Racine County, Wisconsin - Chapter 14: Racine's Financial Offering, 1920
From Racine County in the World War; a History, published 1920. 6,129 words, reproduced complete and unedited. Source changes inside the text are labelled in place.
Contents
3 sectionsThe section headings the book prints inside this chapter. Each one jumps to where it begins.
The text
6,129 wordsMachine-read from scans of Racine County in the World War; a History, published 1920. Nothing has been corrected: fixing what looks like a misspelled name is how an invented one gets published. Source changes are marked where they occur.
Chapter 14: Racine's Financial Offering
THERE were many remarkable features connected with the financing of the war by the sale of government bonds to the people of the country. Racine county's experience in finance is like that of other places, excepting that it was a pioneer in some respects and conducted its campaigns more efficiently than most communities.
In previous wars it had been customary to sell war bonds to banking houses, which undertook to dispose of them, for a premium, to wealthy investors. Taking a hint from the methods used in Europe, the United States started out to make as many people as possible owners of the bonds. This would give every family a new sort of personal interest in the conflict and in the welfare of government. It offered additional opportunity for spreading government propaganda. Immense amounts must be paid in interest on the bonds, and it was felt that this should go to as many people as possible, inasmuch as everyone would have to assist in redeeming the paper later on. Instead of paying fiscal agents to sell them, the interest rate could be made more attractive to the prospective purchaser, at no greater cost to the government. Finally, it was believed that everyone was anxious to help as best he could, and the people would welcome this method of aiding the forces in the field.
The first big problem was that of educating the masses to the character and purpose of bonds. Probably not one in five hundred men had ever owned one. This universal ignorance of long term investments made the progress of the first loan slow. The difficulty decreased with each succeeding loan until by the time the Victory loan was floated in the spring of 1919 there was no one who did not know all about the advantages of government bonds.
The first loan demonstrated, however, that merely offering the bonds for sale at banks and other places would not answer the purpose. Volunteer salesmen must go into the offices and homes, explaining the project and appealing to the patriotism of the individuals. There wei'e few who could raise the objection of poverty, for the bonds were in denominations as low as $50 and $100, and were to be sold on the installment plan. By the practice of economy, which the nation demanded of everyone anyway, a bond was within the reach of all who were earning money or obtaining any sort of an income. To overcome the last possible obstacle, the banks were willing to loan money to those temporarily unable to buy, but who wanted to do so.
When the loans began to be floated, there was one question which was in the mind of thinking men: What effect will it have upon our banks to draw out these millions of dollars in deposits and have the vast sums sent away to be used for government purposes ? It did seem as though it might decrease the deposits to almost nothing. However, the banks saw their duty, and from the start of the war asked for no quarter in this respect. They knew the government must have the money, and if it closed them up in the process they would take their medicine. Incidentally, they proposed to handle the bookkeeping for the installment payments, and subscribe to large amounts of bonds themselves.
Without waiting to put the details in their proper chronological order, a summary of the effect of the bond sales upon the banks of the county will show the unexpected climax:
These figures indicate that the people of the county gained in actual money wealth something like $23,892,000 during the war, for the bonds they bought were as good as gold when the victory came to the banners of the American army. Of course there should be subti-acted from that amount the unknown sums previously hoarded in homes.
The people had more money than ever, the banks had prospered beyond all precedent, wages were high (and prices also) and all this in spite of the fact that the nation was turning its energies to the manufacture of things meant only for destruction, and 4,000,000 of the most efficient men of the nation had been engaged in unproductive employment in army and navy.
Before the war started in Europe, statesmen said it could not begin because the financial condition of the countries involved was too poor to permit of a titanic struggle such as was forecast.
After the war opened, many financiers said it could not continue many weeks, because every belligerent nation would be bankrupt and unable to supply their armies and navies with necessities.
They were wTong. No belligerent did without a single gun, a single ship or a single round of ammunition because of lack of money. Germany, suiTounded as she was by the encii'cling ring of her enemies, had millions and millions in gold ready to buy everything she needed if the means could only be found to import them. Great Britain and France were able to purchase every item they wanted in America and in other neutral countries. Their only limitation was in the number of vessels in which to carry the goods across the seas. They could have paid for any number of ships if there were any to be bought. The credit of every nation remained ample. All that was necessary was to mortgage the future for as many generations as was deemed sufficient. Lack of money did not bother them as much as it did the Confederate States, which fought for three years after they were bankrupt in 1862.
America had profited immensely from the war up to the time of her entry into it. Foreign gold and paper came in great quantities to pay for war supplies, and there was nothing the belligerent nations had to offer us in exchange for the goods, excepting money.
Our impoi'ts almost ceased. As a result our own money stayed at home. Millions of dollars annually remained here which in normal times would have been expended in foreign travel and for the pui-chase of such luxuries and souvenirs as travellers are accustomed to pui'chase.
The people of this country, watching the struggle abroad, were more cautious of expenditures. Factories were inclined to save their profits instead of expanding during such unsettled times Individuals cut down expenses.
When we entered the war the habits of economy became more pronounced among the masses. The government needed supplies pi'omptly and spent money lavishly to get cjuick results. Protected by government contracts, many manufacturing concerns expanded their plants and hired all the men they could get. Farmers raised more, and were paid higher rates than ever under government guarantee of prices. Everyone who worked prospered. Only the soldier, the sailor and the people living on small fixed incomes suffered financially from the war. As so often happens, some people made fortunes through favorable war contracts, and many, indeed, earned them by their services, sorely needed. Many wealthy men gave their services to the government at a salary of $1 a year.
In Racine, people who had been in the habit of spending their money in larger cities remained at home. Travelling was discouraged. Economy was urged. Money earned here was either spent here or banked. Factories making war supplies drew back to Racine much of the money which had been sent away for Liberty bonds. Other plants manufacturing lines outside of war supplies were busy supplying customers with tractors, farm machinery, motors, and hundreds of other products which were necessary to carrying on the nation's business.
They brought added millions of money to town. Even those concerns whose output was limited by government order appeared to prosper because of increased prices.
A vei-itable "wheel of fortune" resulted; a circular chain of finance. The people saved money and bought bonds, which enabled the government to buy supplies here and elsewhere, which gave local factories lots of work, which brought money to the city, which was paid out in wages and dividends, which were again invested in bonds, and so on. Just as the banks of Germany were overflowing vnth money after four years of devastating warfare, so the banks of Racine found themselves expanded beyond their wildest dreams by the very process which had seemed more likely to reduce them to the proportions of a village counting house.
Of course, some one has to pay for the expense of the war. Future generations of Americans will do it in part. The present generation is doing it now. But the customary post-war decrease in the value of money already has tended to make the burden much easier than might have been expected. It is not hard to pay a debt of $1 with a $1 which is worth only half in labor or goods what it was when the debt was contracted. In 1914 a dollar was a third of a day's pay for skilled mechanics in many lines. It was the equivalent of a bushel of wheat. In 1919 the dollar used to pay off the debt, was but a sixth of the same mechanic's daily wage. It took less than half a bushel of the fai-mer's wheat to pay off his dollar of indebtedness.
The United States financed the war largely by bonds. The five issues amounted to $18,- 500,000,000. The amount was huge, but every issue was over-subscribed. In the case of the last two or three, it required only a couple of weeks to sell them all.
For the entire country, the per capita sales averaged $162.54. In Racine county, the average sale per capita was $192.40, or 147 per cent of the amount of bonds allotted to the county. Of the total, the banks of the city of Racine themselves subscribed to $1,696,100. The other banks of the county took bonds worth $262,350. The city banks took rather more than their share according to the percentage of deposits, while those outside of the city took less. All together, they absorbed 11 Vs per cent of the county's total of bonds.
Following is a tabulation showing the dates of the various bond issues during the war, the amount of them allotted to this county, the number of individual purchasers, and the value of the bonds bought: was preparing to take a major part in the operations in France and the first large casualty lists were beginning to appear, the county subscribed to bonds amounting to 221 per cent of the quota assigned. There were 20,394 individual subscribers. This percentage was never equalled, but the total sales and number of subscribers was exceeded on the fourth loan, floated just at the time that Germany was being crushed beneath the weight of the American armies this money was helping to equip and supply.
It was decided to try selling the bonds over the counter at the banks. To assist in this, advertising space was used in newspapers and the banks themselves urged their customers to invest. In three weeks a third of the issue was sold, but as the campaign was to close June 15, it was realized that something must be done to speed matters up, and it was also appreciated that what was needed was the education of the people to both the necessity and the wisdom of buying the Liberty bonds.
It was to assist in the advertising of this loan that the huge Loyalty parade was held on May 29, 1917. Business was suspended and practically the entire city participated in this parade, despite a drizzling rain. On June 7 the loan committee called a meeting of a number of business men and it was decided to finish up the campaign -ttith a week's drive similar to those organized in years past to raise large sums of money for local institutions. In substance, this involved the appointment of a central executive board which would appeal to wealthy people and factories, and a large number of "teams" of five workers each, headed by a "major," who would by dint of numbers be able to make a rapid canvass of houses, stores and factories. This sort of organization was formed roughly and the members of the teams were carefully coached in the educational talks which must be given to the people, if the bonds were to be sold.
week, and not only that but the subscriptions were ahnost double the allotment. These pioneer workers had answered the question of how to do it, and thereafter the subscription of Liberty loans was never a matter for worry in Racine county.
Other problems than the mere amount of money to be gotten did arise, however. It was desired that everyone should become a partner of the government in this war enterprise, and as time went on the faithful solicitors not only tried to over-subscribe their quota, but they "hitched their wagon to a star" and proposed to devote their utmost efforts to see that everyone in the whole county owned at least one bond.
While this was not accomplished literally, perhaps, the total sales to 78,029 subscribers in five drives indicate that they did not fall far short of their goal. In the first loan little attempt was made to sell bonds outside of the city.
When announcement was made regarding the second loan, the people of this and every other community received a jolt. They had decided that by hard work they could duplicate the result of the first campaign, in spite of the fact that many had subscribed to an amount which they felt was their limit. But they drew a deep breath when they were informed that Racine county's quota this time would be three times as great as before, or $2,646,000. The solicitation of such an amount of money w-as by all odds the biggest thing ever attempted in the covmty. However, there was no faltering. It had to be done, and it was deemed wise to take another leaf from the book of peace-time solicitors and do it quickly. It was resolved to finish it in one week.
On Oct. 3, 1917, a meeting was held at the Commercial club to perfect an organization for selling the bonds. J. V. Rohan, John Dwight, Otis \V. Johnson, F. Lee Norton and Herbert F. Johnson formed the executive board. 0. W. Johnson was chosen as general chaii-man. J. V. Rohan was given charge of the work in the city, and Peter J. Myers of the woi-k in the rest of the county. John Weichers was to have charge of solicitation in factories. Mrs. John W. Owen, chainnan of the Woman's Committee of the Council of Defense agi'eed to organize the women to assist. At another meeting on Oct. 1.3 it was decided to incorporate the Boy Scout troops into the Liberty Loan organization, and they did fine work in all subsequent drives.
noon that day the captains of the various teams reported about $800,000, or veiy nearly a third of the quota, subscribed. By Thursday, Oct. 18, only $100,000 was needed. On the following day the quota was $125,000 over-subscribed, and the workers decided to keep on so as to overcome a possible shortage elsewhere. By Saturday night sales of $3,- 384,350 were recorded.
It was six months later when the third loan was floated, and Racine sui-passed all its previous records. The drive was fixed for the week beginning April 13. It opened with a half holiday. All places of business were closed in the afternoon, and at 2:30 o'clock there was a huge civic parade, headed by a naval band from Great Lakes naval station, and including nearly 16,000 men and women. More than 1,500 marched under the banner of the Red Cross society. Business institutions were represented by floats. Two features were a huge replica of a howitzer, and a "lifesized" tank, bristling with guns. These were made at the plant of the J. I. Case T. M. Co. After the parade a great mass meeting was held at Lakeside auditorium, where W. S. Goodland of Racine, Clarence Darrow of Chicago and others delivered patriotic addresses.
The first meeting and luncheon for workers was held the following day, Tuesday, and it was reported that sales of $1,000,000 worth of bonds had been made. Before the end of the week the whole quota was taken, and it was agreed to double it. The workers went at the job with a whoop, and continued the campaign for another five days until the total had reached $3,360,200, or 221 per cent of the allotment. Hardly a family could be found which had not invested in one or more bonds, and those who did fail to buy were marked from that time forth.
Just as the families who had boys in the ai-my would not give aid and sympathy to "slackers" desiring to evade sei-\'ice, so those who had "given until it hurt" would accept no excuses from those who v.-ere unwilling to loan their money to the government in time of need. Refusing to purchase a bond, or trying to sell it after it was purchased, was looked upon as a despicable act, and mere excuses did not sei-ve to clear the name of the offender. The selling of the bonds was discouraged because it was thus passed on to a person who might othei-wise have purchased from the government, and was now unable to do so.
Quota Sent Out September 6, 1917 From Board No. 1
There were iisted for entrainment the following: - Franit J. Kaiser, Edward Kunz, Charles L. Erickson, James Aceto, Jim Sabo, Herbert H. Stoffen, Nazar Dadien, Rosso Gogliardo.
The following were listed for entrainment: - Edward Jos. Ruetz, Herbert C. Hoffert, John M. Albino, Louis L. Nielsen, Gerald O. Bernard. Floyd P. Shephard. George W. Bartlett, George B. Gates, George R. Spangenberg, Joseph Fucilla, John Andersen, Walter C. Schubert, Romain Lonage, Wallace E. Baumann, Aaron C. Matson, Stanley Boguszewicz, Nicholas Baddaker. Those shown in the picture are: - Byron A. Gere, Fred Wm. Schacht, Franklin A. Schacht, Harold V.
them for $8,700. He felt willing to stand the loss of the ?300 and thought liis action all right. The public felt differently, however. They pointed out that he had received praise for making a generous purchase of bonds. Therefore he should keep them. The men who bought of him would have then been able to buy 88,700 worth of bonds from the regular salesmen and thus increase the county's showing. In other words, the original buyer had obtained considerable advertising for the sum of $300 and had sidestepped his obligation. He was bitterly spoken of by all who heard the stoiy.
Bonds were supposed to be purchased to the very limit of one's ability, and then were to be kept. That was the unwritten rule. To do othenvise would be like a soldier hiring a substitute, and this was prohibited absolutely by law.
The government desired that the bonds be held by as many persons as possible. It would have prohibited traffic in them were it not that they had to be negotiable to be a desirable investment for the future. So public sentiment was depended upon to do what could not be done by law.
The county was presented with a service flag bearing a bar for each time the county went "over the top" on a drive. For doubling the quota in the third loan, it received a star on its flag.
The fourth loan was floated in October, 1918. The end of the war was in sight if America continued to exert evei-j- ounce of effort. It was believed that the way the people responded to this new demand for loans would have an appreciable effect upon our Allies as well as our enemies. By this time the people knew all about bonds. The need for education had passed. All were prepared to give and give again to the vei-y end of their resources.
The campaign opened on October 8 with practically the same organization as before. Nearly two-thirds of the quota was subscribed the first day. Enthusiasm ran high at the meeting of workers. Following an address by Ml'. Rohan, he was authorized by unanimous vote to send a telegram to President Wilson declaring: "We are unanimous in demanding unconditional surrender as the only terms to be considered."
On Friday the quota of $3,601,000 had been suipassed by $300,000. On the following day another half million dollars was reported. Of all the campaigns, this was the easiest from the standpoint of the solicitors. Fonner subscriptions were duplicated, then doubled and tripled without argument or urging.
Prior to the opening of the campaign, cards had been prepared showing what each person had bought before. No one could make any false claims about his foiTner record on bonds, if he wanted to. Various devices invented elsewhere to humiliate "slackers," such as "yellow tickets," painting a house yellow, visits by "night riders," etc., were not needed in this county to obtain the desired total of sales. In a fe\\- instances some rather harsh language was used to men who still maintained that their interest in the war did not waiTant them investing money in Liberty bonds. But not even people of pro-Gei-man tendencies cared to be brought to public attention through their failure to do this much for their country.
Five months after war ended, the fifth, or Victory Loan, was floated by the government. It was required to close up the war, bring the troops back home, and pay for many of the things used in bringing the conflict to a successful conclusion.
Now that the fighting and the shouting had become things of the past it was suspected that it might be rather difficult to sell the county's quota of $2,776,400. The fears were not realized. The same workers as before assumed the task on April 2.5, 1919. Within two days the county had almost subscribed its full share, and by the end of the week all localities were able to report the task completed. The subscriptions totaled $3,214,050. Considering the conditions, this result was perhaps the most remarkable of any in the history of the five drives for funds.
The men who devoted their time and best efforts to the accomplishment of the Libei-ty Loan work are desei-\'ing of great pi'aise. Their task was hard, often disagi"eeable and had no reward beyond the knowledge of a duty vrell done.
It is impossible to give the names of all who participated in eveiy Loan campaign. There were some who were appointed to teams, and then dropped because they failed to give the necessary time to it. Some worked diligently in some campaigns, and were prevented from doing so in others, by reason of illness, absence from the city or pressure of other affairs.
In the main, however, the organization remained the same throughout the year and the list of Victory Loan workers presented herewith is also fairly representative of all the other drives:
Eleventh, Twelfth and Fourteenth Wards - Warren H. Walker, major; R. P. Howell, A. H. Harris, M. L. Blodgett, A. H. Black, C. W. Chapin, Otto Hueifner, Arthur Schroeder, W. A. Walker, C. B. Cook, Thomas Lloyd, James Pritchard, Fulton Thompson, N. C. Nelson, Jerome Ritter, W. F. Kisow, Fred Haumerson, Will Rohan, William Richardson, W. F. Sawyer, A. H. Barnes, James Bennett, D. Eugene Callender, Caleb Olson, James Collier, Horace Sims, John Pugh, Matt Cooper, William Osborne, A. A. Guilbert, Louis Hoi'^ath.
There were listed for entrainment the following:: - John A. Thorjr?nson. Adolph H. Knolle, Lars R. Meyer. Joseph J. Mastiaus. Edwin Schuiz, William H. Shook. Finer Hansen. WilLam H. Rwapil.
Burlington - H. A. Runkel, Eda Meinhardt, Albert Meinhardt, Herbert A. Moussa, George A. Uebele, John T. Prasch, G. C. Rasch, Fred Itzen, C. Roy McCanna, Walter Keebler, H. E. Zimmermann, L. H. Zimmermann, W. R. Dever,
Quota For Fort Riley June 29. 1918 From Board No. 1
There were listed for entrainment the following: - Richard Aul, William H. Jenks, George E. Davies, Seggar M. Rood, Clarence Howe, John Saras, Alfred E. Poulson, Henry C. Roest. Edward Block, Arthur G. Anderson.
There were listed for entrainment the following: - Arthur J.Jacobsen, Charles W. Tiede, Edgar R. Lehman. Oscar Christensen. Sterling W. Albright, Lester McLennan, Christian An dersen, Albert H. L. Bartz, Edward F. Studey, John M.
In addition to the Liberty bonds, the government floated another form of security knowni as the War Savings stamp. It was designed to encourage people to save small sums and invest them in such a way as to assist in carrying on the war. The War Savings stamps had a face value of $5, tut could be purchased for less, as the face value represented the purchase price plus interest for five years, at the end of which period they would be redeemed.
As a part of the plan the Thrift stamp was devised. This could be bought for 25 cents. When a card was filled with sixteen of these, it represented the value of a War Savings stamp at the beginning of the current period. It could be exchanged for a "W.S.S." although after the first week there would be a litt'.e accrued interest to pay - varying from one cent to twenty cents according to the date of payment.
Despite the sale of more than $16,000,000 in Liberty bonds here, the county purchased Thrift and Savings stamps for which they paid .$1,143,308.65. A large part of this came from children. The contents of most toy savings banks were spent for these unique securities.
The campaign for the sale of the War and Thrift stamps, was inaugurated in the spring of 191S'^nd it was placed in the hands of a committee consisting of Warren J. Davis, president of the J. I. Case T. M. Co., Postmaster George H. Herzog and Mrs. John W. Owen, who had been very active in previous campaigns for funds.
It was decided that the Racine postoffice should act as the central office for the distribution of these stamps for the entire county, excepting the City of Burlington, the sales there to be in charge of Postmaster Henry Zimmermann.
A plan of campaign was mapped out and with the assistance of the committees in charge of Liberty Loan drives, became interesting and was most successful.
School children played an active part in the great campaign by making a house to house canvass in their respective districts. Celebrating of the Fourth of July was dispensed with and the work of selling stamps was substituted for the usual fireworks.
In factories, schools, business houses, offices and other places the campaign was waged. Pledge cards were passed about, each signer agreeing to purchase a number of War Savings stamps, during a period from June to December, 1918.
The people, especially children, were urged to purchase Thrift Stamps and later to exchange them for War Savings Stamps. Pennies were saved and they soon resulted in purchases, at 25 cents each, of Thrift stamps, and later these were exchanged for War Savings Stamps of a valuation of $5 each.
When the campaign closed, early in the winter, the committee found that the War and Thrift Stamps of a cash value, not face value, of ยง1,037,104.04 had been distributed from the Racine post office and through the Burlington office War and Thrift Stamps of a value of $106,704.61 had been distributed, making a total value of stamps sold of $1,143,808.65. The total number of War Stamps sold through the Racine post office was 229,800 and of Thrift Stamps 299,332.
The Appeal Board had jurisdiction over appeals made from seventeen Local Boards in Waukesha. Sheboygan. Fond du Lac. Ozaukee. Green. Marquette. Dodge. Washington and Racine counties. The members were (above) Geo. Harrington. Elkhorn; A. J. Horlick. Racine; Stephen Benish. Racine (belovi) Chester D. Barnes. Kenosha; Harry W. Bolens. Port
387.61 of War Savings and $3,317 in Thrift Stamps, the latter having been purchased by children. Pledges which were made to the campaign workers were fulfilled to a very high percentage, the committees reported, thus again proving the loyalty of the residents of Racine county.
It is regretted that the names of all who served in various capacities in the Liberty Loan and other war fund work do not appear in the official lists made during the final weeks, but the explanation of t h e omission of many names appears in another place. As example of such instances may be cited two typical ones. Mrs. Harry Mann was the major of a women's team in the first four Liberty Loan drives and did most excellent work, but as she was unable to participate in the fifth drive, her name does not appear in the list in this chapter. She was also chairman of the Girls' Sen.-- ice Units. Ed Makovsky was recognized as one of the most active workers for the Liberty Loans and War Relief funds in the town of Calendonia, in the team captained by Frank Renak, but by some oversight his name was not in the official record at all. Probably there are other cases of the same sort.
One of the most ingenious plans growing out of war conditions was the Racine County War Relief Fund. It was designed to enable people to contribute money to war relief work of various kinds, with the assurance that it would be expended intelligently. Besides this, and equally as important, it did away with any obligation, moral or otherwise, to give money to any other project excepting for the purchase of government securities.
In brief, the scheme provided for a central council of fifteen men who would act as trustees for this fund. They would receive applications for money from the various welfare and relief organizations, consider their merits, and appropriate from the treasury such proportion of the money on hand as they felt was reasonable and wise. If a I'equest was not approved, the citizens in general were justified in feeling that the cause was not worthy of their individual support.
The money was raised by voluntary, but very general, contributions in amounts based upon the earnings of the donor. All employes were expected to give the equivalent of one-half hour's work per week to the fund. The pay clerks were to deduct this from tha employes' pay. The employer would add an equal sum and give the total to the committee. Individuals who could not be classed as either employers or employes were put upon their honor to give a proportionate sum, and send their check to headquai'ters once a month.
The factories and stores co-operated vrith such good effect that they were represented by 100 per cent contributions in almost every plant and store.
A thorough canvass was made of all persons in the city and county not thus reached. In cases where they had bank accounts, they signed a card which was kept by the committee and which, when presented to their banks after the first day of each month, authorized the bank to pay out the specified amount from their accounts to the fund. In other instances the people merely signed a pledge card promising to pay a certain sum each month.
The secretary of the committee kept track of all the individual pledges and saw that the money was forthcoming. The employers did the accounting insofar as it affected their employes, and sent a check for the total at regular intervals.
The proposition was so entirely fair, and at the same time so necessary, that it became almost compulsory. A man seeking a job was frequently required to show that he gave to the War Relief Fund and had bought Liberty Bonds, before he could obtain a position.
The idea of the fund above described originated in Kenosha. Secretary Walter H. Reed of the Commercial Club learned that it was being discussed there and made inquiries. On Dec. 17, 1917, he brought up the subject at a meeting of the Commercial Club and strongly urged its adoption. His suggestions received instant support, because there were dozens of patriotic organizations planning campaigns to raise huge sums, and the average citizen felt helpless to refuse them or to decide intelligently between them if forced, for financial reasons, to make a choice.
The president of the Commercial club, P. T. Stoffel, appointed F. Lee Norton, J. H. Brannum, W^alter H. Reed, Fulton Thompson and Herbert F. Johnson to arrange for the proposed organization.
The committee was authorized to increase its member.ship if it desired, and it decided upon a total membership of fifteen. The additional ones appointed were William Horlick, Jr., L. P. Christensen, John H. Dwight, George Jorgenson, John D. Jones, Jr., C. Roy Mc- Canna, F. J. Osius, M. H. Pettit, J. V. Rohan and Stuart Webster. Mr. Webster resigned in September, 1918, and W. T. Hai-\'ey succeeded him. Mr. Norton was chairman, Mr. Johnson vice-chairman, Mr. Horlick treasurer, and Horace P. Edmands was secured as an executive secretary. The outline of the plan was put into writing and approved by the Council of Defense, Commercial club and business men in general. On Dec. 20, 1917, a meeting of manufacturers was called to arrange the details of methods of handling factory subscriptions.
On March 18, 1918, a ten-day campaign was put on to get everyone to sig:n the pledge cards and the remarkable number of 27,207 people in the county subscribed. This was fully a third of all the men, women and children in the county. It was understood that the pledges were to remain in effect until the termination of the war and that any funds then left on hand could be used in the discretion of the committee for some public charitable pui-pose.
All of the soldiers' and sailors' welfare organizations were beneficiaries of the fund. It was customary in national drives for money for the Y. M. C. A., Red Cross, Salvation Army, Knights of Columbus, War Camp Community Senice, American Library Bureau, Jewish Welfare Board, etc., to allot a certain amount to be raised in each county throughout the nation, and through the local relief fund here these assessments could be met without further solicitation or trouble.
The Racine County War Relief fund was variously knowai as the War Chest, Patriots' Fund, and other titles, most of which had been applied to similar organizations in other cities.
A total of $500,880.06 was paid into the fund, and about $?.00,000 had been expended when the armistice was sig^ned. A balance of $130,000 remained on Nov. 11, 1919, and the committee of fifteen were still trying to decide what to do with it.
One hundred and thirteen factories, 12,318 factory employes, 221 merchants, 75.5 employes of merchants, 3,568 personal pledges from the city of Racine and 4,232 subscnbers of all classes in the county outside of Racine. The country subscribers were divided as follows:
At the meeting held May 13, 1918, it was agreed that in order to gain a comprehensive knowledge of the various organizations doing war relief work, who had already or who might in the future ask for appropriations from this fund, it would be necessary to fomiulate a questionnaire that would meet the requirements of the Committee of Fifteen.
"The Racine County War Relief Fund Committee of Racine County, AVisconsin, being the custodians of a Public Fund raised for War Relief purposes only, can make no disbursements for any purpose unless full infonnation is given them regarding the objects for which the money is used, and the conditions surrounding its e.xpenditure. Applicants for contributions are, thei'efore, requested to fill out the following questionnaire, to be filed with the records of the Committee:
At the rear are Jens Jensen. Wm. Erick, J. E. Evans and J. J. Otradevec. Seated at the table are Fred Radewan. Frank Luxem. Lester Bowman, W. T. Harvey, S. W. Chamberlin, Charles Christensen, Sidney Mikulecky.
Furnish the numbei' of people working on salaries or commissions and cite representative salaries or commissions paid, including the highest.
9. State ratio of expense to relief in such a way that our committee can ascertain what proportion of money contributed by Racine County War Relief Fund will go to actual relief.
County Relief Fund should conti-ibute to this campaign, together with your reasons for this and any computation upon wliich they are based. (The population of Racine County is 65,000.)
"Without the satisfactory filling out of this questionnaire no war relief organization seeking money for their work will receive an appropriation."
Each questionnaire, as well as all other available infonnation was sci-utinized carefully and if thought necessai'y the organizations seeking appropriations were requested to give further infonnation.
A summary of the organizations to which appropriations have been made, together with the amounts appropriated, is shown on the opposite page.
Provenance
Text from Racine County in the World War; a History, published 1920, in the public domain in the United States and digitised by the Internet Archive.