Holt County, Missouri - Chapter 8: But One Political Party in the Beginning. - First, 1917

Aid For Railroads Which Figured In Politics

In the beginning there was but one political party in Holt County - the Democratic. The distinction of Benton and anti- Benton grew up later. There were a few old Whigs in the county, but hardly enough to justify a party organization until, perhaps, 1850. The great Benton had long forseen that the direction in which the ulta pro-slavery wing of the Democratic party led was without the pale of all compromise. Their cry was "slavery is national; liberty is sectional," meaning thereby that the condition of slavery was, under the national constitution, such that the slave holder could safely convey his slaves to any state in the Union, under that clause which declares, "the citizens of each state shall have all the privileges and immunities of citizens in the several states." Benton knew that this must lead to secession and war. He had a very large following in Holt County. Indeed as most of the early settlers were from the border states of both sections, their sympathies were with him. Gradually as the slave interest grew stronger, the anti-Benton wing became of greater weight.

As no newspaper was published in Holt County prior to 1857 it is difficult to get political facts preceding that date, to ascertain who ran for offices and how the candidates were nominated. In truth the geographical position of Holt County, as well as the character of its population, made that system of compromising called by the radicals of all parties, "carrying water on both shoulders," and despised by them, an indispensible condition to success.

The lighter and more easily a man's principles sat upon him the more probable his success. One may imagine the position of a candidate between two factions diametrically opposed, warring against each other to the knife, and whose votes he must have. What they want is "principle." What he wants is "votes." They suspect him for a rogue. He knows them for fools, or thinks he knows it. A condition about like this existed upon one occasion when the war between Benton and anti-Benton factions raged in Holt County at its highest and a congressional canvass was taking place. A candidate had called a meeting in Oregon to discuss the "issues." A certain style of overcoat was stylish at that time, so made that the wearer could turn it inside out or outside in. When he desired to present a

The candidate referred to wore one of these quick change overcoats. When he arose to address the assembled patriots he took it off and requested a friend in the audience to hold it. Having spoken with his usual ardor and made clear the fact that he was qualified to pass muster as a statesman and orator, and having amused his hearers with appropriate jokes, he brought his speech to a close. He experienced a shock when he beheld the man he presumed was his friend raise his two-sided coat up before the audience, and, explaining to them the style of the garment, continued in this fashion :

"Feller Citizens : I think as how its jist about this way with the general, when he gits with a Benton man he wears his coat this side out; and when he gits with an anti-Bentonite he turns it tother side out," turning the coat to explain his meaning. While it is not officially so recorded this incident may have been responsible for the formation and subsequent use of the term "turn coat" in politics.

The first election of a general character ever held in Holt County, was in the fall of 1844. The order of the county court provided for judges of election for three or four townships. A congressman and several county officers were to be voted for. Provision was made on July 6, 1846, for another election for congressman and county officers, the election to be held in Nodaway, Lewis, Benton and Dallas Townships. The names of those elected will be found in the chapter devoted to county officers. The county court regularly made provision for elections and appointed judges for each election from the day they first assembled. Little interest attachs to the political history of the county until a short time before the Civil War. General James Craig, who was a Holt County pioneer, and later removed to St. Joseph, became congressman from the district. After serving two terms he was succeeded by Judge E. H. Norton of Platte County.

Newspapers somehow are inseparable from politics, although the editors themselves are generally rather indifferent politicians. But the political and newspaper history of any county go hand in hand. They are intermingled to such a degree that they appropriately belong together. This is an appropriate place, therefore, to remark that the first newspaper in Holt County was the Holt County News. It was established in the county seat, Oregon, in 1857. It was succeeded by The Sentinel, a more extended mention of which will be found in the chapter devoted to Lewis Township and the City of Oregon.

From the News for July 31, 1857, we learn that there is to be an election held for governor, supreme judge and circuit judge, and "that the election will be held on one day only." We learn from the same paper that Colonel Stewart and Major Rollins were the two candidates for governor, Stewart, anti- Benton, Rollins, Opposition Independent. The contest seems to be hot and spirited. The News says, "The two candidates for governor came to blows over at Gallatin last week."

An issue of the same paper in the fall of 1857 gives the population of Holt County as follows: Males, 2,693; females, 2,432; slaves, 279; free, 2.

The returns from the election last held are given and show that Col. Stewart was elected by 334 majority. It will be seen from the vote that the anti-Benton party was growing to be the stronger wing. During the succeeding year there was the usual lull in political matters that follows elections. As the summer of 1859 approached some interest began to grow up concerning the coming contest, but it was entirely of a local nature. At this time the Forest City Monitor was published by J. R. Van- Natta. The war waged during the summer of 1859 between the two papers was bitter and unremitting. The sharpness of the contest turned almost entirely on the circuit clerkship. Ellzey Van Buskirk was the incumbent of that office, having held it with ability and satisfaction to the people for a number of years. He was again a candidate and his candidacy was strongly espoused by the News, as representing its own and Oregon's interests. The Forest City interests, or rather the newspaper interests, on the other hand, of the Monitor, supported C. C. Hawkins. It was sought to get up some political feeling, but it would seem from the newspapers that the matter was almost entirely local and personal.

This was perhaps the sharpest and most bitter election contest that ever raged in Holt County. The other offices to be filled were supreme judge, county clerk and surveyor, but the whole spirit and life of the controversy was around the circuit clerkship. A thousand things were said and done, as usual in such cases, which men ought to laugh at afterwards, besides learning the lesson how foolish it is to abuse each other, during a canvass for office before the people. All other things being equal it is certain that the "best abused" man is sure to be elected.

The result of the election, which was held on the first Monday in August, 1858, was that Ellzey VanBuskirk received a majority of 443 votes over Hawkins for the office of circuit clerk. For county clerk James Scott received a majority of 46 votes over the other two candidates, George E. Glass and Daniel David. S. C. Collins was elected surveyor without opposition. A very important question had been before the people at this time and was voted on at this election : "Shall the county take stock in the Platte County Railroad, as per their order?" The exact vote on the proposition seems to have been undetermined, nor is it found reported in the papers; but from subsequent proceedings it is inferred that the proposition did not carry. The whole number of votes cast at this election was 1,085.

The railroad question seems to have been warmly agitated, and many meetings were held. Men without any property to be taxed spoke wildly at them as to how much the county could give. Some spoke of donating from two to three hundred thousand dollars. As the population of Holt County was then barely five thousand souls, of whom not more than four hundred paid taxes to any amount worth speaking of, this was a liberal appropriation of other people's money. The News of November 20, 1859, says: "Twice the people have voted on the question, 'without points' and have defeated it." It says, "Let the points be named, so we will know what we vote for. Three points, Oregon, Forest City and Mound City. Our motto is three points and the tax." During the whole autumn of 1859 there was little else of public interest agitated but this projected railroad, to go through the Platte County or Purchase, as it was originally called. On the 17th of February, it was announced that the stock subscribed by the county court was to be accepted, and operations were soon to commence, and on February 24, the News says: "The stock has been taken, and we have only to submit and trust to the honor of our county court to protect us." The members of the county court at that time were Judges Williams, Canon and Gordon. The subsequent history of this railroad matter was brief so far as the road was concerned ; long as to the payment of the bonds given. The outbreak of the war , prevented its completion.

It is rather amusing to recall what the Holt County News, of March, 1861, said editorially: "The Hon. Abel Lincoln has been speaking in New England, fishing for a nomination. Being uncertain as to success he has charged from $50 to $200 for every speech." So generally unknown was that man at that time, whose name ere twelve months had passed, was familiar to the people of the whole civilized world.

A political history of Holt County which did not contain some reference to the once forbidden topic of slavery, would be, indeed, like playing Hamlet without the character of Romeo. The southern people habitually boasted of their attachment to the states of their birth. It was common to hear men declare with enthusiasm that Virginia, Kentucky and Missouri were their native states ; but rarely, if ever, did a man from the north, when asked as to his nativity, say more than the name of his state.

A little incident will illustrate the condition of feeling between the men of the two sections. A southern man, in denouncing a certain citizen, through the paper, had ended by boasting that he "was a native of the glorious state of Missouri and had there been educated." His opponent responded: "The Reverend gentleman boasts he was born in the state of Missouri and educated in the state of Missouri. I reply that I was born in the United States and that I learned to read and write in the United States, and if it is not so large as Missouri, it is just as good a place."

It is a perfectly safe assumption that the author of the latter remark was a northern man, and possibly, "tainted with the heresy of anti-slavery," as it was then styled. Such facts and one we shall relate, will show the undercurrent of feeling, perhaps, better than a volume of disquisitions. While high above and all outside, every appearance indicated a people unanimous for what was called "the South," a deep undercurrent had set in that was sure to ally Missouri with the other cause.

The autumn of the year 1854 saw Nebraska opened up for settlement. The people of Holt County, owing to proximity, were more interested in Kansas. A few, however, made ventures in Nebraska, prominent among them being Dick Brown, who gave the name to the important town of Brownville. Some few engaged in the so-called "Border Ruffian" raids. These raiders were not regarded with a friendly eye by the Benton men, and were but few in number. But from that time on the differences between the two wings of the party in Holt County grew in number and intensity. Meanwhile there grew up very slowly a sentiment hostile to slavery. This was confined to the new comers from the eastern states who arrived here after the year 1855. No party was formed but the quiet feeling kept growing. Not more than two or three persons had openly avowed their anti-slavery views.

Early in the spring of 1860 the Democratic party of Holt County appeared to be unanimously in favor of Claiborne F. Jackson for governor, and its organ declared that he was "The man to plant the flag of Democracy in triumph on the capitol walls of Jefferson City." The paper said it was a dark time, and the outlook for "our institutions" was most gloomy. The word "institutions" invariably meant slavery. One would suppose that all theinterest and hopes of the five thousand persons in Holt County, were involved in the status of two or three hundred black men, women and children as slaves. Nevertheless the party that so absolutely ruled Holt County at that time, expressed itself on all occasions as strongly devoted to the Union, proclaiming it was their "sole hope for the maintenance and continuance of our institutoins."

On the 14th of May, the Democracy of the district met in convention in Plattsburg, and resolved emphatically: "The Union! It must and shall be preserved," in approval and confirmation of the resolutions and proceedings of the Democratic convention in Jefferson City, held April 9th, nominating Judge

E. H. Norton for congress. Jackson and Reynolds and the whole state ticket were to all appearances about to be unanimously supported by that party in Holt County. The organ of the party published the celebrated letter of Yancy, which contained the expression: "Fire the Southern heart," that became a proverb. "If we could do as our father's did - organize committees of public safety all over the cotton growing states, we could fire the Southern heart, instruct the Southern mind, give courage to each other, and at the proper moment, by one organized, concerted effort, we can precipitate the southern states into a revolution." Such were the concluding words of this missive, and the News asked the people of Holt County if they were "willing to follow these seceders." It strongly denounced the position taken by these men.

By June the various parties were preparing to nominate their candidates for the presidency and the anxiety in Holt County was most profound - too great for much outward show of excitement. The Moderators, that remnant of the old Whig party, and all those who would not vote with the Democrats on any terms, of whom, by this time, quite a number were in the county, were delighted to learn of Bell and Everett's nomination and acceptance. By this time the Baltimore convention was in session, and it was evident that had Douglas been nominated with any of approach toward harmony, he would have been cordially supported by the Democracy of Northwest Missouri.

On June 29, the News, which had shown a disposition to support him, announced the disruption of the Baltimore conven- . tion, and bitterly blamed the Douglas delegates for causing the trouble. The News said : "Their assumptions were far too great for vassals to bear, much less for delegates equal to themselves. They had the might, not the right, to bring about the result which they sought, as they were from states that rarely, if ever, cast a Democratic vote in the electoral college. We now have two sets of candidates in the field, Douglas and Fitzpatrick; Breckenridge and Lane."

From that day on the News pursued a course better suited to the latitude of Alabama than of North Missouri. In a few days it tore down the names of Claiborne F. Jackson and of the others on the state ticket, denouncing them as traitors to the cause of Democracy. On the 24th of June Judge Norton, candidate for congress, and Silas Woodson for circuit judge, spoke at Oregon. Col. Branch, who ran as a Republican for congress, sent word that he was sick and could not appear. This is the first inkling we have that anyone had ever ventured to run as a Republican for any office within the gift of the people of Holt County. But the bitter hostility of the ultra pro-slavery Democrats toward the Douglas men made it quite safe. The Bell and Everett men were on all occasions warmly complimented by the

Breckenridge party, while even the "Black" Republicans were regarded with some complacence by them, as contrasted with the advocates of "Squatter Sovereignty." It was "anything to beat Douglas."

There occurred an incident at this time that might have caused even bloodshed, but for the intense anxiety as to the result of the coming election. A colored man named Williams, who for many years had lived at Council Bluffs, and who was known to be a free man, was kidnapped and brought to Rock Port, where he escaped and was soon after arrested and confined in the jail in Oregon, for "being found in the state without a permit." While there confined, previous to such time as he might be sold, under the statute provided in such cases, Dr. Blanchard and a Mr. Gaston of Fremont County, Iowa, came to procure his discharge. He was taken by writ of habeas corpus before Judge Frazer. The two witnesses, Blanchard and Gaston, both known to be men of the highest respectability in Fremont County, Iowa, and as such known to many of the citizens of Holt County, testified as to their knowledge of the status of the man, but could not swear as to the place of his birth, or that his mother was a free woman when he was born.

The court, although no witnesses appeared against the man, remanded the poor fellow back to his prison. Great excitement arose at Council Bluffs. Fortunately the congressman from this district, Gen. James Craig, a man well and favorably known to every man, woman and child in Holt County, where he had formerly resided and practiced law at the county seat, had a brother who was then the sheriff of Pottawottomie County, in which county Council Bluffs is located. This man was sent by the people of that town, provided with authority and ample funds to act. He appeared, procured an attorney to assist, got an order from Judge John F. Williams, who resided above Mound City, to bring the prisoner before him. Night was the time chosen to act. The jailer was served with the writ, and the man was carried before the judge, surrounded by a guard sufficient to overawe any attempt to take him off by force. The judge, in five minutes ordered his release, and he with Sheriff Craig, went on his way rejoicing.

In a few days the News announced that Messrs. Blanchard and Gaston, of Iowa, who had been after the kidnappers, passed through on their return home, "with the scoundrels in irons," who had been guilty of the crime. Justice requires us to add that it rejoiced over their capture, and that the Southern men of Southern blood and politics were the most indignant and enraged at this daring assault upon the peace, the laws and sacred rights of man.

nearly all of the county candidates were present. There were Messrs. Galen Crow and Samuel R. Young, who ran for representative. Young, who had held the position during the last term, much to the satisfaction of the people, was well known as a Democrat of the most reliable type, but did not suit the new school now dominating the South, so those of them in Holt County invited Crow to run. The candidates for several other offices were present, among them being Captain Williams of Forest City, and Harris and Judge Andrew Meyer, who were running for the county court judgeship. There also was George Lehmer, a merchant of Oregon, and a Free State man in sentiment - personally very popular, who was a candidate for sheriff. These all spoke, as did several others. The county had been exhaustively canvassed by this time ; meetings had been held at every important point, and this was the final winding up. It was very largely attended, and, to the surprise of some, all went off quietly and with good humor. On Monday, August 6th, the state election was held. The feeling in the county may be gathered from the vote :

For Governor - C. F. Jackson (Douglas Democrat), received 504 votes; H. Jackson (Breckenridge Democrat), 192 votes; Sample Orr (Bell and Everett), 258 votes; Gardenshire (Republican), 173 votes.

Here was a result to astound men who up to that time thought that they represented the sentiments of a great majority of the people in Holt County. Out of nearly twelve hundred voters, they could poll, wtih all their efforts, less than two hun- ^ dred. Why, the despised Black Republicans polled almost as many, and if the vote of Lehmer, for sheriff was an indication, he being notoriously a Free Soiler, they could even beat them.

This would have served as a quietus to any but men frenzied by fanaticism ; would have satisfied them that their politics were utterly unsuited to Holt County.

the attendance was very small, but that they "expected no more, and that all was done with firmness and in order." The most active members were James Foster, J. L. Reynolds, Dr. Howard, G. B. Thorp, and James B. Campbell. A club was organized. The Bell and Everett party also organized a club in which George W. Crow and a Mr. Southall figured. The Douglas men organized also, and the Hon. S. R. Young, E. VanBuskirk, Levi Zook, Samuel Word, John F. Williams, Hiram Patterson, T. W. Collins, and Dr. William L. Gordon figured as active members.

The Courier of Forest City, edited by A. R. Conklin, was a Douglas Democrat organ, and boldly maintained its views in spite of threats from some of the Breckenridge men. Later in the progress of events, after the war began, Mr. Conklin was set upon by assassins who fired upon him, inflicting serious wounds. These assassins were moved entirely by their hatred of his course as a "Union saver."

An incident worth relating for its novelty and daring, is the fact of a Republican meeting having been held in the court house, in Oregon, on September 28, 1860. This was the first meeting ever held in Holt County by that party. The speakers were announced to be Dr. Landon, Republican elector from Buchanan County, and James T. Boynton, editor of the Free Democrat, a Republican paper of St. Joseph. Boynton only spoke. The meeting was quite well attended, and especially by leading pro-slavery men, who were curious to hear what any one could possibly say in favor of "Black Republicanism," as they invariably called it. Boynton, a youth about twenty-three years old, of handsome and very prepossessing appearance, exhibited wisdom and sagacity far beyond his years. Bold, firm and clear in the enunciation of his views, modest and polite before so many enemies, he won their good will from the start, and it is quite certain they would have protected him had any one ventured to disturb him after the first few minutes. The Republicans were delighted at his manly exposition of just what was their meaning and designs. The young man, who soon after left the country, carried the best wishes of all who heard him upon that occasion. Of his subsequent career little or nothing is known.

On the 24th of September, T. P. Akers made a memorable speech in the court house. He was an elector on the Bell and Everett side. The Breckenridge men glorified greatly over it as such "a flattener of Dougles Squatter Sovereignty as would injure that cause in Holt County." At this time there were scarcely any persons in Holt County who were avowed adherents of Lincoln's cause. Clarke Irvine and the Rev. Stephen Blanchard had long been notoriously open and avowed Free Soilers and perhaps had the other parties been asked how many such were in Holt County before the recent state election, they would have responded by naming only those two.

By October 5, the News gave it up that Lincoln would be elected, and advised submission to him until his first overt act to infringe on "our rights." Soon after, A. R. Conklin took hold of the News, and published it for a few months, at the same time conducting the Courier, of Forest City. As early as December 1st, we find the two papers denouncing James Buchanan for his fatal quiescence while secession was organizing boldly, its plans right before him. A rather pertinent question is asked by the editor: "What will Lincoln do?" We give the reply in Lincoln's own language, because of its very striking matter-of fact expression, its terseness and fitness. The News said Lincoln was known to be a very firm man where he has once determined, and here is his reply to the question : "What shall we do? Old John Brown has been hung for treason against one state. Though slavery is wrong and he thought he was right, we cannot object, for he was guilty of bloodshed and treason against a state. So if you try to destroy this union, it will be our duty to deal with you as Old John Brown was dealt with by the State of Virginia."

By December 15th, the thirty-seven thousand dollars of railroad bonds had been thrown upon the market, the company realizing but fifty per cent, owing to the secession attitude and half their working force was withdrawn.

The News had again changed on the 2d of February. Dr. J. Robinson, a native of Maine, but an old citizen and a rousing secessionist, became editor. He was a man of some literary attainments, but seemed over-running with bitterness against the section of his birth, and indeed it had been a fact noted for years that the most intemperate proceedings of the pro-slavery party was instituted and conducted by northern men.

A state convention having been called to meet on February 18, 1861, it was announced that Messrs. Singleton, of Andrew County; Griffith, of Nodaway County, and Baxter and Van- Buskirk, of Holt County, were candidates for delegates to it. The News remarked that Prince L. Hudgens had consented to run. This man and Baxter were the prime favorites of the Secessionists. Both were ministers of the gospel and eloquent speakers, Hudgens being a man of some celerity as such. He also practiced law on occasions, uniting the two occupations somewhat as did the more famous H. Clay Dean. The declaration of the Secessionists was that they "were not in favor of secession, but that, after exhausting all means of compromise of pending difficulties, then, in case of failure, if the other border states go south and the question is north or south, with the south we will go." As several of the states had put themselves out of the Union, as they said, and perhaps as their people thought, and the only question that could come up was that of compulsion or letting them go, this was a very plain declaration as to where these men intended to carry Missouri. The bitter

The News of February 23d announces this result, and adds that it is uncertain whether Hudgens or Baxter was the successful one. Hudgens, however, was chosen, as the result showed.

The sentiment of the Douglas men was well explained by the Courier at this time, which said that "if Lincoln discharges his duties under the constitution so far as our institutions are concerned, that is all we ask." VanBuskirk, the delegate to the convention, was an outspoken Douglas man, and the Secessionists had no confidence or hope in him.

We find that in the presidential election the vote of Holt County was thus: For Douglas, 453 votes; for Bell, 384 votes; for Lincoln, 202 votes, and for Breckenridge only 171 votes. If at the state election the Secessionists were astounded, at this result they were mortified. However, they could count on twothirds of the Bell men in their later efforts. This gave them courage. An incident at Oregon, just after the news of Lincoln's election, enraged them. About sunset loud guns were fired from several blacksmith shops, the detonations following and answering each other like echoes. "What means this?" they asked. They were told that the brawny iron-clad sons of the anvil were rejoicing at Lincoln's election! "It was time, indeed," they began to think, "to take some measures to stay the progress of abolitionism, lest the institutions of Missouri crumble."

The convention which had met immediately, almost, after the election, held a short session and adjourned in March to meet in December at Jefferson City. Its proceedings were violently denounced by the Secessionists of Holt County. The sentiment of that body was, at this date, expressed by certain resolutions, that declared that it was opposed to any step being taken by Missouri looking to her withdrawal from the Union, and opposed to "coercion by force of arms."

Looking back on this it is easy to see that the convention felt its great responsibility and sought to preserve the peace by thus seeking to placate both parties. But see how rapidly revolutions educate people in the way they are tending. This resolution expressed what the Secessionists of Holt County declared was their intention at the time of the election of delegates, but now nothing was more unsatisfactory. At the same time the Union men were just as rapidly being prepared to sacrifice every consideration in favor of the Union. The fight in the convention came up as an amendment to the resolutions "refusing to furnish men and money to aid the government in coercing a Confederate state." By the position men took on this it was clearly seen who were the real Union men.

Willard P. Hall and John B. Henderson put themselves most prominently before the people as opposed to that amendment, while Prince L. Hudgens became one of the most conspicuous of all its friends.

Circuit court was to meet Monday, April 15, at Oregon. We know now that the Secessionists secretly and very quietly prepared what is called by the diplomatists a grand Coup d'Etat. Monday was to be for them as the gathering of the clans. Everything was prepared by them for such an exhibition as would intimidate the enemy by its moral weight. Success in this depended entirely on the impression to be made that it was impromptu - a manifestation on the spur of the moment from the overcharged hearts of an almost unanimous people. Of all this no Union man had ever a suspicion.

So, when court met, all the leaders of the movement were there with their followers. After dinner, when it was time for -court to reassemble, it was suggested to the judge that he allow the room to be occupied an hour or so for political purposes, agreeable to an old custom. The usual number of suitors, jurors, witnesses and lawyers were in attendance, and, on that first day, it was always large. Besides the local attorneys at that time, Holt County being connected with Buchanan, there were commonly a large number of the St. Joseph bar here. On this day there were present very many lawyers from the other counties from St. Joseph. The complaisant judge, Norton, gave the opportunity, as requested.

Prince L. Hudgens was soon upon the stand, and in the full flow of his eloquence. It was suggested that the crowd was too great for the room; hundreds could not get in. There was an adjournment to the court house yard, which then contained a thrifty growth of young trees, and several large locusts among the number, sufficient for a comfortable shade on that very pleasant afternoon, where the orator for hours intoned the litany and creed of secessionism before hundreds of his adimrers and a few lookers-on.

Hon. Willard P. Hall, of St. Joseph, was present. This gentleman was known as one of the foremost lawyers in the state, and had been ever most highly esteemed by all parties, and especially by those with whom he now disagreed so strongly. Circumstances were pointing to him as likely to be the chief of the Union men in Missouri. His course in the convention had embittered the Secessionists against him. There he sat, a conspicuous mark for the shafts aimed at him by the orator. When Hudgens had finished, fair play entitled him to a hearing. He spoke with extreme moderation; too much so, for the days that were hastening on. But of all things to be dreaded by men like him at that time was the least suspicion of having any sympathy with the hated and unfashionable "Black Republicans." To be in the society of one of them was intolerable. Mildly as he expressed himself, his arguments were too strong for the endurance of the excited Secessionists.

Some men who had theretofore always conducted themselves as gentlemen, howled and hooted at him, threatening violence against the "Union saver." He showed them that they were about to destroy the only protection slavery had in all the civilized world- - the Union under the Constitution, and were moving the Canada line toward the Gulf of Mexico. But they would not tolerate even that talk. Unionists and Abolitionists were to them the same thing, and he was obliged to desist. It will be noted that in a very short time these men were loud in their denunciation of the slightest restriction on free speech, when the tables were turned and duly organized force was brought to bear upon them. Thus closed this memorable day for Holt County.

Ere another session of court was held he who would have spoken as Hudgens did, on that day, would have done so at the imminent risk of his life ; the bold, proud leaders of Secession were fugitives, or with the rebel army; the few who held the peculiar property comprehended under the term "institution," were exiles, their slaves virtually free, while of that great howling mob, whose manifestations so delighted the active intellects who created the demonstration, of that mob two-thirds were armed and equipped to destroy rebels by the great power that held the purse and sword of government. The News came out with great scare head lines: "Glory Enough for One Day!" "P. L. Hudgens Speaks!" "Southern Rights Triumphant!" "The People Speak!" It expressed great pity for Hall, and was grieved as well as surprised that he should place himself in such a position.

By the 27th of April, grim visaged war was indeed visible. The attack on Fort Sumpter and the call for 75,000 men and the almost unanimous uprising of the whole north, showed the time at hand when there could no longer be any shuffling or prevarication by any person.

The busiest man in the district was the Rev. P. L. Hudgens, and Dr. Robinson, with the Rev. Baxter, were most active in the county. The grand object was to "organize military companies to defend our institutions - merely to act on the defensive." At this time the expression "Armed Neutrality" was much heard in the land.

The News informs us that "Whisky Bob Stewart is trying to hand over Missouri to the Black Republicans." It further declared that "we of Holt County are too indifferent in this work of forming military companies." sidered dangerous. Shortly afterwards the paper was seized by Col. E. P. Peabody, and a note on a bit of brown paper, in place of a regular issue, mentions that fact, and it was returned to James Foster, July 24, 1861. A few more issues, under Secession control, contain the information that home guards were being organized at Nickols' Grove, Mound City and other points. The Harney manifesto and the Price-Iiarney treaty were commented on about the last of May. The editor raved that "clanking chains are around us - fetters are on our limbs - gags in our mouths. In this land of liberty there is Tree speech' no longer."

By the 22d of June all pretense of even neutrality was thrown off. The Secessionists of Holt County cried, as did they all in other counties: "Come to the rescue - our sacred soil is invaded by the armed minious of Lincolnism." "Vile mercenaries surround us." "Citizens of Holt! Have you indeed the blood of freemen in your veins?"

Governor Jackson had called for fifty thousand men, and the state authorities were at open war with the government of the Union. A strong federal force was at Kansas City, and Jackson was at Arrow Rock with two thousand men. The state convention had been called to meet on Monday, July 23d. It would seem that the loyal people of the northwestern counties had become nerved up. The News of July 20th said: "Among the persons taken at Maryville by the Lincoln mob, were the sheriff and circuit and county clerks. So it seems that the Lincoln minions are assailing county, as well as state authorities." This issue of the News is presumably the last. J. W. Biggers was the editor and his career seems to have been like that of the skyrocket.

From this time on the condition of society in Holt County was by no means pleasant. The men who had insisted on bringing affairs to this crisis, who, from destroying free speech and even thought on one subject, had come to the most absolute intolerance on all questions that displeased them, were now in turn silenced. Then came the role of the assassin. Foolish, ignorant men! Every bed they prepared for others, they had to lie upon themselves. A few men of education, some culture and ability, taught doctrines that demoralized the masses; set examples that recoiled terribly on their own heads.

For a short time the most prominent men in either party had to take their departure alternately, according as the power of one or the other predominated, till finally the Secessionists had to leave entirely and even those suspected of the least sympathy were not safe. Perhaps the occasion that did most to open their eyes to the possibilities they seem never to have dreamed of, was the visit of Col. Peabody, with some United States troops, to Oregon. A sentinel was quietly at night placed at the doors of each disloyal man. In the morning they found themselves prisoners.

The attempted assassination of A. R. Conklin, editor of the Forest City Courier, and the killing of a Mr. Smith, east of Oregon, were fearful examples set by those whom we must now call rebels. By the autumn, nearly all the men in Holt County capable of bearing arms, were either gone from home in the Union or rebel service, or were organized into active militia at home. The government of the state was soon in the hands of Union men. The Provisional Militia and six months, men did splendid service in preserving order, and holding Missouri fast to the Union. When their time expired the Missouri State Militia was organized for the war, armed and equipped and paid by the general government. Holt County contributed far more than her quota to the Union service, as her military history will show. Her political condition was one of extreme quiesence. She was entirely under control of the federal power. Disloyalists in sentiment had great hope until after the battle of Pittsburg Landing, by which, though encouraged at first, they came finally to be cast down. There was literally no political agitation in Holt County for a long time.

Early in the spring of 1862, the Missouri State Militia had been organized, and a large number of the most active men in the county, among those left, entered Companies B and F of the Fourth Missouri State Militia Cavalry Volunteers, W. S. Canon being captain of Company B, and Alfred Walters, of Company F. George W. Kelly, son of Colonel Kelly, who was one of the earliest pioneers of Holt County, was major of the regiment, and George Hall, brother of Willard P. Hall, was colonel. Large numbers entered other companies. Later Company C, of the Ninth Missouri State Militia was organized, and composed almost entirely of Holt County men, Lieutenant Samuel Patterson, acting as captain.

Throughout the county the slave property became demoralized almost in the very beginning and passed into Kansas. B0nds of men called "Jayhawkers" visited Holt County from Kansas or Nebraska, with some citizens of the county to guide and instruct them. This was the opportunity of a bold and reckless class and they were quick to seize upon it. Horses, mules and money were the real object, punishment of rebels and freedom of the slaves the pretext. It would be interesting to know what must have been the reflections of these men, especially the largest slave holders, on the conditions during the winter and spring of 1861-62. It is not possible that their wildest suppositions ever proposed the sudden, overwhelming revolution in their affairs. Those who created the demonstration in the Court House Park on that memorable Monday in April were now fugitives or exiles, their property scattered to the four corners of the earth.

In June, 1861, rejoicing as over permanent triumph at such petty affairs as the invasion by Pace of Oregon, capture of the court house, and raising of a rebel flag thereupon, a fact that consolidated the Union element of the county; in July astounded unspeakably at the sight of United States troops in their midst and bewailing the loss of their liberties. Still they could assemble at various parts of the county, make plans and give each other counsel. Accustomed to ride on horse back, many of them passed much time in that way. But all this was ended after the Jayhawkers' visits. Thenceforth they had to go on foot. This stroke secured the peace of the county. After that there was no more danger of collissions between bands of Union and rebel men. Later, the encouragement given to the class of men engaged in plundering reacted, and the time came when the owner of good horses and mules was denounced as a rebel and robbed regardless of his real status. Some men, as late as 1865-6, seemed to have forgotten that peace had returned, and regarded those who differed from them as without the protection of law. A notorious person, who had been indicted for robberies and murderous assaults perhaps twenty times during the war and the year following, and had escaped by the confusion of the times, was finally punished by imprisonment for some smaller offense, and broke jail. It is almost amusing to read that as late as the spring of 1867 some county officials, a militia major and other prominent citizens of an adjoining county, in another state whither he had fled, issued a certificate to the good people of Holt County that they "knew him to have been a 'truly loyal' man during the war, to be a good citizen and a man of good character, and that his prosecution was malicious and his sentence should be remitted." It is well to note, too, that the very radical newspaper of the most ultra radical county in the state, publishing this, replied: "Certificates of loyalty during a rebellion some years ago, are no excuse for crime today, and this man of 'good character' is a fugitive from justice." This affair is at once a proof of how far demoralization had gone, and of an early, happy convalesence.

Politically, of course, new men had to come to the fore - men who in the former state of things, never could have had an opportunity of recognition. At such times it is always the radical element that rules. The county officers were entirely changed. Then might be witnessed the growth of a sentiment that should compel the abolition of slavery. At this point began the divergence between conservative unionism and radicalism. Here began the basis of the two parties that were to contend for several years over the conduct of the war and reconstruction after peace. Among a people so homogeneous as ours, what takes place in each county illustrates the general spirit. One very striking fact is that some men who had been known in the state as most unrelenting, slaughter-breeding Secessionists, became in a few days the very incarnation of hate against the rebel cause. Charles D. Drake was an illustration of this, as in another state was General Logan. Mr. Drake had most to do with shaping the course of events for a few years in Missouri. Strange to say those who had been noted as anti-slavery men, and supporters of Lincoln, such men as Blair, Brown and Gardenhire, became representatives of a milder sentiment. The efforts of the administration to hold the border states and the need of conciliating and courting the representatives of those opposed to it, to the neglect of those who stood bund and pledged to the administration, may account for this.

Ben. F. Loan was elected congressman from this district as a Radical Republican, and the successor of Judge Norton. He represented it two terms and figured among the most extreme of the fiery Radicals. Those who pursued a conservative course in the convention and elsewhere, became so unpopular that their moderation which had preserved Missouri to the Union, was forgotten or disregarded by the element that succeeded those who by direct felo de se had left the places of power vacant. A. G. Hollister was chosen as representative.

The examples of violence and outrage set by the defunct faction were unhappily followed and improved upon, if such a word may be used in this connection. In 1863 a large number of those who had been misled into rebellion, as well as some who had misled them, desired to return "home" - to that place to which in all times of despair the human heart is sure to turn. But for them it was home no longer. It was the fortress of enemies. Only by entering the Union service and donning the blue uniform, could their persons be made safe. Many did so. A few who did not, but ventured to remain, were driven out or assassinated. The Union men were alarmed at the idea of these men returning. They feared that they might influence many doubtful persons throughout the county to join with them in resisting the government. Little knowing how entirely broken in spirit and changed these people were.

During 1863-64 a lawless spirit was rampant. Martial law prevailed. Property was destroyed and lives taken in some cases, at some places within the county and along its borders. In the autumn of 1862, an order had been issued by the military authority controlling the district, General Logan commanding, which was very generally directed to the loyal men, requesting them to meet, organize and disarm every suspected person and house. This was literally and thoroughly obeyed. Thereafter the people known as sympathizers had no arms, and were liable to be abused by whoever might do so. They were completely at the mercy of ruffians, and often indebted for safety to those whom, in after days of pride and power, they most despised. Men found generous friends or mean, treacherous enemies often where they last expected.

After the expiration of the Provisional Militia service the whole able-bodied force of the state was organized into the Enrolled Missouri Militia. Holt County had several companies.

On occasions men from these companies were detailed to go on duty at various points within the state. The Gamble government, that had succeeded upon the anarchy left by the Jackson rule, was deemed conservative. This was a loyal government, true to the Union and the Constitution to the death. But there was slavery, the everlasting bone of contention, even when no slaves were left. Now there were Union men and Union men - one class for the extirpation of slavery, the other "for the Union as it was." "What," exclaimed the former, "the Union as it was! Rebels back in power! Slavery reinstated! Never! From this height to which they have driven us, through fire and blood, we have caught a glimpse of the promised land, and, by all the powers of heaven and earth and, if it need be, hell, to that glorious land shall we carry this people." The others regarded these as "impracticables-insane." Yet who does not see now that had the Union been restored at any time after Bull Run, ere three months the whole South must have been overrun by vast armies of men, with fire and sword, and the whole land, perhaps, drenched in the blood of civil war. Bull Run rang the death knell of slavery, and thenceforth the war, sectional in character, pursued its course. The leading Union men of Holt County were, almost to a man, radical. Oregon was the center of radicalism. When the next presidential election came round, Lincoln and McClellan, the opposing candidates, such was the condition that it was as much as a man's life was worth to openly declare himself for McClellan, at Oregon. At Forest City a different temper was manifest. The vote was a perfect indication of the great changes wrought, the condition of sentiment prevailing at the different precincts and the general feeling. The whole vote of the county stood as follows: Lincoln received 673 votes, and McClellan received 81 votes.

By an order of the new convention, all offices of the county were vacated about May, 1865. The places of the incumbents were filled by appointment by the governor. Radicalism had trimuphed in the state. Conservatism, which no doubt had held the state for the Union, was now hated by the dominating spirit which was born and nurtured through and by hatred of slavery. Each spirit in its turn had served the cause of the Union, and been necessary to it.

During the winter of 1863-64, and the summer and fall of 1864, there was often a very riotous and reckless feeling manifested by some militia men, and returned or furloughed soldiers, encouraged by some excessively loyal men, who had remained at home. The Gamble Government being conservative, had retained or enlisted as much of the Missouri State Militia as possible, with sentiemnts akin to its own. The most violent regiments or companies it sought to disband. It kept the Missouri State Militia under control of the more conservative officers as much as possible. One regiment (Penick's) had been disbanded. New regiments or whole companies, of old ones, had been enlisted from those people called "paw-paws" - people who being southern, but not Secessionists, or former sympathizers, or deserters, or discharged from the Confederate service, had been driven from their poor homes, and had subsisted on paw-paws in their retreats. The conduct of some of the Enrolled Missouri Militia companies was such that complaints were frequent. Inebriety, rioting, violence of every description, were the usual condition at some points where they were stationed. A common occurence was for some of these men to assail some harmless sympathizer, abuse him, and only release him on his treating them. Old men and cripples were often the victims of these "braves."

Such things were common in Holt County. Warned in vain repeatedly, that the government would disarm them unless they preserved order, and proved more subordinate to their officers, the state authorities finally compelled them to surrender their arms to the Paw-paw Militia. This created a bitter and vindictive hate, that gratified itself in blood. Captain Markwell, who had been commissioned as captain of one of the companies that had been recruited in place of a disbanded one, was murdered in cold blood by a few men who met him a few miles north of Oregon. He was deliberately shot down by the band of murderers as ruthless as any that ever dogged the life from ; murdered as a sympathizer with rebellion by men who themselves were in open, flagrant rebellion against their own constituted authorities. Captain Markwell had very early seen the futile hopelessness of the rebel movement, and had so entirely changed his views, that he was now enthusiastically sustaining Lincoln's Emancipation Proclamation. On the very day of the disarming of the insubordinates, he had halted his command just before it left town, and requested them to give three cheers for the Union. It was heartily given. "Now three cheers Tor the Proclamation of Emancipation," and the response was three hearty cheers. This man was loyal, with a high loyalty his murderers could never understand. When the report of his murder became known in Oregon, no darker hour, dark with horror and apprehension, ever rested over its people.

It became so certain that the war must end with the Union saved, as early as 1864, that the people of Holt County soon began to find affairs settling down into the regular order. Population began to come in and people began to breathe freely. Militia business became at a discount, and men of great military (militia) genius, disappeared reluctantly from the public gaze. One of the first evidences that peace was returning, was the efforts made to establish a newspaper. In June, 1865 (30th day), appeared the first number of the Holt County Sentinel, under the management of Charles W. Bowman, a Holt County boy, who had been connected with the News in old days. A remark in his introduction will show how matters were : "There is a fine line drawn between radical Union men in Holt, severing them in twain - a line so fine we cannot tell where it begins and where it ends. We ought not to be able to draw such a line between loyal men, on the question of loyalty. On this there is one question only - a man is a patriot or a traitor. There is no neutral ground. If a man wishes to be thought loyal, he will act with Radical Republicans. If he is a rebel outright or a sympathizer, mark if he does not identify himself with the Conservatives." This latter part is inconsistent with the former. The iron clad oath, we are told by the Sentinel, must be taken within sixty days atfer the 4th of July, 1865, by all voters, attorneys, bishops, priests, deacons - all officers, trustees, directors, etc. This oath was such that no one who ever sympathized could take it. Moreover, it provided for punishing any such that might take it. An innocent suspect dare not, for he was sure to be indicted. The constitution and oath were the work of Drake. Nothing but great public danger could have justified such an oath. The danger was over and here it was. It was the law until it might be declared unconstitutional. No hope for the disfranchised until the party in power should fall in two from its very magnitude. Blank oaths of loyalty were advertised and being sworn was the order of the day. Many farms at this time were advertised for sale that were owned by men who dare not return home, or felt it was unsafe to stay here. Land never was so cheap. The main political question was whether we should grant the ballot to the negro. On this, the radicals of Holt were almost a unit in its favor.

Union banner, and about one-half of our citizens had gone into the rebel service, and the population was quite small. Though the war was ended, yet our soldiers had not all been discharged. We notice that Governor Fletcher, of Missouri, at that time threatened to "sternly enforce the law as to the oaths of preachers and teachers." So says the Sentinel.

Railroad talk revived and, in September, 1865, it was announced that Phelps proposed to take the contract to build from Council Bluffs to St. Joseph. Questions of some political interest in connection therewith came up later.

Rumors were thick as to brigands and robbers, during the fall of 1865, and for a year later. Men banded together and visited those obnoxious to them, ordering them to leave the country and robbing them of such valuables as they could find. Men of southern proclivities, who had served in Union armies and returned home with honorable discharges, were peculiarly liable to such visitations. Many of them lived under constant apprehensions, prepared to hide at a moment's notice. A visit to John C. Hinkle's house, by a band of these cowardly villians, who began to abuse a quiet, civil man they found there and robbed, caused Hinkle to fire upon them from his concealment.

Of course the robbers fled, some of them crying, "Don't shoot - for God's sake!" This affair caused great excitement. Good men felt that this condition of things must end. The Sentinel exclaimed: "No man can be safe. Shall this country be ruled by thieves?" An old citizen, J. D. Perkins, had visited Holt County to sell some land. He was stopping for a few days with a Mr. Poindexter, at Forest City. He had received a large payment, and one night was aroused from his sleep by armed men, in his room, who demanded his money. Not satisfied with what they found they took him out to hang him in the street, having surrounded the house and thus imprisoned the occupants. In the darkness and confusion the old man slipped away from the robbers. Perkins hastily left next day, after describing them. "They are well known to be in our midst," the Sentinel said. Such was the general intimidation that nothing was ever done towards punishing the depredators. It may not be improper to state here that, nearly, if not quite, all the ring-leaders in the worst of these affairs met with disgraceful ends - some with bloody deaths.

In January, 1866, the great question was as to who should be "superintendent of registration." Should it be one who would sternly enforce the oath called "iron clad," and discourage those who were "tainted?" The very fact that some men held such a position was enough to deter the timid from registering their names. On the other hand, if a man held the place who was not exactly "all right" himself, what a prospect was this for the weak and feeble opposition to gather strength. This was the most interesting question to the various counties for no little time. Captain Edgar H. Allen was proposed very generally, and, soon after, received the position. At this time there were signs of a split in the one party that ruled the county. The Senitnel expressed itself as satisfied with the result of the convention that nominated, unaniomusly, Captain Allen for Superintendent, but promised to handle some men without gloves thereafter.

At this time A. M. Swan had arrived in Hol^ County, and proposes to stir up old Fogydom, on the questions of roads, bridges, schools, an academy for Holt Cunty, a soldier's monument, a brass band, railroads, sidewalks, a history, general modes of doing business, weights, measure, wages and some other matters. He and I. C. Buzic, of Mound City, began to move actively in politics. Prior to this time and just before the end of the war, the Radical managers had laid their plans to hold the soldier vote. The greater majority of the soldiers had voted the Democratic ticket before the war. How very easy it would be to have them vote that ticket again, unless means were taken to prevent it. And it must be confessed that there was not that bitter animosity in the breasts of soldiers towards the "moderates and conservatives" that existed among the civilians. The manner in which this policy was carried out was long seen in the vote that gave Holt County the title of "Banner Republican County of Missouri." The first principle of that policy was "give all the offices to returned soldiers who have influence with their comrades." By neglect of the same policy, some counties were, ere long, about equally divided between the two parties.

The only political excitement in the spring of 1866, was the quarrel between President Johnson and Congress. A great mass convention was called for March 24, headed, "Shall Rebels Rule the Nation? Shall Freedmen again be at the Rebel's mercy? Shall traitors and Copperheads shake hands in the capital of our nation over 'the Union as it was - the Constitution as it is?' These are the tremendous questions of the hour." Meetings were held and there was much speaking and resolving against Johnson "for his veto of the Freedman's Bill and addressing a rebel mob and being applauded by it." Radical Congress clubs were organibed and holding celebrations where Johnson was denounced as false to the principles of the party that elected him. Swan, Buzic, Markland and Irvine of Oregon and I. C. Parker and A. Mr. Sherman of St. Joseph spoke at the meetings and clubs.

Daring robberies were frequent all over the country. Guerrillas in open day perpetrated their acts of violence and rapine occasionally. It was then some men learned with what ease and impunity a few can enter a town and rob the surprised citizens. Some wondered that no one had as yet originated the art and mystery of robbing railroad trains and doubtless at this time was planted the seed of what later did result in systematic train robbery. The stage was robbed one afternoon in the upper part of the county. Two passengers only were in it, Swan, and a Mr. Clark of Illinois. A few days previous, Swan, in company with William Kaucher, the sheriff, and A. N. Ruley, had been robbed by these men, in the afternoon, as they were going to Oregon in a carriage.

In July, 1866, the Sentinel urged that "the Germans should have recognition by the radical party. Holt County had been settled thirty-five years. It would have been settled as many centuries by some people ere it would have produced a respectable apple or a domestic grape, but for the Germans." It was declared by some one in the Sentinel's columns that "when natives assumed the traitor's badge, or occupied neutral ground, and the few loyal men knew not which way to turn for consolation or for comfort, the spies of secession were moving everywhere on the hunt for true men to spot and destroy them, the sound of the German language was always the music of the Union and the brogue of Hans synonymous with friendship and freedom." on the Congressional question. Finally Parker withdrew and ran for circuit attorney. The November election resulted in the choice of Loan for congressman, Buzic for representative, Captain Allen for circuit clerk, Captain Roecker for sheriff, Davis for county clerk, Captain Baskins for superintendent of registration and Bonham, of Andrew County, was elected state senator.

As an evidence of the condition of parties, we give the vote : The whole vote cast was 807 - Loan received 762; Hawley, Opposition, got 45. The contest of this election turned mostly the question of bolting a nomination or two, and there was some bitterness displayed by friends of the bolting candidates and the others - all confined, however, within the only party then controlling or manifesting existence.

The first suggestions about building a poor house were made during the autumn and winter of 1866 and 1867. The president vetoed the Freedman's bill, and gave parties ground for difference. The Radicals of Holt and the Northwest failed not to use this veto as a lever. Representative Buzic, in the House, offered resolutions endorsing the proposition of Congressman Loan, to impeach the president. When party split rages high, he who rails loudest is most popular in his faction. At such times, very ordinary men come to the fore. Throughout the land those who denounced the president most became most conspicuous for a time. This was the political complexion until after the impeachment trial, and the blind rage of men subsided.

The railroad was no longer a political question. It was now completed to Bartlett from Council Bluffs, and the directors had agreed to finish it to St. Joseph. By February, 1867, it was announced that the company had forever abandoned all idea of using the old roadbed because of its worthless construction and the heavy grade of its route. The bottom route was adopted, because it was almost perfectly level.

The dramshop question was more strongly agitated during the winter and spring of 1867 than ever before or since. Petitions against license poured into the county court. Those favorable to license took the ground that the court could not refuse license if the party asking it complied with the requirements of the law in all respects. Those opposed maintained that the power of the court was absolute, and that though every voter in the country petitioned for license the court might lawfully refuse. The discussion before the court occupied two days. The decision was adverse to the granting of licenses. The case was carried to the supreme court, which affirmed the decision of the county court, declaring the whole matter as to not granting the license was entirely within the power of the county courts.

among the people of Holt County, and for the first time they had their attention directed to the influence of corporations over legislation, and how that influence over their members was obtained. The seed of future agitation on the Grange subject was planted here.

The alarm from guerillas had by no means subsided, and reports of terrible outrages were frequent from neighboring counties. A certain toast drank in the streets of Easton, Missouri, by a robber band, became proverbial among some classes for a time. It ran thus: "Here is luck to the man who pulled the trigger that fired the gun that killed the man who freed the nigger."

Efforts were made to get more aid for railroads. Three hundred thousand dollars were asked for from the people of Holt and adjoining counties. St. Joseph granted $210,000 out of this amount. One speaker, at a meeting in Holt, said he would ask its people for only $25,000, in consideration of how much they had lost from the previous grant. Some one very pertinently asked, through the papers, "If the Platte County Railroad Company got $1,100,000 and expended only $500,000 in building a worthless roadbed and ran off with the remainder, after going before us pledged to finish the work, what security have we that Joy & Co. will do any better?" By this time, August 9, 1867, the Missouri River had left Forest City, and the people were practically without a landing, so it was very necessary to have a railroad.

The impeachment of the President was the great question of general agitation in September, 1867. Stanton had been removed, Grant had accepted the office against Stanton's protest; Sheridan had been removed from the Fifth District and Grant had publicly protested against that act of the President. People were looking about for candidates for the next presidential campaign. The Radicals of Holt County had as yet no confidence in Grant. The Sentinel says: "So far Grant has left us in doubt as to his position. But we have Chase, Stanton, Colfax and others, about whom there is no doubt." There was some talk of negro suffrage at the time. A court of common pleas for Holt County was agitated and arrangements made to get a bill through. But there were so many aspirants for the position of judge of that still subjective court it embarrassed the projectors. It was asked, too, by some, whether men who never read law were fit for such office? The matter was finally settled by the bill giving four terms of the circuit court to Holt County instead of two, as previously.

The greenback question first loomed up about January, 1868. One party proposed the payment of the 5.10 and 10.40 bonds in greenbacks. The Republicans said they were payable in gold. The Sentinel calls on the Radicals to be up and doing; reproves them for their apathy. A great meeting of the party was to come off at Jefferson City, February 22d. "Drake, that mighty pillar of Republicanism," issued a proclamation to the people. All this was in anticipation of the impeachment trial and its results. If it succeeded, civil war was almost certain to follow, for once more party rage and violence was preparing, behind the forms of law or under pretext of law, to carry matters to extremities. Four leading Republicans voted against the impeachment and all was quiet thenceforth.

The nomination of General Grant was hailed with satisfaction by the great mass of voters in the county. I. C. Parker was nominated for Congress, subject to the action of the proper convention, which nominated Col. Asper, of Chillicothe, Parker riming for judge.

The first effort to revive the Democratic party in the county, was made preparatory to this campaign. In July, the Expose began to be published at Forest City, and announced its "policy to be opposition to the party whose object is to make the national debt as light as possible on the bond holding aristocrats." A convention of that party was held at Forest City, at which appeared several of the quondam rulers in party politics of the antibellum days. The Sentinel spoke of it as quite a reminder of old times. The Republicans of the state ran McClurg for governor; the Democrats ran Phelps, with Norman J. Coleman for Lieutenant Governor; Oliver, of St. Joseph, for Congress. Charles D. Drake canvassed Northwest Missouri, and visited Holt County.

For congress, Asper received 1,020 votes, and Oliver 165. This vote on congressman was the most reliable test of each party's strength, for personal popularity drew Democratic votes to Grant, while there was nothing in the circumstances, or antecedents of Asper and Oliver, to give either of them more or less than the norami strength of their parties.

Parker was elected circuit judge, Roseberry* of Nodaway County state senator, Glenn was elected representative, Asper was chosen for congress, and the state gave Grant a very great majority. In this election the Republican newspapers claim that Holt County showed herself the banner Republican county of the state, having given over eighty-seven per cent of her vote for that party.

Mr. Bowman retiring from the Sentinel, Mr. A. N. Ruley, former circuit clerk, assumed the control, February 5, 1869. Mr. Ruley had held the clerkship from the time the offices had been generally vacated by an order during the war.

The war spirit died down slowly, though some few seemed desirous of keeping it up, finding occupation and importance going with it. One of the last reminders of a time lately passed, was an order published March 19, 1869, as follows:

The poorhouse question was sharply revived by the publication of a statement that a poor woman died of starvation. The folly, improvidence and stupidity of pretending to care for the poor, by a system, of doling out thousands of dollars annually, and then letting the poor suffer, was so shown up that the court took decisive steps, and soon erected a county infirmary.

In July, 1869, Mr. Adam Klippel took charge of the Sentinel, which he thereafter published for several years. There was a complete calm in politics until in 1870, the negro and rebel suffrage question began to come up. Never did any party manage with greater wisdom than did the Democratic party of Missouri at this time. With all against them, they waited and watched events. Meeting at Jefferson City, March 18, 1870, they merely resolved it was inexpedient to nominate. If aid to that party did not come from the Republicans, its case was hopeless. The Republican, like old Rome, "labored with its own bigness." The suffrage question was still agitated. "Would it do to give it to the black and withhold it from white men, by continuing the iron-clad oath and stern registration?" Every man of the dominant party felt that a large number of men, who were in all respects the very best citizens, were kept from the polls. Every man could point to individual instances and say it is a shame that such and such men have to stand back like former slaves. The sympathy was great and growing, but one false step by office seeking Democrats, might ruin all.

The Democrats, except in here and there a county, were not going to take that step. So when the Republican Convention met at Jefferson City, September, 1870, after a stormy session of three days, it divided. One faction said the time had come when the people should vote on the question. The other faction was willing that the question should be put to the people whether the time had really come. Two tickets were in the field. The Republicans of Holt County were for the McClurg, or more radical faction. Parker was nominated for Congress by just one vote, over Asper, who had served but one term. The Sentinel warned the Republicans that they were confronted by a strong opposing minority. Carl Schurz visited Holt County, canvassing for the Liberals, or B. Gratz Brown men. At first it was rumored that Col. Asper would bolt also. The Expose, of Forest City, which had been purchased by the Bowman Brothers and changed to the Independent, was the organ of the Independents. D. P. Ballard, who was the regular nominee of the Republicans for representative, had lately taken charge of it, and most unaccountably bolted his own ticket and certain success, and turned in to denouncing his whilom confreres; an anomaly in politics. The county committee, in view of the short time, merely recommended that Capt. Robinson, of Forest City, be voted for as the regular nominee. A few men ran as Independents. At the election the entire radical Republican ticket for the county was victorious, with the exception of Horace Cooper, for probate judge, who was defeated by R. H. Russell, Democrat. McClurg, for governor, got 413 majority over Brown. For supreme judge, Wagner got 1,222 votes; there being no opposition, this vote shows the strength of the county. Parker was elected to Congress; Kelly was chosen judge; Robinson, representative by 473 majority. In the state, however, the Liberals triumphed by a very great majority, and thus ended the rule of the undivided Republican party in Missouri.

At Oregon there was held a jollification over the results in the county and district, while at Forest City there was a similar demonstration for the liberal success in the state. The constitutional amendments were also adopted by a great majority, and freedom, with equal rights, for the first time ruled the state.

In April, 1871, we hear the first public complaints of the railroads, that soon culminated in the Granger movements. In June Valandigham proclaimed the New Departure of the Democratic party. Efforts were, at this time, made to unite the Republican party once more. In Holt County that effort was powerfully aided by the call to reorganize the Democratic party once more and the convention at Forest City. The attendance was represented, by the Sentinel, as quite large and enthusiastic. The most prominent actors in it were Messrs. Russel, Scott, Levi Zook, Dr. Johnson of Craig, J. W. Stokes, Harry A. Buel of the Arago Press, J. W. Collins and others.

There was a special election for circuit judge and attorney, at which Kelley, for judge, received 814 votes and Collins, his Democratic opponent, 656 votes, and Dungan, Republican, for circuit attorney, received 905, and Byrd 435 votes. 'This election, as a trial of strength between the twTo parties in the county, under the new state of things, was most interesting. The vote for judge showed the full strength of each party, under tremendous efforts.

We have now given an impartial account of the political affairs of Holt County, in connection with those of the state and nation, as well as those confined strictly to the county itself, in as brief a manner as we were able. We have seen it first under control, absolutely, of one party - have seen that party divide - one wing rushing into sectional and civil war. Then we have seen it under a half civil, half military rule, finally emerging out under control, as absolute, of a party whose very existence was at one time not tolerated by its citizens. We have witnessed the long triumph and rule of that party, till finally, in the very nature of things, it must fall apart - one faction to rule the state, the oher, and more radictal, to still hold the reigns of power in Holt County, though ruined in the state. We have witnessed the first faint attempts of an opposition party at forming within the county, and have seen how, on a well contested field, out of 1,470 votes cast, it received 656 of them, a result that every generous, intelligent mind should rejoice over. For, if the past has taught up anything, it is the danger to our free institutions of the absolute rule of one party, for virtue and truth still flee, as of old, from all places where power is unquestioned.

Since that memorable day of the meeting in the court house park, when an excited mob of Secessionists made men of order and peace tremble not only for themselves, but for all that was held most dear and sacred since that time, practically of all the people then living, have gone to the land of shadows; boys then sporting thoughtlessly, have become very old men - lisping babes are well past middle age. The whole destiny of the country is now in the hands of those who then were unborn. As to the Southern states, of over one million and one hundred and twentyfour thousand men, whom that day saw in proud and vigorous life, ready and determined to battle for their cause, ere four years had passed away, over six hundred and sixty thousand had been killed or disabled ; more by many thousands than all their men between the ages of eighteen and forty-five years ! "Half a generation of men dead or disabled!" Such were the reflections of men in the days of 1865. Since that year, in due course of nature, most of all the people then living have died, and in those Southern states all the slaves have been made free, and all their adult men advanced to the dignity of equal voters. Surely the day has come long since for us to forget that such wild times ever have been, and look with contempt upon those who would try to perpetuate in fresh bosoms the seeds of ancient, sectional hatred between North and South.

The election when Grant and Greeley ran as candidates for president, following so closely after the Civil war was full of interest. It showed that Holt County could cast 2,248 votes, out of which she gave Grant 557 majority, and to Parker, for congress, 434 majority. Some changes were made in the congressional district, by which the Democratic party secured the congressman for the two terms succeeding Judge Parker, Mr. David Rea, of Andrew County, being elected. At two elections for congressmen she cast her vote for Nicholas Ford, the Greenback candidate. This was done by a coalescence between the Republicans and Greenbackers, which was made, not only in

During recent years there has been little of interest in the political history of the county. There has been no great upheaval or disturbance to set one class of men against another. Elections have been held with their accustomed regularity and have uniformly passed off without incident worthy of notice here. There have been political differences and the campaigns have been heated, of course, but that pales into insignificance as compared with the stirring times in the late '50's and early 'GO'S. Holt County has remained steadfastly in the Republican column, although Democrats are sometimes elected to important offices. The normal Republican majority is 400 to 600, depending on the nature of the issues entering into the contest. But from the date above referred to until the present time Holt County has invariably given a majority at presidential elections for the Republican nominee.