Dugway Proving Ground, German-Japanese Village, South of Stark Road, in WWII Incendiary Test Area, Dugway

Source document Quoted word for word from HAER UTAH,23-DUG,2-. Not written, edited or summarised by this site.

The German-Japanese Village test site is located within the boundaries of the Dugway Proving Ground, Tooele County, Utah, approximately four miles south-southeast of Baker Laboratory and 16 miles southwest of the installation's main gate. Willow Springs is the nearest neighboring community, and is situated 10 miles northeast of the Dugway gate on State Route UTM Coordinates: 12/ N E Construction Date: Architects: Eric Mendelsohn [Consulting Architect, New York] John F. Brandt [Standard Oil Development Company, Elizabeth, Builder: Ford J. Twaits Company, Salt Lake City Present Owners: United States Army

Source document Quoted word for word from HAER UTAH,23-DUG,2-. Not written, edited or summarised by this site.

The Dugway German-Japanese Village was the primary American site for testing incendiary bombs prior to large-scale attacks near the end of World War II against civilian targets such as Dresden, Germany, and Tokyo, Japan. The function of the ext-ant structure (the German Village) paralleled that of an adjacent, but no longer extant, Japanese Village, used to test incendiaries for DUGWAY PROVING GROUND, GERMAN-JAPANESE VILLAGE HAER NO. UT~9<' (Page 2) the Pacific theater. The buildings in the German- Japanese Village were constructed from materials and designs that replicated contemporary residential buildings in German and Japanese urban industrial districts.

In order to build a facility that was an authentic reproduction, studies were conducted to determine which materials and furnishings available in the U.S. would closely match those in use in Germany and Japan. A group of German-American architects affiliated with the "Gropius group at Harvard," including prominent Jewish architects Eric Mendelsohn and Konrad Wachsmann, were employed to design the facility. Both men had been associated with the prominent architectural group der Berliner Zehner-Ring [the Berlin Circle of 10, or the Ring] while living in Europe. The Ring included among its members Walter Gropius and Mies van der Rohe.

The AN-MSO model of incendiary bomb, extensively tested at the German Village, accounted for more than 97 percent (by number} of the incendiary bombs dropped on Germany by American forces. The AN-M69 tested in the German-Japanese Village was used extensively during the firebombing of Japan, the results of which surpassed, in terms of immediate loss of life and destruction of property, the use of the atomic bombs. DUGWAY PROVING GROUND, GERMAN-JAPANESE VILLAGE HAER NO. UT- ;? (Page 3)

Historical Information

The Development of the German-Japanese Village Britain and the United States conducted substantial research and development, testing, and deployment of large and small incendiary bombs 1 during World War II in reaction to the heavy and effective aerial incendiary bombing efforts of Hitler's Germany. The Luftwaffe used 10-to-30 percent incendiaries in their bombing of British cities. In retaliation, the Royal Air Force (RAF) increased the use of incendiaries to 30-to-70 percent. The U.S.

Army Air Forces (AAF) began dropping incendiaries in both the European and Pacific theaters in ultimately employing them in the fire storming of Germany in early These raids were immediately followed by a near-100 percent use of incendiaries over selected cities in Japan in spring Incendiaries tested at the Dugway Proving Ground were entirely small bombs, two-to-eight pounds in size, deployed in clusters, and included three versions of the AN-M50, the AN-M52, the AN-M54, the AN-M69, the AN-M69X, and the AN-M74. Numbered for their chronological discovery and experimentation, the AN-M50 was a four-pound bomb; the AN-M52 was a two-pound bomb; the AN-M54 was a four-pound bomb; the AN-M69 and were six- and 7.5-pound bombs, respectively; and the M74 was an eight-pound bomb.

As clustered bombs, their typical dropped configurations weighed in the range of 500 pounds each, with the number of bombs per cluster for this class varying from 34 or 38 (the first AN-M50 cluster and the most sophisticated AN-M74 cluster) to 192 (the AN-M52 cluster). Large American incendiaries, with the exception of the first manufactured casings, were loaded and clustered only at government arsenals; small incendiaries were handled at the plants of private contractors and selected arsenals (Fire Warfare Brophy, Miles, and Cochrane Incendiary bombs and munitions contain chemicals that ignite on 1 impact.

The burning chemicals are scattered by the explosion of the bomb or munition charge to the surrounding environment (Brophy, Miles, and Cochrane DUGWAY PROVING GROUND, GERMAN-JAPANESE VILLAGE HAER NO. UT- J'S '?,e_ (Page 4) Experimental development and testing focused on achieving a maximum number of strong-intensity fires, incapable of being put out. As the war unfolded, bombing was conducted from increasingly higher altitudes, a parameter that distinctly affected the design and engineering characteristics of the incendiaries. The small bombs were either a quick-opening (or short-delay) type that released almost immediately after their drop, or an aimable (or projectile) type that released after falling intact for thousands of feet.

They were also either a static type, burning at their resting location, or a distributive type, throwing further incendiary matter in either an instantaneous or delayed firing. The AN-M50 and AN-M52 were magnesium incendiary bombs; the AN-M54 was a plastic incendiary bomb; the AN-M69 and the AN-M69X were gasoline gel incendiary bombs; and the AN-M74 was a pyrotechnic gasoline gel incendiary bomb. The AAF predominantly used the AN-M50 and the AN- 70-pound plastic incendiaries often described as "100-pound" bombs due to their overall placement in a class of bombs, in the German fire bombings. For the combined RAF and AAF attack, however, the AN-M50 constituted up to 70 percent of the incendiary mission.

Incendiaries produced by the Chemical Warfare Service accounted for tons, or individual bombs, released over Germany by Allied forces between December 7, and the war's end. Of these, none were gasoline gel incendiary bombs of the AN-M69 type; used pyrotechnic gasoline gel (AN- were plastic {AN-M47s); and used magnesium (AN-M50s). The AN-M50, heavily tested on the German Village at the Dugway Proving Ground, accounted for slightly more than 97 percent of the number of bombs dropped, or 60 percent in total released tonnage, of the American incendiary bombing in Germany (Fire Warfare The Chemical Warfare Service in World War II .

Overall, the AN-M69 bomb was the single most effective incendiary developed, accounting for 53 percent of the total incendiaries dropped on Japan between January and mid-June Its technological breakthrough was the jellied gasoline filling Napalm (alternately, NaPalm), effectively used as a small-bomb filler. Named for its naphthenic acids (nap) and its coconut -fatty-, -- palmitic, acids (palm), Napalm was developed as a rubber substitute to thicken gasolene and consisted of a mix of aluminum naphthenate, DUGWAY PROVING GROUND, GERMAN-JAPANESE VILLAGE HAER NO. UT-)-s5\2'.. (Page 5) an aluminum soap of coconut fatty acids, and oleic acid. The AN- M74 incendiary, an improvement on the AN-M69, only came into full production at the close of the war.

Notable advancements in the AN-M74 included its efficient fuse, point-landing capabilities, white phosphorus chemical agent and smoke screen, and attached explosive charge to discourage attempts to put out its fires. The AN-M74 did not use Napalm, but instead was filled, like the AN-M76, with gasoline thickened with a pyrotechnic fuel known as PT, a plastic polymer mixed with an asphaltic magnesium product. Labeled a pyrotechnic gasoline filling, that of the AN-M74 paralleled Napalm in its sticking qualities; the NA-M74 would cling to any touched surfaces, burning them to white ash.

Typically, bomber aircraft dropped the incendiaries at urban residential and industrial targets, and spot-chosen industrial targets well behind enemy front lines 2 Incendiaries produced by the CWS accounted for individual bombs, or tons, dropped over Japan and its installations in China, India, and Burma (today, Myanmar). Of these, were plastic (AN-M47s), used magnesium (AN-MSOs), used gasoline gel (AN-M69s), and used PT (AN-M74s and AN-M76s).

Nearly half (46 percent) of the American incendiary bombing in Japan, figured either in tonnage or numbers of individual bombs, used Napalm or PT in a small, mortar-type 2 Historian OVery notes that" [tJhe object of bombing was in the end to bring as large an amount of destruction as cheaply as possible to the enemy homeland, indiscriminately against military and civilian targets." In Japan, it was difficult to separate civilian from military targets because many industries were in small manufactories based in dwellings. Relatively low targeting accuracy also encouraged area rather than precision bombing, impacting industrial and residential districts; and too, area bombing caused more destruction and greater economic disruption.

In Germany, as in Japan, incendiary bombs were found more likely to damage targets than were high explosive bombs. Toward the end of the war, the Allied forces were looking for shortcuts around what was appearing to be a long road to victory, and the bombing of civilian areas was seen as a means of both eliminating enclaves of resistance to advancing Allied ground troops and of breaking morale. Thus, in both countries indiscriminate area bombing using incendiaries was perceived as an efficient means of achieving "the object of bombing," and civilian buildings like those at the Dugway Proving Ground's German- Japanese Village were often the targets (Kennett Overy DUGWAY PROVING GROUND, GERMAN-JAPANESE VILLAGE HAER NO.

UT-"'3- (Page 6) casing (Fire Warfare The Chemical Warfare Service in World War II Noyes Kleber and Birdsell Aerial incendiaries date to World War I when they were used by the German military against Britain. These crude bombs consisted of a thermite (an aluminum and iron oxide mix) core wrapped in tarred cotton and rope, and were almost immediately replaced by a gasoline-and-paraffin bomb. German research and development led to the electron bomb, a two-pound incendiary that used a magnesium- thermite fill in a magnesium alloy casing. The German magnesium bomb, perfected at the end of the confrontation, was not used in World War I, but did become the direct prototype for _the small magnesium incendiaries of World War II.

American incendiary bombs, developed but not deployed during World War I, were of the large, 100-pound class. In two of these weapons, a thermite charge fired solidified oil; a different type of explosive ignited inflammable pellets in a third. Research and experimentation with incendiary bombs did not sustain priority status in the U.S. during the and only the prototypical gasoline-filled AN-M47 was available as the U.S. seriously faced almost certain involvement in World War II. In mid-1941, the CWS sent a representative, Professor Joachim E. Zanetti of Columbia University, to Britain to gain information on production of its four-pound magnesium bomb.

By autumn, the CWS had been assigned full responsibility to develop a state-of-the-art incendiary program for the American military, inclusive of both large and small incendiaries (Kleber and Birdsell The CWS initially undertook all its testing and proofing at the Edgewood Arsenal, in Maryland; the CWS maintained its first laboratories for incendiary development at Columbia University with Dr. Zanetti, transferring this operation to Edgewood after 20 months. Initial challenges focused on improving the gasoline filling of the incendiaries for the large bombs-pure gasoline burned out quickly.

British scientists added rubber to the cores for their medium incendiary (the 30-pound Mark IV), but as the Japanese advanced across Southeast Asia, a rubber-substitute became a high priority (Brophy, Miles, and Cochrane - - - - - ~ - Beginning in late and early American scientists took three approaches to developing a chemical thickening agent for the gasoline fillers of incendiaries. The National Defense Research DUGWAY PROVING GROUND, GERMAN-JAPANESE VILLAGE HAER NO. UT- (Page 7) Committee set up multiple projects toward the development of incendiaries, inclusive of ones addressing the chemistry of filler thickening. Participating universities were Brown, Chicago, Harvard, and Stanford. Harvard, in affiliation with the Factory Mutual Research Corporation and Arthur D. Little, Inc.

, led the group. Other laboratories included those of Du Pont, Eastman Kodak, Ferro Enamel, Foster Wheeler, Monsanto, Morgan Construction, Nuodex Products, Standard Oil Development, Standard Products, Texas Company, and Victor Chemical Works. Du Pont chemists focused on an isobutyl methacrylate polymer (discussed as an IM filler) that, while used for the large AN-M47, was in great need by plastics manufactories for other war items and was therefore not used for the small non-magnesium incendiary. Standard Oil tried a sodium soap process. Chemists at Arthur D. Little, Inc., and at Harvard University used aluminum naphthenate modified with added aluminum soap; Napalm was their refined result. Variants of the Napalm- thickener were also developed by Du Pont, Standard Oil, and Nuodex.

The next issue was that of military procurement. Naphthenic acid was commonly used as a paint drier and was a by-product of the petroleum refining process. Producing Napalm, however, was never a simple process for contractors. At the outset of only one manufacturer was in full production; nine companies would participate in the manufacture by including Nuodex, Imperial Paper and Color (New Jersey), Ferro Enamel and McGean Chemical (Ohio), United Wallpaper (Illinois), and California Ink and Oronite Chemical (California) . Very quickly research was initiated to develop a small oil bomb using Napalm.

The primary contract for the Napalm-thickened gasoline incendiary went to Standard Oil (Noyes Brophy, Miles, and Cochrane Early in the war, while studies toward Napalm incendiaries were in progress, the Allied military forces concentrated their efforts on achieving quick production of a small magnesium bomb. Germany's incendiary bombing of London in September had established the effectiveness of the weapon; soon the American Ordnance Department undertook production of a four-pound magnesium bomb modeled directly after the British Mark II/A. Full research, development, and testing responsibilities shifted to the The bomb's assignment was planned for the U.S. Army and Navy, as well as shipment of materiel to Britain.

This first small American DUGWAY PROVING GROUND, GERMAN-JAPANESE VILLAGE BAER NO. UT-l' . 92. (Page 8) incendiary was named the A (Army) N (Navy) -MSO; procurement clearance was official in July The following AN-MSOAl (Alteration 1) was 22 inches long and three inches thick; its thermite-type filling, combined with a barium nitrate and aluminum mixture, (therm-8/thermate) burned one to two minutes, while the magnesium cast casing burned an additional six to seven minutes. Production began in spring and substantial quantities were shipped to Britain. For most of however, the AAF adopted the British medium 30-pound incendiary, the Mark IV, and the large pound incendiary, the Mark II; these stockpiles were only marginally adequate.

The next step was the shipment of American casings for the 70-pound AN-M47 which were then filled with British chemicals. The_AN-MSOAl was the key incendiary in fire bombings of Germany during with the improved AN-MSOA2 replacing it in autumn The AAF did not rely on the AN-MSO incendiary until adequate clustering was achieved in late the AN-MSOA2 was retired from use that same year (Standard Oil Development Company August Brophy, Miles and Cochrane Kleber and Birdsell The scarcity of magnesium in inhibited the initial American production of the AN-MSO bomb. To correct the situation, CWS developed a substitute incendiary, the AN-M54. Designed in October the AN-M54 was identical to the AN-MSO in its size, design, and filling, but had a steel, rather than a magnesium, case.

The manufacture of the AN-M54 out paced that of the AN-MSO; however, when magnesium again became available in late most of the AN- MS4 bombs went unused and were put into storage. The single prominent exception was the use of the AN-M54 for Doolittle's incendiary bombings over Tokyo, Kobe, Yokohama, and Nagoya in April the first such bombings of Japan. Shortly following the A,N- MSO, and technically preceding the development of the AN-MS4, the two-pound magnesium AN-M52 was developed as a very light-weight incendiary capable of achieving a high striking velocity in static free-fall; the AN-M52 was an early effort to address the problematic light construction of Japanese cities.

In the incendiary bombing of Japan, the AN-MSO often penetrated too deeply, lodging in the ground underneath light-frame city housing. Modeled after the German 2.2-pound (one-kilo) magnesium bomb (the Bl) which had proved deadly over Britain, the AN-M52 greatly DUGWAY PROVING GROUND, GERMAN-JAPANESE VILLAGE HAER NO. UT-~.s , (Page 9) simplified small bomb design of this period. The white-glow fire created by the magnesium bomb was particularly damaging to German urban residential construction. Its heavy steel nose effectively penetrated the masonry roofs and thick wood timbering predominant in almost all neighborhoods. Nevertheless, its velocity of 325 feet per second made the bomb unstable in flight, a problem which could never really be corrected.

The AN-M52 continued to be tested through but was finally set aside in favor of a non-magnesium bomb, the AN-M69 (Fire Warfare The Chemical Warfare Service in World War II Brophy, Miles, and Cochrane The CWS enhanced the fire-producing value of these first four-pound incendiaries by clustering them together with end plates, longitudinal bars, and steel straps. The clustering devices, called adapters, allowed the earliest configuration of the AN-MSO and AN-M54 to be clustered into 34- and 128-unit bundles. Clustered individual bombs also received formal designation, developed through an M-series of cluster adapters, with the entire clustered incendiary bomb given an AN and M-series name.

Thus, the first AN-MSO and AN-M54 four-pound bombs were alternately discussed in their packaging as the AN-M6 and AN-M7. The first bombs were of the quick-opening type, a less sophisticated technology and reasonably suited to low- and medium-altitude bombing. As bombing shifted to higher altitudes, dropped incendiaries tended to scatter ineffectively. The CWS responded by developing the E-series of adapters which partially corrected the situation by using an explosive-stimulated, delayed opening. Ultimately, incendiary designers made a full shift to an aimable clustering device, similar to the quick-opening type, but with cylindrical casing, nose and tail fin, and a substantially longer free-fall before the explosive-stimulated opening.

The most effective magnesium bomb of this type was the AN-Ml7Al, used from January through the close of the war. The AN-Ml7Al was a 490-pound bomb comprised of 110 four-pound individual incendiaries. A final variant on the use of the AN-MSO was the development of a site-explosive incendiary. In this type, a few individual magnesium bombs provided explosive powder charges that ignited from the heat of the filling after landing on the target. Indistinguishable from the ordinary four- pound incendiaries, these surprise bombs discouraged local fire fighting and resulted in fires which were more difficult to DUGWAY PROVING GROUND, GERMAN-JAPANESE VILLAGE HAER NO. UT-~(/ (Page 10) extinguish.

The CWS standardized this individual magnesium bomb in late as the AN-MSOX (explosive)-A3, packaging it in the quick- opening AN-M6 (28 non-explosive individual bombs; six explosive) and AN-M7 clusters non-explosive; 26 explosive), and in the aimable AN-M71 cluster (88 non-explosive; 22 explosive) (Brophy, Miles and Cochrane The key CWS development in incendiaries came with the AN-M69. In reaction to the magnesium shortages in the contracted with the Standard Oil Development Company to develop a small, steel-cased gasoline bomb. With the experimental discovery of Napalm for the AN-M4 7, the logical path directed research and testing toward a Napalm filler for the desired small oil incendiary.

When lodged in a structural space of difficult access, a gasoline gel filler produced a high percentage of Class A fires (fires which, within six minutes, could not be controlled by civilians). Standard Oil calculated that optimal results required the following: a small oil bomb to penetrate the roof; come to rest in a horizontal position on the attic floor or rafters; eject the burning Napalm from the incendiary's tail, coordinated by a delayed fuse, so that it would strike an object, adhere, and initiate combustion on the underside of the roof. The distance the jellied gasoline traveled was important, first estimated as a possible 300-foot parameter.

As finalized, the AN-M69 ejected its flaming Napalm, held together in a sock, 150 feet or the shorter distance of an encountered object, acting like a small mortar. Six-to-eight-foot flames at the burn site were immediate. Beginning in Standard Oil comprehensively tested three versions of the AN-M69. The first weighed five pounds and exhibited highly unstable flight characteristics; the second weighed 7.5 pounds but had a penetration velocity greater than that desired for use in the Pacific theater. The manufactured AN-M69 came in at 6.2 pounds, after over individual bombs, in and 60-bomb configurations of the and 500-pound class, had been tested. In the AN-M69, a hexagonal thin steel case measuring 2 7/a by 19 ~ inches held 2.6 pounds of Napalm.

The AN-M69 was used in both quick-opening and aimable clusters, with the Ml9 (E46) aimable, 38-incendiary, 425-pound cluster used in greatest quantity. Aimable AN-M69 clusters attained considerable velocities when dropped from higher altitudes, a situation that required DUGWAY PROVING GROUND, GERMAN-JAPANESE VILLAGE HAER NO. UT- ~Ci (Page 11) multiple modifications of their slowing tail streamers. The bomb was evaluated as effective not just in Asian light-weight residential construction, but also in 80 to 85 percent of German industrial construction and 90 to 95 percent of Japanese industrial construction. Its aimability equaled that of incendiaries in the 100-pound class, therefore, it could be used in either area bombing or precision target bombing.

A could deliver 40 typically set to open at feet altitude No. 14 September Fire Warfare Noyes The Chemical Warfare Service in World War II, Brophy, Miles, and Cochrane The 'AAF' used the AN-M69 chiefly in the intense final firebombing of Japan during the first half of the U.S. dropped over tons of AN-M69 aimable clusters over Japanese cities. Although the and Air Forces, as well as the XX Bomber Command, dropped the AN-M69, it was the XXI Bomber Command based in the Mariana Islands that employed the incendiary to high levels of destruction. Captured in late the Marianas made possible the construction of bases sufficiently close to Japan for the concentration of incendiary bombings.

The XXI covered large square-mile areas of 27 Japanese cities during January into mid-June dropping about tons of AN-M69 clusters (augmented with tons of the AN-M50 and nearly tons of the AN-M47). The bombers dropped another tons of AN-M69s on Japan during the final two months of the war, before the conclusive drops of atomic bombs on Hiroshima and Nagasaki. Cities receiving over tons of the small oil bomb in single raids before mid- year included Tokyo (four raids; about tons dropped), Nagoya (two raids; about tons), Yokohama (one raid; tons), Osaka (one raid; tons), and Kobe (one raid; tons). The first delivery of more than tons of AN-M69s in the Tokyo raid of March 9, signified a change of tactics as well as the use of increased tonnage.

Major General Curtis LeMay began flying low- level (usually feet versus the standard feet) area bombings, bringing in almost 300 and destroying over one-quarter of a million buildings within a 16 square-mile zone. LeMay also had his aircraft swarm rather than flying in formation. The carried a greatly increased incendiary payload due to the removal of heavy armament. In May, spaced just a day apart, LeMay sent in 520 and 464 bombers, destroying 22 DUGWAY PROVING GROUND, GERMAN-JAPANESE VILLAGE HAER NO. UT-~~!2, (Page 12) square miles of the same city. Neither Hiroshima nor Nagasaki were among the fire-bombed cities; those that had been were more than 40 percent destroyed.

Total incendiary tonnage dropped over 69 Japanese cities during the war eclipsed approximately Japanese were left homeless (Fire Warfare The Chemical Warfare Service in World War II Brophy, Miles, and Cochrane Kleber and Birdsell The difference between these incendiary attacks and the destruction of the atomic blasts have been noted to be "largely academic" (Overy The single most destructive air raid ever, Hiroshima and Nagasaki not exempted, was carried out the night of March 9 and 10, against Tokyo. Estimates of the loss of life that night surpass In the summer, an air raid on Toyama destroyed percent of the built environment (Kennett The CWS developed several small incendiaries near the end of the war based on the AN-M69 which itself was infrequently deployed.

The improved 7.2-pound AN-M69X, which incorporated the explosive charge to discourage local fire-fighting, was supplied to the field but was never used operationally. The final small incendiary developed during World War II for use with light-framed Japanese construction was the AN-M74. As with the AN-M69X, the AN-M74 used an explosive charge, but also included a cap of white phosphorus which produced a thick smoke screen, hindering the sight and breathing of fire-fighting personnel. The AN-M74 dispersed its PT filling widely as a lava-like matter, clinging tenaciously to everything it encountered; the PT filling had an ability to react with water, therefore, it was almost impossible to put out fires begun with this filler.

The AN-M74 did not achieve large-scale production until early and so was used only in limited quantities during the final months of the war (Fire Warfare The Chemical Warfare Service in World War II Brophy, Miles, and Cochrane Staging Tests at German-Japanese Village The successful development of AN-M50s, AN-M52s, AN-M54s, AN-M69s, and AN-M74s almost immediately required the test bombing of full- scale infrastructure. After entering the war at the close of DUGWAY PROVING GROUND, GERMAN-JAPANESE VILLAGE HAER NO. UT-~'1~ (Page 13) and following Dr. Zanetti's opening dialogues with British military scientists on the development of a small magnesium incendiary, the CWS initiated testing through its contractors.

The Standard Oil Development Company was responsible for the prototype experiments which began in the winter of Building very small, open, half-attic structures, Standard Oil gathered data by varying the size and placement of floor joists, situating floor boarding above and then below the joists, and adding a lath and plaster ceiling below the flooring. Roofs were initially constructed at a 45 degree angle, assuming an ultimate roof pitch of and used a repeated patterning of rafters, battens, and corrugated transite sheathing. Transite sheathing was a partially translucent synthetic material. Scientists placed fuel under the eaves in static positions, mortar-ejecting it into the underside of the roof.

Jellied gasoline was soon interpreted as far more likely than pure gasoline to start destructive fires. Standard Oil recorded the rates of burning, focusing on the time elapsed for fires to reach containable low points, or alternately, for the structures to collapse. The earliest half-attic test structures primarily served as models for light-framed Japanese construction, an extension of Standard Oil's responsibilities of developing the AN-M69. It was learned that (1) heat radiation was dramatically reinforced through more than one burning surface and from more than one source of fuel, and (2) the initiation of a destructive fire could be calculated algebraically from the weight of jellied gasoline in an incendiary and its distance from roof eaves before ejection.

The Factory Mutual Research Corporation, in affiliation with Harvard University, also conducted testing with about 10 small half-attic structures; however, their testing quickly concentrated on industrial rather than domestic fire starting (Fire Warfare . The Standard Oil Company graduated from testing conducted with small half-attic structures to erecting sections of various domestic and industrial roof types based on Axis parameters. These roof sections were both pitched and horizontal. Standard Oil conducted these tests by setting up a vertical mortar device above the roof sections and-then-gathering systematic data on the small incendiaries' abilities to penetrate when fired at the calculated bomber-dropped velocity.

Each of the small incendiaries were DUGWAY PROVING GROUND, GERMAN-JAPANESE VILLAGE HAER NO. OT-"'3-5-92_ (Page 14} tested in this manner with parallel tests conducted by the Factory Mutual group. Using the AN-MSO, AN-M52, AN-M69, AN-M69X, and AN- basic penetration was achieved through metal-sheet, asbestos- sheet, wood-plank, slate-on-wood sheathing, tile-on-wood battens, hollow-tile, and lightweight reinforced-concrete roofing. Standard Oil set up both its half-attic tests and its roof-section tests in Elizabeth, New Jersey, at what was then known as the Bayway-Linden site of its Esso laboratories.

Located just outside New York City, the Bayway-Linden site is today a medium-sized refinery operation which has recently been sold by Exxon (the successor to Esso) (Fire Warfare Upton While Standard. Oil and the Factory Mutual Research Corporation conducted their first structure tests for experimental incendiaries, the CWS undertook building tests of its own. The methods and needs of the CWS were different than those of the contractors, even though their ultimate purposes were closely related. In early the CWS started testing the AN-M47, the AN-MSO, the AN-M52, and the AN-M54 at selected Army arsenals and established proving grounds. The CWS selected existing farm buildings that were sited on Army property and typically predated government occupation by a century or more.

Test structures were typically wood-framed houses, barns, granaries, and outbuildings. The CWS conducted both static and flyover tests. The static tests involved the firing of incendiaries inside the buildings and the recording of basic data. The flyover tests were not as successful due to the low number of fires started, but valuable information was gained on penetration. Bombing altitudes were generally low, usually feet, with a few later tests flown at and feet. The CWS held tests in March likely the very earliest tests documented, at Edgewood Arsenal in Maryland. Test operations were set up on Gunpowder Neck, an eight-mile long peninsula occupied by Caucasian and black settlements from the to centuries.

These tests focused on the AN-M47 and proved conclusively that a pure gasoline filling was completely ineffective when juxtaposed with a plastic or Napalm incendiary. Testing then shifted to the even larger and 500-pound -incendiaries. The CWS had more tests underway with farm buildings at the Huntsville Arsenal in Alabama in April where testing shifted to the small incendiaries. By the summer of tests DUGWAY PROVING GROUND, GERMAN-JAPANESE VILLAGE HAER NO. UT- ~"1 (Page 15} with both large and small incendiaries were in progress at the Jefferson Proving Ground in Indiana. Because the CWS did not contract out the filling of the large incendiaries, they were much more closely involved in all tests relating to the munition.

Although the behavior of reinforced concrete and steel was studied closely at an early date, data taken from the farm buildings' destruction was at best vague and pointed to the need for authenticating targeted German and Japanese construction (Fire Warfare The Chemical Warfare Service in World War II Noyes Although both the Factory Mutual Research Corporation and the CWS went on to build furnished German and Japanese single rooms for incendiary experiments, the Standard Oil Development Company took the lead in establishing full-scale scientific structural testing. Company architect, John F. Brandt, designed three German residential buildings, representative of typical residential structures found in the Rhineland (West Germany), Central Germany, and East Germany.

Each structure was similar in design and construction; the Rhineland test building was constructed first in January while the Central Germany test structure was under construction by February A group of ex-German architects participated in the verification of specific design and engineering details; an affiliation with Harvard University is documented, as well as the substantial involvement of the expatriated German architects Eric Mendelsohn and Konrad Wachsmann. Standard Oil built two of the three test structures at the Bayway-Linden site, with pronounced spatial constraints on the property.

Each structure was one and one-half stories in height, an expansion of the earlier half-attic idea, and represented the second story and attic of what would have actually been two and one-half story buildings in urban Germany. The Rhineland structure featured a space approximately 16' wide by 3 o' long, divided into two finished, equal-sized rooms. This configuration was very similar to what would later be built as the kitchen and dining rooms in the Dugway German Village apartment block. Critical attention was given to structural details, including roofing, flooring, and the mortising and tenoning of all joints. These structures served as precursors to the construction at Dugway. The Rhineland structure was constructed with a slate roof.

Design of the Central and East DUGWAY PROVING GROUND, GERMAN-JAPANESE VILLAGE HAER NO. UT-~q2,_ (Page 16) German structures focused on tile roofs, with heavier rafters and flooring more widely spaced than in the Rhineland structure. The distinction between the Central and East German structures was in the tile-the Central German structure exhibited a flat shingle tile, while the East German structure used a curved, s-shaped tile. Heavy stud-framing replaced brick masonry on the first story in order to simplify construction; this was then calculated into the penetration tests. The actual German structures targeted for bombing had thick, brick outer walls and multiple inner fire walls, as did the final test structures constructed at Dugway.

Early tests on the Rhineland structure caused the addition of a 4 -high 1 brick course in the attic of the Central German structure in order to simulate the conditions of authentic brick party wall construction. Another important distinction between the German test structures erected at Bayway-Linden and those that followed at Dugway was an adjusted eaves length to end wall ratio; at Bayway- Linden the ratio was only 1:2 rather than the authentic In the construction of both the Rhineland and the Central German test structures, Standard Oil used a Southern Loblolly pine which was artificially force dried in order to imitate the actual German pine and spruce.

As the analysis of the moisture content of German woods became more sophisticated, the builders at Dugway replaced Loblolly pine with Douglas fir (Standard Oil Development Company Penetration of and Bombs April Standard Oil Development Company July Fire Warfare The full-scale, two-and-one-half story German and Japanese test structures were under construction during the spring of at the recently established CWS Dugway Proving Ground in Utah. These buildings included the single German building of the German Village, also called Structure A, and the 12 buildings in the Japanese Village, also called JA and JB structures (see drawing HAER No. UT-35, Sheet 1 of 1). By May the Rhineland and Central German test structures at Bayway-Linden were completed and actively in test use.

Corporate documentation is unclear as to whether or not the East German test structure was actually built, but remains present at the site until the late indicated that only two structures were erected. At Dugway, Standard Oil did not build an East German test unit. More than likely the similarities between the Central and East German urban residential construction DUGWAY PROVING GROUND, GERMAN-JAPANESE VILLAGE HAER NO. UT-~q2. (Page 17) had argued for limiting the German Village to only slate-roofed and tile-roofed apartment blocks with common party walls. As a result, Standard Oil could only compare test data from the Dugway German Village to its Rhineland and Central German structures at Bayway- 'Linden.

From mid-May through January the the and Standard Oil conducted detailed static mortar tests at Bayway- Linden and flyover bombings at Dugway, focusing on the AN-M50, AN- AN-M54, AN-M69, AN-M69X, and AN-M74. The first significant mortar tests at Bayway-Linden occurred in early spring of A moveable mortar fired the AN-M50, AN-M69, and AN-M69X into the rafters, between rafters, and into other predetermined points along the ridgepole and eaves of the Rhineland structure. Standard Oil mounted the mortar vertically at 35' above the Rhineland structure roof, recording the angle of penetration through high-speed photography and the velocity using a chronograph.

Each test structure was encased in a roofless, box-like reinforced concrete enclosure, approximately five stories high, with partially open faces on two sides. Experimental mortar-fire velocities closely approximated known velocities achieved through bombing flyovers at Edgewood, Jefferson, and Huntsville. Standard Oil used inert incendiaries to test penetration. Performance characteristics (fuse functioning, Napalm ejection, ignition of Napalm) were also recorded for the AN-M69 and AN-M69X. Data gathered was basic, concentrating on the number of su ccessful penetrations, their locations in the roof structure, and the whereabouts and intensity of resulting destructive fires.

Standard Oil expanded the testing with the Central German structure to include the British Mark IV (a near equivalent to the AN-M50) and the AN-M74. Attention was focused on yaw, or the wobble of the falling incendiary, and an attempt was made to establish at what altitude (simulated through preset velocity} the AN-M69 was assuredly stable and achieved penetration of the roof and fixture into the attic roof.

Standard Oil used the Bayway-Linden test data to set up increasingly sophisticated, precision-measured experiments at the Dugway German Village (Standard Oil Development Company Penetration of and Bombs April Standard Oil Development Company July Fire Warfare Upton Incendiary tests at the German-Japanese Village at Dugway began immediately upon the completion of construction in May The DUGWAY PROVING GROUND, GERMAN-JAPANESE VILLAGE HAER NO. UT-3-S...'12 {Page 18) CWS erected the proving ground's first buildings and target grids in June and July A final planning meeting held at the Edgewood Arsenal in late April outlined the tests, planning to use dummy bombs for first phase penetration experiments (with all furniture removed} and live incendiaries for destruction data.

At the outset, the CWS and intended to test the full range of small and large incendiaries on the Dugway test structures, prioritizing their ordering from the AN-M50, the British Mark IV, the AN-M69, the AN-M74, the AN-M54, the AN-M52, aimable clusters of the AN-M50 and AN-M69, the British Mark IV (the 30-pound bomb), the AN-M47 (the 70-pound bomb), the planned 500-pound oil bomb, the planned 500-pound magnesium bomb, the AN-M69X, and the AN-MSOX. As actually executed, only the small American magnesium and oil incendiaries were tested at Dugway, since it was assumed that dropping of the 500-pound incendiaries would completely destroy the test structures.

From May 17 through July 16, the and Standard Oil jointly conducted the initiating incendiary test series, involving 125 men as spotters, evaluators, fire fighters, and munitions handlers. The Wendover Bombing Range provided bombers and crews for the experiments. These first tests addressed basic experimental parameters for the AN-MSO, NA-M52, NA-M54, and NA-M69, which were dropped in quick-opening clusters. While it was concluded that the AN-M50 was a highly effective weapon against German industrial-area housing, the summarized recommendations pointed toward the AN-M69 as the key incendiary for both Germany and Japan. Further recommendations included a full-scale AN-M69 operational trial against a German city, followed by a NA-M69 attack.

The key test series of the summer came between July 30 and August 8, and was.dedicated to the AN-MSOAl in the aimable E4 cluster. Preliminary tests used an open, flat clay target, staked in yard grids; bombers dropped AN-M50s and sand-and-gravel filled AN- M38A2s in alternation in order to set up baseline data. These tests were flown at altitudes of and feet, with clusters adjusted for release at and feet. During the second phase of the late summer test, bombers dropped live AN-MS-OA1sonthe German-Japanese Village from a uniform feet, with fuses releasing at feet. These experiments correlated (l} the square area over which bombs were dispersed DUGWAY PROVING GROUND, GERMAN-JAPANESE VILLAGE HAER NO.

UT-~~2_ (Page 19) with their altitude of release (inclusive of bomb yaw); (2) dispersal, altitude, and penetration achieved (where and how the bombs came to rest on, in, or under the test structure); and (3) dispersal, altitude, penetration, and number of destructive fires started. Although tests offered valuable information, the number of actual destructive fires started was low for both the German and Japanese structures (Standard Oil Development Company Memorandum to Arthur D. Little Company April No. 713 May-July Standard Oil Development Company August No. 14 September Baum Live incendiary tests continued at the German-Japanese Village at Dugway in late concentrating on the Japanese test structure.

Between September 19 and November 10 the and Standard Oil tested the AN-M69X, reflecting a substantial change in its priority ranking as a potential first-rate munition. Again testing was set in phases with both dummy and live components. Preliminary tests used the clay flats grid. Bombs were separated into three lots, each painted a different color for easier spotter and evaluator identification. Following testing, the AN-M69X was recommended for further improvements, by inclusion of a white phosphorous cap to confuse firefighters, and immediate mass production for use against both Germany and Japan. All previous tests of the experimental AN-M69X had occurred at the Edgewood Arsenal and the Standard Oil Bayway-Linden site.

The Dugway AN- tests were both static and flyover in type, with combined inert and live individual bomb features to control the data gathering. Flown from feet, the bomber drops again did minimal physical damage to the test structures due to the small number of direct hits. No testing occurred on the German structure over the winter; incendiary testing shifted to data gathering on the effective bombing of light-framed structures. The CWS conducted a static test series on the Japanese structure in January using the AN-M69, and extensive flyover tests in May using three experimental versions of the AN-M74 (with Napalm and PT fillers, and all with the white phosphorous component). The tests utilized both inert and live bombs and resulted in very few direct live hits on the German structure.

None of the German-structure hits produced destructive (Class A) fires; however, hits on the Japanese structure did produce Class A fires, demonstrating the DUGWAY PROVING GROUND, GERMAN-JAPANESE VILLAGE HAER NO. UT-"3-i-tqz_ (Page 20) greater effectiveness of the PT filler on the light-weight construction. Tests continued on the AN-M74 in late summer. During these experiments both the German and Japanese structures sustained destructive hits; the damage done to the German structure was attributed primarily to the seasonal dryness of its wood framing. Resulting recommendations were for the use of the AN-M74 for destruction of light-framed (Japanese) construction. In the late summer tests, fully half of the Japanese test structure (one of two multi-unit blocks) burned to the ground.

Tests continued in autumn, with two series for the AN-M69 and AN-M69X, and one for a modified AN-M50A2. Although some damage was caused to the German structure, it was far from destroyed; the intent of these tests was to complete experimentation on the Japanese structure 3 The modified AN-M50A2, a lighter version of the incendiary, proved unstable, and was subsequently removed from consideration. Concluding tests were flown at an altitude of feet No. 15 December No. 36 September Nos. 38 and 39 December No. 37 January Baum With the war deeply in progress by the Dugway tests were conducted in an acutely foreshortened time frame of less than 18 months, therefore, testing was concentrated into short, intense test series.

Four test series occurred during the second half of focusing on the relative merits of the AN-M50 and the AN-M69. During this period, recommendations consistently emphasized use of the AN-M69 over the AN-M50 in Germany and Japan. In all Dugway tests focused on the Japanese structure, with only incidental information gathered from hits on the German structure. The later series of tests, five in number, perfected information on the AN-M69 and explored more tentatively the characteristics of the AN-M69X and the AN-M74. 3 Employees of the builder of these facilities, the Ford J. Twaits Company, of Salt Lake City, not only undertook original construction but also repaired the German Village as needed and repeatedly rebuilt the Japanese Village.

DUGWAY PROVING GROUND, GERMAN-JAPANESE VILLAGE HAER NO. UT-~Q? ~ ( Page 21) At some point during early a reversal of decision occurred; the Napalm bombs of the AN-M69 and AN-M69X were no longer tested on the German structure nor recommended for use in Germany. No operational trial or full-scale attack using the AN-M69 ever took place in Germany. The decision to deploy only the AN-MSO in Europe directly contradicted the recommendations resulting from the Dugway tests. At some date it was decided that the destruction caused by the AN-MSO was sufficient, that neither an acceleration of the destruction nor an increase was merited in Germany.

A reluctance to use the AN-M69 in Japan is suggested by the late attempts to develop a lighter, more effective AN-MSO appropriate to Asian construction; these attempts failed and the AN-M69 was dropped in Japan. What is notable here is not that the AN-M69 was used on Japan, for it was highly suited to the light-framed wood buildings under attack, but that this Napalm-filled weapon was absolutely not used on Germany, even in the face of potential military gains. Summary The Department of Defense gathered valuable data through the incendiary testing conducted at the Dugway Proving Ground in 44. Tests on the German-Japanese Village primarily focused on the relative strengths and weaknesses of two small incendiaries, the AN-MSO series and the AN-M69 series.

Testing determined that the AN-MSO was a sufficient weapon for use with the heavily constructed German buildings. However, the military agencies discovered that when adjusted through the parameters of altitudes flown, timing of cluster opening, delayed fuses, type of filler, and augmentation through fire-fighting retardants such as white phosphorous and a certain number of surprise exploding incendiaries, the.AN-M69 was the more effective weapon, for both the heavily constructed German buildings and the light-frame Japanese structures. In contradiction to these recommendations, not a single AN-M69 was ever dropped in Germany. Late attempts to lighten the AN-MSO so that it would be affective against Japanese light-framed buildings failed and the AN-M69 was utilized in Japan.

The time frame for the test efforts conducted at Dugway was very short, with multiple, intense pressures; science off set these DUGWAY PROVING GROUND, GERMAN-JAPANESE VILLAGE HAER NO. UT-J-S...92_ (Page 22) pressures, as did the expertise of ex-German professionals in architecture, engineering, construction, and interior design. The understanding of architectural-engineering design, craftsmanship, materials, climate, and regional locations supported the precision of the gathered data. The joint efforts of the and Standard Oil proved the value of incrementally augmented scientific efforts, paralleling other efforts made during World War II. DUGWAY PROVING GROUND, GERMAN-JAPANESE VILLAGE HAER NO. UT-"'S,SQQ_ (Page 23) II. SOURCES OF INFORMATION Published sources Kennett, Lee.

a History of Strategic Bombing. New York: Charles Scribner's Sons. Overy, The Air War, New York: Stein and Day. Government Documents Baum, Bernard. March 1, History of Research and Development of the Chemical Warfare Service in World War II (1 July - 31 December Volume 23: Dugway Proving Ground. Edgewood Arsenal, Maryland: Historical Branch, Chemical Corps School. Brophy, Leo P., Wyndham D. Miles, and Rexmond C. Cochrane. The United States Anny in World War II. The Technical Services. The Chemical Warfare Service: From Laboratory to Field. Washington, Office of the Chief of Military History. Building Technology Incorporated. July Historic Properties Report. Dugway Proving Ground, Utah. Silver Spring, Maryland: Building Technology Incorporated for the National Park Service.

The Chemical Warfare Service in World War II. A Report of Accomplishments. New York: Reinhold Publishing ~orporation. No. 14. September 6, Tests of E4 Aimable Clusters of Incendiary Bombs AN-M50Al. Dugway Proving Ground Special Report No.14. Dugway Proving Ground: Chemical Warfare Service. _ _ _ _~. No. 15. December 22, Tests of Incendiary Bombs. Dugway Proving Ground Special Report No. 15. Dugway Proving Ground: Chemical Warfare Service. DUGWAY PROVING GROUND, GERMAN-JAPANESE VILLAGE HAER NO. UT-3-S. '1L {Page 24) _ _ _ _ . No. 36. September 18, Test of the M74 Incendiary Bomb in EGO Aimable Cluster. Dugway Proving Ground Special Report No.36. Dugway Proving Ground: Chemical Warfare Service. No. 37.

January 10, Penetration into Light Structures, Functioning and Flight Stability of Modified AN- MSOA2 Bombs When Released from Aimable Clusters. Dugway Proving Ground Special Report No. 3 7. Dugway Proving Ground: Chemical Warfare Service. _ _ _ _ . No. 38. December 11, Functioning and Dispersion of Bomb when Released from Aimable Clusters into a Ground Target. No. 39. December 20, and January 9, Penetration of the AN-M69 and Incendiary Bombs in to Japanese Structures when Released from Aimable Clusters; supplement. Fire Warfare. Incendiaries and Flame Throwers. Summary Technical Report of Division 11, Volume 3. Washington, D. C. : Off ice of Scientific Research and Development/National Defense Research Committee. Gaul, Alfred E. and Leo Finkelstein.

January 31, History of Research and Development of the Chemical Warfare Service in World War II (1 July - 31 December Volume 18, Part V: Incendiaries. Army Chemical Center, Maryland: Chemical Corps Chemical and Radiological Laboratories. Kleber, Brooks E. and Dale Birdsell. The United States Army in World War II. The Technical Services. The Chemical Warfare Service: Chemicals in Combat. Washington, Office of the Chief of Military History. Noyes, W.A. Jr. (ed.). Science in World War II. Chemistry. A History of the Chemistry Components of the National Defense Research Committee Boston: Little, Brown and Company. DUGWAY PROVING GROUND, GERMAN-JAPANESE VILLAGE HAER NO. UT-~'1'"'l (Page 25) No.

July Test of Incendiary Bombs AN-M50Al, AN-M52, AN-M54, and AN-M69 at Dugway Proving Ground, Simpson Springs, Utah. 17 May 16 July Technical Division Memorandum Report No. Washington, Office of Scientific Research and Development, National Defense Research Council. Contractor Documents Produced for the Government Standard Oil Development Company. April 15, Penetration of and Bombs into Typical Rhineland Structure. Elizabeth, New Jersey: Standard Oil Development Company . . April 26, Memorandum to Arthur D. Little Company, Cambridge, Massachusetts. Elizabeth, New Jersey: Standard Oil Development Company. August 28, Incendiary Tests Dugway Proving Ground, Utah. May 17 to July 16, Elizabeth, New Jersey: Standard Oil Development Company. _ _ _ _ .

July 30, Penetration and Performance Tests of Small Incendiary Bombs in a Typical Central German Structure. Elizabeth, New Jersey: Standard Oil Development Company. Oral Interviews Upton, Tom. July 10, Telephone interview with Karen J. Weitze. Drafting-engineering department, TOSCO refinery, Bayway- Linden, New Jersey. III. PROJECT INFORMATION The HAER documentation for the German Village at the Dugway Proving Ground is in response to Section 110 of the National .Historic Preservation Act. Although no immediate undertakings affecting the structures or the site are planned, this documentation effort was DUGWAY PROVING GROUND, GERMAN-JAPANESE VILLAGE HAER NO. UT-'3ii;Cf)~ {Page 26} conducted by the U.S.

Army and Dugway Proving Ground as a proactive measure in the event future undertakings do impact the German Village. The measured drawings were completed by Joe Freeman, Architect and Historical Architect. Mr. Freeman also took the large-format photographs of the buildings in the German Village Complex. The research for the written historical and descriptive data was conducted by Architectural Historian Karen J. Weitze, with contributions by Mr. Freeman. Dr. Weitze is the author of the written documentation.