The Cadiz Democratic Sentinel, 1854-08-23

each State were left entirely free to choose for themselves what kind of domestic insti institutions - tutions institutions they would have, and so soon and so long as each State should thus determine, it became the duty of the federal govern government, - ment, government, under the constitution, to protect such institutions in the several States as they should be found to exist: for instance, Penn Pennsylvania - sylvania Pennsylvania was a slaveholding State at the time of the adoption of the constitution, and remained so more than a quarter of a cen century - tury century before the institution closed under the decree of her own people. So long as Pennsylvania continued to legalize slavery by her own laws and constitution, the con stitution of the United States recognized and prottcttd the institution of slavery within her limits, as solemnly and imperatively as it now recognizes and protects the prohibition which Pennsylvania has imposed on slavery within her own limits. The same remark is applicable to New Jersey, New York, Con Connecticut, - necticut, Connecticut, llliodo Island and New Hampshire. Each of those States recognized and pro protected - tected protected slavery within their iiraits at the time and !or a long period subsequent to the adoption of the federal constitution; and e.ich of them has since abolished and pro hibited slavery without the consent or inter interference - ference interference of Congress. No man deniad the right of each of those States, under the constitution, to retain the institution of sla very so long as they chooso to do so: no man denisd the right to .abolish it at the time it was abolished in each by voluntary action of their own people; and I presume that no man wid now deny the right of each of these Slates to introduce slavery, pro provided - vided provided their own people should deem it just and wise to do so by the modification of tlieir local constitution and laws. It bcin" conceded, then, that the original States, one and all, have the undoubted light, under the constitution, to introduce or exclude sla slavery - very slavery at pleasure, with what reason can it be contended that a different rule may or should' bo applied to the new States? It hardly requires an argument to prove that each Slate of this Union must bo equal in respect to its rights and powers to every other State. The States are sovereign and independent in all tilings except where the constitution of the Uuited States lias im imposed - posed imposed limitations. Those limitations apply alike to all the States of the Union, new and old, slaveholding and non-slavoholding. No other limitation upon the sovereignty of a State can be imposed than thoso contained in the constitution none can be imposed by act of Congress none by any branch of the federal government none by any earth earthly - ly earthly power except the constitution of the Uni Unite - te Unite I States. Entire and perfect equality, therefore, among all the States of the Union, in respect to the rights of legislation and sovereignty, is a cardinal and fundamental principle in our republican system. Indeed, the moment you impose upon the rights of any one State a limitation which the consti constitution - tution constitution has not enjoined upon all the States, such S.nte ceases to be a STATE, within the mi nin'j of tin co Hitution. Such limitation produces inferiority where the constitution Das provided for perfect equality. Uuder the clause of the constitution providing for the admission of "new States," as a iren- eral thing, Congress is invested with a dis discretion - cretion discretion to admit or reject; but in the event a new .V.ate is admitted into the Union, it must come in as a State, with all the pow ers and ri'flui ot a feta'.e under the constitu tion, an 1 on an equ d footing with the origi mil S.ates in all respects whatsoever. There Therefore, - fore, Therefore, whatever po.vers are possessed bv anv one S ate old or new in respect to slavery. may of right, under the constitution, be ex exercised - ercised exercised by each and every State. In pur pursuance - suance pursuance of this sovereign right, which is com common - mon common to all the Suites, sixteen of the States of the Union have abolished or prohibited slavery, while the other fifteen Slates have recognized and protected it within their lim lim-its. - its. lim-its. This great principle was distinctly re recognized - cognized recognized and solemnly guarantied in the compromise measures of 1U5J. Applause Tne acts of the organization of the Ter Territories - ritories Territories of New Mexico and Utah each contains the stipulation that whe i said "Ter ritories, cr any part thereof, shall be admit ted into the Union as States, they shall be received with or without slavery, as their constitution shall prescribe at the time of admission. X lie Nebraska bill which has passed Congress at this session, also aarries out the saino principle in the precise lan language - guage language of the compromise measures of 1 853, which 1 have just quoted. Great applause. in liiZJ Congress passed an act to au thorize the people of Missouri Territory to form u constitution preparatory to their ad admission - mission admission into the Union as a Slate on an equal looting with the denial States in all re- sp-.-cts whatsover. The Cth section of the act declared that slavery should be forever prohibited in 'all the territory acquire t from trance, north ot Jo deg., 3J mm., and not embraced within the limits of the proposed statu ot Missouri, this prohibition never went into practical operation tor the reason that the country was tilled with hastile sav- 'es, and set apart by law and treaty as an Indian tenitory, from which all white men were excluded by severe penalties. Hence the Cth section of the Missouri act, which relates to slavery, has remained a dead let terou the statute book for thirty four years, Laving no civilized peop e for it to operate upoa,, itr.il its application to the Indians be being - ing being necessarily included by aats of Congress known as the Indian intercourse laws. , On the introduction of the Nebraska bill, there fore, a question atose whether leiral effect should now be given for the first time to this old prohibition in other words whether Longress shot .id, as the result of its action, now apply the Wilmof proviso to Nebraska and Kausasl To have iiven Wal eli'ect to this old prohibition, would have involved a total abandonment of the cardinal principles of the compromise measures of I860, so far m they related to the organization of new territories. Ihese measures rested upon the great principles of self-jjovernment, which secures to every people the right to torm and regulate their own domestic wsli.tu tion? in their own way, subject only to the consilium ot their country. . Applause. Why should not, the people of Nebraska and Kansas t be permitted to. deoide this question of slavery for themselves, as you did in Pennsylvania, and as we did in lilt uoisf Are they not capable of self-govern ment? . ho am they, and where did they mive from, that this mark 'of inferiority should be stamped Upon them? Did they no go, and are they not now going by

of American freedom, in lnuupuuueuca Square, Philadelphia, Pa., July 4lh, 1354. . .. . Mr. Pkbsident and Fellow-Citizk.ns; I fee that it is good for us to be here on ' this day. The day and place are consecrated to liberty. It is a hallowed spot. I, enter Independence square 1 approach Indepen- dence Hall on the Fourth of July, with feel feelings - ings feelings akin to thoso of the pilgrim when he ' approaches the holv places. It is the birth birthplace - place birthplace of American liberty. Here the Declar Declaration - ation Declaration of Indepenpence was first promulgated . here the constitutior; of the United States Vas formed. On this very spot were pro pro-claroed - claroed pro-claroed in that declaration, and embodied jn that constitution, those glorious principles of civil and religious freedon which our fa fathers - thers fathers have transmitted to us as the most precious of all earthly blessings. Great applause. In these days, when efforts are being made to stir up sectional strife, and organ organic - ic organic political parties on geographical lines when religious persecution and intolerance am being practised through the agency of secret associations and when men in high places sacriligeously deny all obligation to carry into ell'ect the plain injunctions of the ., constitution which they have sworn to support, it is well for good men and true patriots to assemble on our national birth birthday, - day, birthday, at the birth-place of our liberties, and unite their efforts to preserve our repub republican - lican republican institutions by perpetuating the prin principles - ciples principles upon which they rest. Applauce. On the 4th of July, I77G, from the place where I now stand, our forefathers declared that those "Colonies are, and of right ought to be. Free and Independent States." T.iat was the starting point. Thirteen Brit British - ish British colonies were on that day converted in in-t - t in-t thirteen Indjpendent American States. The language is clear and explicit. The causes which led to seperr.tion, and the in in-s:ruJtions - s:ruJtions in-s:ruJtions that the several colouies gave to their delegates in the Congress preseibing the conditions upon which the declaration of indipendence was to be made, clearly show why this emphatic language was used. Tin colonies did not, in tlie Cist instance, demand independence. They were willing to acknowledge their allegiauce to the Brit British - ish British Crown, provided they were left free to manage and regulate the own internal af fairs and domestic concerns in their own way, without the interference or dictation of the' imperial government. They were wil willing - ling willing to recognise the right of Great Britain to grant colonial charters, like the organic laws of our territorial governments, by which the people of the colonies might make their own laws through their representatives in their local legislatures; but they solemnly protested against the imperial Parliament, - in which they had no representation to make laws affecting their persons and property without consent. Upon this point the sep sep-eration - eration sep-eration took place, tind the Deelartion of Independence, which you have just heard read, declared the thirteen colonies to be 'Free and-Independent States." Bat be before - fore before the declaration was made, the co onies gave instructions to their delegates, prescii bing the conditions on which each would consent to such a 'declaration. These in instructions - structions instructions all prescribe the fundamental con dilion that each colony ahull huce the rhjltt to manage their iulerntd affairs aitd domestic concern as to them shul seem meet und pro proper. - per. proper. Ileraty cheers The instructions Pennsylvania gave to nor delegates us the condition upoa which they weie to vote for the Declaration of In Independence - dependence Independence contained this omphalic clause: "Reserving to the people of this colony the sole and exclusive right of regulating the internal government and fabric of the same." Cheers and applause. , The constitution of the UiiKe.. Stales was formed and adopted by the people of these thirteen Stales, each acting for itself and up upon - on upon its own responsibility, as distinct and independent soverignlies. By the constitu constitution - tion constitution thus formed, ant1 under which we now live, each State was left entirely free to form and control its own domestic institu tions In aocorducea with the great fundamen-' tal principle of self government, asserted in the Declaration of ludependiuce, an! in vindication of which all the battles of the revolution were fought. Applause. , We are frequently told oy the Abolttion ists thu the constitution of the United States is an anti-slavery instrument, devised and formed for the purpose of preventing the ex tension of African slavery, and of eradica eradicating - ting eradicating and exterminating it where it was found to ex'st. -Those who made . this statement furnish conclusive evidence that they dj not understand the principles of the constitution, por the history of the times when- it . was adopted. At the period of the adoption of ths constitution, twelve of the thirteen States by whioh it was formed were slave- holding Slates. Is it reasonable to expect Mi to presume, on mere assertion ai'd with without - out without evidence, that these twelve slavehold ing States devised and ratified the consiiiu tion with the view of destioying a domestic institution which was interwoven with their whole social system, and expressly reoo;r- nize'i as one of the legitimate clomsuts of political power in the lederal .representation? Why that clause in the federal, constitution !rovidtng for the , surrender, of fugilires roraervioe, if it was the object of that instru instrument - ment instrument to abolish "'slavery and release the slaves from bondage? The pretensions o.' the abolitionists in this re?pect are renier- ed prepterous by the terms of the con constitution - stitution constitution itself.-, The idea of either estub Hsbing or abolishing, extending or circum circumscribing - scribing circumscribing slavery, by the constitution of the Uuited States, or by the action of the feder federal - al federal government, never entered the brain of the , fraraers of the constitution African slavervi whether riirht or wrong, wise or un wise, was at that time existing in twelve of the thirteen States. The institution was plant ed by the British government in each of the thirteen polonies without ineir consent and against their remonstrances. The war " of the revolution converted the dependent c&lonies into independent Spates, without changing or alfeoting the relations rxisting between the master, and slave. Slavery ' ceased to exist in one of the States, but still remained in Blithe others, Pennsylvania in- ' eluded, at the time 'the ' constitution of the Jailed States was formed.! With the few ' exceptions expressly prov d d for in tl k in . strument it was , the ' design of the constl ttUion to recognise And protect whatever in stitation each Stale acting for itself, had .01

ed for the express purpose of carrying into effect a plain piovision of the constitution by returning the slave to his master, these same abolitionists say that they will not abide Dy the law they will trample upon the con stitution they will set at defiance the con stituted authorities and bear aloft the stand standard - ard standard of rebellion against the federal govern government - ment government for the reason that this clause of the constitution and the law for carrying it into effect do harmonize with their views. Their doctrine is they will abide by and claim the benefit of the constitution and laws when ever and wherever they tend to advance their peculiar theories and opinions; nnd on the contrary they they will resist both the constitution and laws, with force and vio violence, - lence, violence, whenever that line of policy is ne necessary. - cessary. necessary. Efforts are now being made to or ganize a new party upon the abolition platform and to carry on an offensive war against the local and domestic institutions of one half of tho States of the Union, un under - der under a manner which shall proclaim to the world that they claim for themselves the protection of tho constitution which they de ny to those upon whose rights they make war that the constitution is binding upon their opponents, bu' not upon themselves; and they hold themselves at liberty at all times to obey or resist it as may best suit their purpose. Whatever name shall be given to this new political organization whether it shall be called whig, abolition, free-soil or know know-noihing - noihing know-noihing it will still be the antagonism of the democratic party. Whatever may be the natuie of tho contest or the prospects of success, the. democracy of the nation must stand tirmlyi by the constitution as it is, yielding implicit obedience to all of its obli obligations, - gations, obligations, and carrying into fruitful execution all of its provisions. (Caeers and continued applause.) We must maintain the supre supremacy - macy supremacy of the laws, put down resistance and violence wherever they occur, and be ready to punish the tiaitors when ever the overt act of treason shall he committed. (Tre (Tremendous - mendous (Tremendous cheers and applause.) Fellow citizens, it has been' said that in the bosom of this new political organization there is a secret society, bound together by the most solemn and torriblo oaths "1 know no " its name. Inquire of whom you may, and the answer will be "I don't know." (Great Uughjer.) And from all the infor information - mation information I can L'et, I am inclined to believe that "Know Nothings" is their name. (Con (Continued - tinued (Continued laughter ) I was about to say, (and I presume that the facts connected with your recent election in this city have sufficiently e tahlished the fact,) that I have been in formed there ex exists - ists exists in the boiotn of t'lis new political crgan crgan-ization - ization crgan-ization a secret political society, bound to together - gether together by the most terrible oaths, to pro proscribe - scribe proscribe every man, whether naturalized or not, or whatever his political or religious sentiments, who had the misfortune to he born in a foreign clime, and, like our ances tors, driven bv religious or political perse- cu.ions to flee from his native land and seek an asylum it! Ainoiica. 1 there such an organization among you: (Cries of 'yes, yes, there is, there is.') It is also said and with how much truth you have better opportunities of kuowing than I that thissectet society controls the nominations and directs the movements of the allied forces against the democracy democracy-binds - binds democracy-binds iu members by the most solemn ob obligations - ligations obligations to proscribe every man who wor worships - ships worships God according to the IVjinan Catho- io faith, no matter to what race he may be long or where he was born. (Cries of "that is it," "they do, they do.") It is also said that your recent city election was controlled by this society that your city government is n'w being managed under its ausp ces, aud that the whole patronage of the city is distrbutod under its direction and in accord accordance - ance accordance with its principles of proscrption. This secret society, whose membeis pre prefer - fer prefer to "know nothing," with a view of con cealing their politiciil designs, ora said to have their branches and auxiliary societies iu every city, town and village, and to be be-in - in be-in alliance with this great northern section sectional - al sectional party which proclaims open war upon the institutions oj the State-i aud upon the con constitution - stitution constitution of the United States. It is not sur surprising - prising surprising that a political society, whose effici efficient - ent efficient secret organization enables them to con conceal - ceal conceal their plans while they hold out induce inducements - ments inducements of power and patronage to persons to assume tlieir proserpiive obligations, with the assurance that they ciw) conceal the hand that strikes the blow, and that avoid the odium and responsibility of the act, while they level in the spoils of victory; I say it is not surprising that such a political organ organization - ization organization should prove formidable and even irresistible in its first efforts, when the spe spe-cific - cific spe-cific objects aud principles of the society were unknown to community, and before tho people could bo aroused to a jmt sense of their danger. ' I speak of the society an 1 of its principles of ao'.ion here and wherever else they have triumphed in the recent e'ec e'ec-tions, - tions, e'ec-tions, for I am not aware that I am person personally - ally personally acquainted with any one man who has taken upon himself their obligat ions and en enrolled - rolled enrolled his name upon their books. No principle ol political 'action could have been levispd more hostile to the genius of our instituti ms, more repugnant to the con constitutions, - stitutions, constitutions, than those which are said to form the test of membership in the society of Know-Nothings." To proscribe a man in this country on account of his birthplace or his religious faith is subversive of all our ideas and principles, of civil and religious freedom. ' It is revolting to our sense of jus justice - tice justice and right. It is derogatory to the char acter of our forefathers, who were all' emi grants from the Old World, soma af nn ear earlier - lier earlier and some U a Jater period. They once bore allegiance to the crowned heads of Europe. They too, suffered the torments of j il ,and religious persecution, and the fury of which . tore them from their homes and forced them to' seek new ones on Oie shores 6f America. Indeed the settlement I of this' continent, and the dovelonment u( I . .. ,. . . . . ttve thirteen united colonies, tbe Induration of Independence nnd the establlshmwnt of;

from the North and the South from all the States of the Union, old and new, free and slaveholding? Were they not as well qual qualified - ified qualified to decide the question correctly before they started as you are who were their neighbors and kindred? Do you think that they lost any considerable portion of their intelligence by the way-side, so that they were less competent tdjudge for themselves when they arrived in the new Torrito.ies with their wives and children? Suppose you, who are listening to me with such kind attention, should conclude to emigrate to those fairy lands; do you think that when you should have arrived at your new homes and have become familiar with the country, its resources, condition, and wants, you would be less capable ot deciding for your selves what kind of laws and institutions would promote your happiness and welfare than you are befoie you start, nnd when you know very little of the country? Doubt Doubtless - less Doubtless you all think yourselves perfectly quali qualified - fied qualified to decide the question now would you be less competent to decide it then? Ap plause. As an excti'e for violating tins great principle of self-government in thu organ ization of the Territories and in the admis admission - sion admission of new States, the abolitionists tell us that slavery is a monstrous evil. It is no part of my purpose to discuss the merits of slavery as a domestic or political institution. If it be an evil, your State and mine have acted wisely, and performed their duty no bly, in lemoving it from their limits. Stand- in'' by and vindicating the decision which the people of Illinois have made upon this subject, I claim for Kansas and Nebraska yea, I demand for every new 3late which shall be admitted in all time to come the right to determine for themselves and to ex ercise power which the constitution has se cured to, and has been exercised by, the people of every Stato of this Union. Im Immense - mense Immense applause. If it be an evil, it is not the only evil for which the people of the several States and Territories are called upon to provide ade adequate - quate adequate legislation. There are many good and true men among us, who conscientious conscientiously - ly conscientiously believe that the manufacture, sale, and use of anient spirits and intoxicating drinks is a grievous evil, which calls aloud for the application of the appropriate remedies; yet while temperance societies have been or organized - ganized organized everywhere, and lectures delivered, and the pledge circulated, and strenuous ef efforts - forts efforts made to induce the legislatures of the different States and Territories to provide remedies by legislation for this wide spread evil, I have never heard that any party, so ciety, or individual has presented a petition to Congress, praying that the Maine liquor law shall bo imposed upon ihe Territories and new States as a fundamental condition of their admission into the Union, regard regardless - less regardless of the wislus and in defiance of the rights of the people who may reside therein and be affected thereby. (Cheers ) Crime, in any of its forms and shapes, is a very great evil in any State or Territory; yet congress has never presumed to enact criminal codes urine lerniones and new Suites to declare what shall not be deemed criminal to prescribe the penaltv and point out the mode of punishment. These things have always been left, and I trust always will bs left, to the people of the different Stales and Territories, to be determined by them through tlieir local legist ttures m ac cordance with their sense of right and du duty. - ty. duty. Why should we make an exception of the slavery question, and apply to it a rule which is admitted to be unsound and sub subversive - versive subversive of consti'Utitfna! right when applied to any othwr matter of local and domestic concern i Are not. me people ot uje i.trn- tories capable of self-government?' If not,! why j;!ve them a legislature at nil Why al low them to make laws upon tny subject? if they ire capable of sell-government, does it require any higher degree of intelligence to legislate tor the negro than tor the while man, or to prescribe Die relations of 'master and servant than those of husband and wife, and parent and child? - ' Hut, in order to excuse themselves for so palpable a repudiation of the great princi. pie ot suit-government, the aboiiiioniststell us that slavery is a violation of the law of God, and therefore the people of the terri territories - tories territories and new States should not be intrusted with the decision of the question as provi ded in the rteorasiia uiu. without stop ping to inquire into the sinfulness of clavery as a religious question, I do maintain that the mode provided in the febrnska bill for letermining the controversy ol its existence or exclusion, by referring it to the decision of the people who are immediately inter ested and alone responsible, is strictly in ac accordance - cordance accordance with thd divine law. When God created man, lie placed belbre bira good and evil, and endowed him the capacit) to de cide for himself, and held him responsible, for the consequences of the choice lie niiglu make! .Tremendous applause and cheers.) This is the divine origin of the great principle of self-government. (Applause.) The Almighty breathed the principle into thu nostrils of the first man in the garden of Eden, and empowered him and his descend ants in all time to choose their own form of rrovernrneut, and to bear the' evils and en joy the blessings of their own deeds. The principle applies to communities, and Ter Territories - ritories Territories and States, as well as to individual men. The principle applies to Kansas as well as to Pennsylvania to Nebraska as well as Virginia; The constitution of the United States is in perfect accord with this divine principle, leaving each State, and the people thereof, at liberty to govern themstl, ves arid to reap the harvest of the seed they may ' sow. (Immense applause. ' Cries "That is right, that is right.") .i I repeat, therefore, that the constitution of ihe United States does not establish sla slavery, - very, slavery, nor nbolsh it anywhere nor does it neither enlarge nor diminish its area. It recognizes and protects all the institutions of the different States, however dissimilar or whatever their character, provided they rfre not in conflict with any of iu provisions. Wherever slavery exists in any State by vir tue ot the local law, their the constitution leoognizes and protects the institution; and wherever slavery is prohibited by tin luoal law. the constitution1 recognizes ard protects the prohibition in such State 'The constitt constitt-tion'of - tion'of constitt-tion'of the United States is the supreme law of the land; to wh.eu air must yield iuinu cit obedience. :, ,, ' , ,;. . T.I. ...I ! rt . ,1 1. . it huh niici vongreoi ip jegisiaw , upon ,tno subject of slavery in two cases only; first

applause The Catholics, who in turn were oppress oppressed - ed oppressed and pursued by thoso who had felt the rod of their power, found an asylum upon the banks of the Chesapeake, and called their colony after their favorite Queen Mary, to which circumstance the State of Maryland owes her name nnd her origin. Tho gallant cavaliers who, after having persecuted the pilgrims and driven from the kingdom under Charles 1, were in return routed and pursued by Cromwell, with his J n.in.tl.ln - .. .C .1 1. 1 .1 uiiuiuiu aiiuy oi ruuiiu ueans, uny.1 mey rtd to Virginia, where they established the Church of England. The Huguenots, who settled in South Carolina, were also refugees from religious persecution. Thm it will be: seen that the different colonies were the representatives of the various religious sects in Europe, who had each been persecuted and had near nearly - ly nearly all persecuted each other in turn, until. by the ttrange vicissitudes of fortune, they . e .i .- , i , were unven ironi ineir native land and forced to seek an asylum upon this couti-1 nont, where each could be protected in the worship of God in accordance with the faith ihey had embraced. In proportion as they became tolerant in matters of religion they became liberal and enlightened in resjpect to the true principles of civil government When the revolution broke out, in defence of their civil and political rights, each and all of these colonies rallied under the banner of their common country. The revolution established their independence by convert ing the dependent colonies into distinct t,ov ereign States. Yet it was not until the a doption of the constitution of the United States that their liberties were consolidated and placed on a firm and sure biwis. In the constitution it was provided that "No ueU UIOUS TEST SHALL EVER HE REQUIRED AS A QUALIFICATION TO ANY OFFICE OB PUBLIC TRUST under tub United States." Immense ap plause. This provision was adopted unanimously It was the common ground of justice and e quality upon which all religious denomina lions could stand in harmony and security. It expressed in plain language the true prin principle - ciple principle of religious toleration, tlo correctness and necessity jf which had beeu thoroughly vindicated in the history and experience of each of the colonies. It was heartily con concurred - curred concurred in by Protestant and Catholic hy Puritan and Cavalier by Quaker and Hu Huguenot - guenot Huguenot each and ail of the religious sects and denominations agreed upon this great principla as a platform, a common ground upon which they and their descendants in all future time coul I and would stand in the bontls of brotherly affection. Applause. By another clause of the constitution no man can hold office under the government of the Uuited States, or under any of the State governments, until he has subscribed an o uh to support the constitution of the Uni United - ted United States. This oath must be taken, and ought to be kept, not only by Presidents, aud governors, and judges, but by the may may-ors - ors may-ors of your cities and all their subordinates inofll :e. Tremendous cheers and applause. Now, fellow-citizens, permit me to inquire, in all kindness, how can the members of this political society, called "know nothings," take upon theaiselves a solemn oath by which they shall stand pledged to raise up a religiom test as a qualification for office, in the very teeth ot the constitution, by pre prescribing - scribing prescribing men on account of their religious faith? Will they excuse themseJves on the ground that Ihey did not know of this clause in tho constitution? fCheers'and lauthter.l Will they tell us lh.iltteydidnot know the history of their own country that they did not know of Ihe sufferings and persecutions to which their fathers had been subieo ed on account of their religious fai'h that they did not know that the obligations and Drivi- leges of their society were at war with the genius of our whole republican system and in direct conflict with the principles of the constitution? fljoud cheerim?.! lithey did not know these things, surely there was wisdom in calling themselves "K N 0 W WfHINGS." Tremendous chee.rs and roars of laughter Those who do not know should be made to learn and feel that the constitution is the supreme law of the land- that all men who live under it, and enjoy its protection, must yield implicit obedience to its requirements, in all its parts and provisions, whiether they like them or not. Cheers and continued applause. I hir likes or dislikes have nothing to do with the question. We live under a govern ment of laws, and the supremacy of the laws must be maintained, no rwitter from what quarter" or motive the resistance may come. Great applause Tho i quality of all the State's under the constitution, and the right of the people to decide for themselves what kind of local and domestic institutions they will have, are car cardinal - dinal cardinal principles in tho democratic creed. Loud and enthusiastic oheers To these fundamental propositions lot one add mother, which forms the corner-stone in the temple of our liberties. It is that all men have an inalienable right to the dictates of their own conscience, and under our insti institutions - tutions institutions no man ought or can be proeeribod on account of his birthplace or of his reli religions - gions religions faith. Loud cheers and applause. ; These are the issues which the democrat democratic - ic democratic party of the nation have to meet and maintain before the people, in all the States. Let no consideration of partisan policy or temporary advantage induce us to swerve a hair's breadth from our principles. If we meet the questions fairly wd directly, and

Vafter cheer for Douglas cheers for Nebras ka cheers for the principles of self-government, in the midst of which Mr. Douglas retire from the stand. INITIATING N OUTSIDER BY JACK HUMPHRIES. All creation and the balance of mankind were, early one mornintr aroused from the dulness usually pervading the pious, prim, and peaceable town of East Nutmeg, by the cry of - "Whatisitall about?" "IVhendid they come.'" "How many are thev?" "What do they look like?" "Did you see 'em?" "Are they huran critters?' "What are they going to do?" "Who?" "What?" "The Know-Nothings!" "Know -Nothing?" says a native. "Know-Nothing." "Well, I'd give a fJ" pence to know."con- tinued tho native, "what in sin is't all about?" "0, you have'nt seen em?"says a iolly. round visaged, bright eyed individual, who witn other strausiers, and natives of E.ist Nutmeg, were gathered in a knot about the depot, discussing the topic which had in i single night came, saw, and took the town, "llav'nt seen them?" "Seen who?" says the native. "The Know-Nothinjs." "Know-Nothings! Wal, I kinder cal'late I hav, a few." "O, you are one of 'em. eh?" "Look a here, squire, if yeou don't want to be squattin cross-legged in yon heap o' sand, I cal'late you'd better not say my ed ed-ecation - ecation ed-ecation has been neglected in any sich a way." "Not at all, my dear sir, I only predicted that you were a that is, hang it I mean do you know what's out?" "Yees; I'll tell you what's out, squire., '.Good; what is u!" "A wnt agin Josh Pruden for breakin. the Sabbath nil tew flinders, playin' keards in Deacon Dink e's barn." "Pshaw!" said the jolly man, "I ion't mean that sort of work, I suppose you are like the rest of these Know-NotLin''S.40oslr. eh to be caught ?" "Squire, do you chaw?" "Yes," slid the jolly looking man. "Hand us yeour tobacco then " "Yes, I don't chaw." "Git eout!" gettin' kinder sharp set too, 1 cal'late. Now" lok a' here, squire, I gin tew expect yeour from New York?" "I expect you're correct in your remarks." "Wall, I knew yeou was; can tell yeour fellers a mile off; e'yes, can by kingdom. Now, I cal'late there's somethin' goin' on, that's a fact all firedust raow ireound this yer taown, this mornin', beout somethin a feller ever hearn." "Ah, that's what I was coming at. Noiv they say you've got up a new invention a now-fangled society, or a ne- order, party, or sect, or something that's bound to get nrisienuora in an uproar; how is UT" "Eh, yes; when they goiu' to begin it, squire?" "0, you git out, sly dog, ain.t you one of em; "What! thern fellows that's goin' to raise sin, and break things?" "I don't know; I only ask you," contin continued - ued continued the squire, "I only ask for information you see " "Wall, naow, look a'here, a fellor never made much by dod rotted ignorance in this land of universal liberty and gineral edioa edioa-lion; - lion; edioa-lion; and a feller hales to come right daown and a confess he don't know nothin," that's a fact'; but, square, I've got to achnowledge the corn, a a-ud it's no use talkin," but darn my buttons to apple sass, ef I wunt, as poor a fellow as I be, gin jist ten shillings and upwards to know what's kinder busted uraound hers. 'Would you 9 "Wouldn't I? By golly, squire, I gue?s yeour the critter can jist tell ail about it?" "I'm just the man that can." ' "I knew yeou be! Grea-a-t kingdom, lei's hear all about it?" "His-s-h,' sa'd the humorouB man, "his-8-h! I've been sounding you." 'Yeou don't say so?" echoes the citizen of Nu meg. "Yes, sir; we nave to be cautious." "Eh, yes," c&stractedly responds the Nutmeger. "Can't sieak out to everybody." ' '"So." u " "Yes, sir; now I know you're a good egg" "Aiggs?" ' v- .fr.- "Good egg sound to the core!" "Sio'ind? would'nt wonder, never ailin' butonoe in my hull life; than I had the darn darn-dest - dest darn-dest scratchin' time yeou ever' did fee, I reckon. Evr hail ths itch, squire?? "Never, ibank Ton." "O; not at all, squire, you sre quite wel welcome, - come, welcome, as Uncle Nat said, when he shot the Ingin." 1 'Well, sir, now I'll give you in a whis per, an idea what's up; aud if you love your country " , "M?" ,, : . "The land of the free, and Ihe home of the brave!" "Grea-a-l Fourth cf July! pilch in big licks, square." , "Our own dear native land!" , "That's the ginger! go it, squire," snys Nutmeg. ,; " ' ; ' Well, sir, now you just follow me over ii Oh- hotell, so; now take a chair. Here

that, once 01 twice, sure. You reply "nius," don't forget "nibs stag his nibs cully!" t " 'Nibs," eh, yes." "Nibs, cully, how's nibs?" You then approach close up, shut the right eye grasp Ins hand, and put your left forefinger along alongside - side alongside of your nose, so. He'll then up and tell yon all about it." "He will? How many fellows in this town have joined this society?" "On hundreds, nearly every body you meet are members; iu raising the greatest excitement imaginable!"" "Beats Millentes? I was one of "em." "Beats everything out, sir. Now here's the oath! you sware by this emblem" el elevating - evating elevating a boot-jack. "What a boot-jack?" "Yes it looks like a jack, but it ain't, it's a blind, mystery; we sware by this. You put your forefinger otvyour nose, shut one eye, and sware never to reveal these, our secrets, so help your Independence day! Now, to-night, there will be a crowd near the depot about dark; when the ciowd moves, you follow; they will take you to the secret chamber, where will learn more particular. Nowbcott," "Eh, yes," and Nutmeg left. He had just gone into ihe street, when a veritable sign met his eyes. A long Jcg Jcg-ged, - ged, Jcg-ged, double fisted fellow with but one eye in his head, stood gaping around with Ids hands in his breeches; up iroes .'u-lme;'. shuts his eyv, and pokes his thumb between his molers. The man with closed eye, looked daggers wiih the other, and by the twitch twitching - ing twitching of his lips seemed to be speaking, or doing something like it, inwardly. "Nix a weed in cull) 1" says Nutmeg ad advancing. - vancing. advancing. "What in yallar thunder d'ye mean? say!" says the one eyed man." "Nibs stag his nibs, cully," how's nibs? continued Nutmeg, advancign, and placing his finger upon his long sharp nose, and grabbing at the stranger, who mistrusting the move meant no good, draws off, and puts in such n "soult paw," that Nutmeg dou doubled - bled doubled up and went down all in a heap "cobiff! " "Goll darn you, an't you one of "em? Why did't you say so!" bawls Nutmeg, tkavilinq into the hotel to find the Profes Professor - sor Professor of Know Nothingness, and settle hi hash! But Professor Pete Morris ha J sud suddenly - denly suddenly left for parts unknown! Nutmeg hs4 been looking for Pete for some time. '( '(-ton - ton '(-ton Yunkee Priooteer. Boys, did J'oil ever think that this great world, wiih all its wealth and woe, with all iis mines and nuuintaits, it ucrans, ils seas and livers, s'eainboHts and hhips, railroads and steam pi lining presses, mag magnetic - netic magnetic lelegiaphs, fcc, will soon be given o o-ver - ver o-ver to l he hands of the boys of the pieseni HL'e? B' lieve it and look abroad uixm the inheritance, ami get rady to enter upon your duties. A Plais Rkasos "Why don't you wheel the barrow of coal, Ned?" quoth a learned vender of black diamonds to his man. "It's not a very hard job, there is an inrtined dune to relieve you." "Aye, master," replied Ned, who had nrore relish for wit than woik "the plane may be inclined, but hang me if 1 am," jKT.V rowdy, intending to be my witty, thus accosted a lady in the street: i "Madam, can you inform me where I can see the elephmitj", t -m ," "No, but if. 1 had a looking glass, I'd slxvw you a very darge monkey." v . Thu rowdy slid. - - . JC"Ohl Miiry, iny dear, my heart is breaking." - 'Jsu, indeed sir, so much the better fr ,, , , . - i - ' you. . . , - . "Why so, my idol?" . "Been ise when U is broken, out nnd out, you may sell the pieces fur yun fimtt. jT5r"Sir," said one of twu antagonists, with great dignity, to tlie other, during a dispute which hud ot heu confined to words, "you have called roe assouodiel and t liar, you. have (pit in my face, yoa have stnu-k me tmt; i hopf')rm will cany this no further; for il jou do, j on.' will rouse the sh eping Hon in my breast, and 1 cuniiot (ell what may be the S(seq'ne . ' . itif"Ther . wt-re s-venta deaths from Cinders, up to the :tdth nit., at the little town of Harrixburgh in Stark county. The Stark eounty Democrat says the panic was such among Urn cinst-n that attendant could not be procured to wait ou thesick.

we are; now I'll give you secret. You see this is a grand secret society." "Eh, yes." "And the greatest secrecy is to be ad ad-hesred - hesred ad-hesred to. Now rise, bold up both hands, high above your head, so; now sware " "Sware? can't dew it squire, agin EOT religion." , "Are yon an American?" "Am 1? I an't nothin' else, by Banker Hill." ' "Will you stand by your country?" "Will J? Yes, sir; till Gabral tooU bis horn!" "Then sware, that you will stand by the American Eagle, the stars and the stripes, and never reveal the secrets." "Fouth of July and Bunker Hill!" chimes in the excited Yankee. ' "That's it good, good egg!" said the humorous man. "Now, sir, you are one of us, you are a Know Nothing." "You don't say so!" "Yes, sir; now we have some irysterious signs and couutresigns, by which you can tell a brother of the sooiety. When you see a man looking nt you wiih his right eye shut; his hands in his pockets, with a cigar should he be smoking in the left side of his mouth you may know he's a Know Know-Nothing." - Nothing." Know-Nothing." "Eh, yes." "Well, then, you go towards him and shut your left eye. so; you bite your thumb, of the left hand, if he bites" "Biles?" "Yes, If he bites; if be is really one of 'em, he will say something in a grumbling tone something like "what do you mean?" or "do you mean that foi me?" Then he bites, you see; then you advance closo, lind say, slowly, "nix a wkkd incullv!" "Dutch, ain't it?" says the Yankee. "Well, no, not sxactly, it's our lan language. - guage. language. Then he'll say, "what do you mean?" mind, he'll be verv apt to say