. The old justice before whom thi'\- l)rought their proceedings was thoroughly in sympath)' with slavery, and he virtually there made the same decision thai Chief Justice Taney did thirty }^ears afterward. It was as follows:

"There is no evidence that the two men kidnapped the negroes, except the statement made by the negroes. The evidence of a negro has no force in corrt. which could afifect a white man."

Thev were set at liberty. They were so much elated iner being freed from the charge that they proceeded to fill up with whisky antl hunted up Montgomery and raised a quarrel with him. but he gave both of them such a thrashing that they were glad ti.i get away.

Anotiikr Kidnapping Ol'Tr.Vge

In 1822 two negro men came to what is now the city of Princeton hunting for. work. They hired by Gen. \Villiam Embree to work on a farm two or three miles west of Princeton that he owned. They were good hands and worked on the same farm for two vears, living in a small log cabin and doing their own culinary work. One of the men could read aufl write and often borrowed books to read from people in Princeton. ^Vhen the work season was over they put in most of their time in hunting for game whicl was very abundant.

the cabin door a short note saying they had gone to the Ohio river to cut cord wood until the corn would do to gather, and this was the last time they were ever seen on the farm.

Some years later General Embree was in the city of New Orleans and found these two men working on the levee rolling freight. They told him that two men whom they had seen several times in Princeton, came to their cabin early in the evening and handcuffed them and by daylight the next morning they were at the Ohio river, which the}- crossed on a raft inti Kentucky, going down to Henderson. After waiting a few days a boat came and they were carried to New Orleans where they were sold into slavery.

Air. Embree went to a lawyer and told his story and had proceedings brought to liberate the two negroes. The investigation developed that they were sold into slavery to James Lockwell by two men named Absalom Towei and Thomas Slaven and they had for more than three years been the propertv of Lockwell. As no complaint had been made during that time, the judge refused to release them.

As before stated, the foregoing kidnapping stories are from Colonel Cockrum's Pioneer History of Indiana. They are reproduced in this publication for the purpose of preserving in a history of Gibson county a record of outrages incident to slavery, perpetrated under the law, and sanctioned by the courts of those states. These stories might be multiplied by the score not only in Gibson county but in almost every county in the state. Under the decision of the highest court a negro had no rights that a white man was was bound to respect, not even the right of personal possession of himself after he had paid the price. The crimes that were committed under the operation of the fugitive sla\e law, crimes against justice and humanity and sanctioned by courts, higher and lower, is a stain upon the pages of the nation's historv, a stain that required the blood of multiplied thousands of her best citizens to erase, in the resulting civil war. Some of_ these crimes were committed in Gibson county, and her citizens, in some measure, were ready to gi\-e consent and encouragement to them. In a much larger measure was demanded the blood of some of the best of her sons, as a requital for the sins of the fathers.