Racine County, Wisconsin - Chapter 21: The Navy in Action, 1920

Chapter 21: The Navy in Action

THE United States Navy began to function efficiently and with pronounced effect from the very moment of the declaration of war on April 6, 1917.

A telegraphic order put the ships that were in reserve into full commission. All supplies were on hand where needed. The wireless notified distant ships and stations that the war was on. The Navy was in action.

Guns and gun crews wei'e placed on all American merchant vessels starting for the submarine zone. A destroyer flotilla was mobilized and started for Queenstown on April 24, to report to Admiral Bayly of the British Navy for convoy and other service off Ireland. Admiral Sims, U. S. N., had sailed to England before war was declared, and he was at once invested with the command of the foreign fleets operating in European waters. He became American member of the Allied naval council, with headquarters at London. Under his charge were subsequently the destroyers at Queenstowoi, Brest, and Gibraltar, the submarine-chasers at Corfu and Plymouth, a mixed force at the Azores and the battle squadrons at Scapa Flow wath the Grand Fleet, and at Berehaven, Ireland.

While Admiral Sims was commander-inchief of all these detachments, and could send them wherever he wished, they were under the direct command of Bi'itish naval authorities when going out on specific missions. This situation was the same as that of American army units in France, which were under command of Gen. Pershing but occasionally were sent to operate with British or French armies.

The Navy's task was, first, to co-operate with the navies of the Allies in controlling the submarine menace and maintaining a fleet at Scapa Flow sufficiently large to insure the defeat of the German Navy if it should venture from its place of concealment. As soon as these missions were accomplished, or well begun, the Navy had to take charge of getting

American soldiers to France. How well it did this is shown from the fact that 2,079,880 troops were transported; 911,047 in American naval transports and 41,544 in other United States ships. British ships carried 1,066,987 men across the Atlantic, and the balance travelled in French and Italian vessels. Not one American transport was sunk on the way to France, and only three on the return trips. The loss of life in these was very small. Several hundred lives were lost in the sinking of the British transports Tuscania, Moldavia and Otranto, carrying American troops.

The American Navy furnished convoys for its owm transports and also for many of those belonging to our allies. This wonderful movement of troops will stand as a monument to both the Army and Navy as the greatest feat of the sort ever attempted. One ship, the Leviathan, formerly the German liner Vaterland, alone can-ied 100,000 soldiei's across the ocean without accident. She made her voyages without escort excepting for the last twentyfour hours of each east-bound trip, and for a similar period at the beginning of her return voyages.

In addition to the work of the Navy at sea, sailors manning huge long range 14-inch guns were at the front in France before the war ended and did great work in destroying railroad lines and gun emplacements far inside the German territory.

Other gigantic tasks assigned to the Navy were the construction of the "mine barrage" of 70,100 mines across the North sea; the building of an oil pipe line clear across Scotland, the reconstruction of poi'ts and wharves for landing men and supplies in France and the patrol of the French coast.

The Navy operated all wireless stations in use in the United States, and constructed the largest radio station in the world at Bordeaux. It built its own aircraft factory at Philadelphia and on March 17, 1918, the first aero-

There were 344 serviceable vessels in the navy when the war began. When the armistice was signed, the Navy was operating 2,000 ships of all classes, including transports, cargo carriers and barges. There were 777 strictly naval vessels, and 655 more of these under construction. Those in service included 39 battleships, eight armored cruisers, tweritythree cruisers, ninety-two destroyers, seventynine submarines, thirty-seven gunboats, :!00 submarine chasers, and numerous torpedo boats, tugs, monitors, hospital ships, fuel ships, converted yachts, etc.

Among the inventions and perfected appliances credited to American genius are the Ygun for firing depth charges at submarines; a depth bomb which was safe to handle under all conditions; a new star-shell for illuminatingenemy vessels without disclosing the position of the ship firing it; listening devices to detect the appi'oach of other ships; the paravene, to sweep mines from a ship's course and various minor devices.

As camouflage was perfected on land to conceal the presence of men or material from the enemy, so on sea there was developed the "dazzle system" of painting ships -with grotesque designs to make it difficult for a submarine commander to determine its exact size and shape, and the direction of its course. All ships going into the submarine zones were given a "dazzle coat" and it probably proved of considerable value. The designs are impossible to describe in detail, but they often consisted of huge diagonal stripes of black, white, gray, blue and even red running from the water line to the top of the ship, these stripes being of different sizes on diff'erent sections of the ship, and running in one dii-ection near the bow and in the opposite direction near the stern. Near the waterline, curved lines were often painted in. The general effect in misty weather was to make a ship look like some shapeless monster. The camouflage could not make a vessel invisible against the sky, but it often fooled an enemy in regard to the proper place to direct a torpedo. Sometimes a lonif ship would lo^k like two small ones, when seen in the dusk or mist.

The convoy system of conveying troops proved a success from the start. It was as old as maritime history, yet it had not been deemed useful under modern conditions. Admiral Sims pointed out its possibilities forcibly in April, 1917. The British naval council, pleading for more destroyers and sub-chasers, had declared that any square mile or two of sea could be made safe from submarines if destroyers were available. "Then," said Admiral Sims, "Why not make the square mile around a group of transports safe, and then move this square mile, so to speak, right across the ocean?" It was not hard to see the point, and the method was tried out and never abandoned.

The first convoy of 14 troop and cargo vessels under guard of six cruisers and twelve destroyers left New York in a dense fog June 14, 1917. It was attacked t-wice on the way to France and in both cases the convoying destroyers chased the submarines away -with ease.

The first American transport to be sunk was torpedoed off Ireland on Oct. 17, 1917, and sank in four minutes -with a loss of 67 lives. It was the transport Antilles, homeward bound vrith 234 persons aboard. It was grouped -with five other vessels returning to America. Commander D. T. Ghent gives the following description of the sinking, which was typical of hundreds of submarine attacks during the war:

"Just after daylight a torpedo was sighted heading for us about two points abaft the port beam on a coui'se of 45° -with the keel. The torpedo was seen by the second officer on the bridge, the quai'termaster and signalman on watch; by the first officer and first assistant engineer from the port side of the promenade deck, and by one of the gun crews on watch aft. They estimated the distance from 400 feet to as many yards. Immediately on sighting the torpedo the helm was put 'hard over' in an attempt to dodge it, but before the ship began to swing the torpedo struck us near the after engine-room bulkhead on the port side. The explosion was terrific; the ship shivered from stem to stern, listing immediately to port. One of the lookouts in the main top, though protected by a canvas screen about 5 feet high, was thro-wii clear over this screen and killed on striking the hatch. This case is cited as indicating the power of the 'whip' caused by the explosion. Guns were manned instantly in the hope of getting a shot at the enemy, but no submarine was seen.

dynamo, and almost instantly flooded the engine room, fireroom, and No. 3 hold, which is just abaft the engine-room bulkhead. The engine room was filled with ammonia fumes and with the high-pressure gases from the torpedo, and it is believed that everyone on duty in the engine room was either instantly killed or disabled except one oilei-. This man happened to be on the upper gratings at the tinio. He tried to escape through the engine-room door, which is near the level of the upper gratings, but found the door jammed, and the knob on his side blo^vn off. Unable to force the door, and finding he was being overcome by the gases and ammonia fumes, he managed to escape through the engine-room skylight just as the ship was going under. Within a few seconds after the explosion the water was over the crossheads of the main engines, which were still turning over slowly. Of the 21 men on duty in the engine I'oom and firerooms only 3 managed to escape. Besides the oiler, 2 firemen managed to escape through the fireroom ventilator. The fact that the engines could not be maneuvered and the headway of the ship checked added to the difficulty of abandoning ship.

"Just as the torpedo struck us I was on the way to the pilot house from the scene of fire. Before I could reach the bridge the officer of the deck had sounded the submarine alarm, and I immediately sounded the signal for 'Abandon ship.' The ofliicer on watch, quartermaster, and signalman went to their boats. Radio Electrician Watson being relieved by Radio Electrician Ausburne in the radio room, reported on the bridge for instnactions. I sent an order to get out an S. O. S. signal. Radio Electi'ician Watson, who was lost, remained with me on the bridge until the gun crews forward were ordered to save themselves. He was wearing a life jacket and was on his way to his boat when I last saw him.

"Before leaving port all boats had been rigged out except the two after boats, which, owing to their low davits, could not wdth safety be rigged out except in favorable weather. All hands had been carefully instructed and carefully drilled in the details of abandoning ship. The best seamen in the ship's crew had been detailed and stationed by the falls; men had been stationed by the gripes of each boat, and all boats had been equipped with sea painters; two axes had been placed in each boat, one foi-ward and one aft, for the purpose of cutting the falls or sea painters in case they should get jammed, and men had been detailed to cast them off. That only 4 boats out of 10 succeeded in getting clear of the ship was due to several causes - the short time the ship remained afloat after being torpedoed; the headway left on the ship, due to the fact that the engine-room personnel was put out of action by the explosion; the rough sea at the time; the fact that the ship listed heavily; and that one boat was destroyed by the explosion.

"When there was no one left in sight on the decks I went aft on the saloon deck, where sevei'al men were struggling in the water in the vicinity of No. 5 boat and making no attempt to swim away from the side of the ship. I thought perhaps these men could be induced to get clear of the ship, as it was feared the suction would carry them dovm. By the time that point was reached, however, the ship, being at an angle with the horizontal of about 45 degrees, started to upend and go down, listing heavily to port. This motion thi-ew me across the deck where I was washed overboard. The ship went dovioi vertically. The suction effect was hardly noticeable.

"The behavior of the naval personnel throughout was equal to the best traditions of the service. The t^vo foi^ward gun crews, in charge of Lieutenant Tisdale, remained at their gun stations while the ship went down, and made no move to leave their stations until ordered to save themselves. Radio Electrician Ausburne went do^vn with the ship while at his station in the radio room. When the ship was struck Ausburne, realizing the seriousness of the situation, told McMahon to get his life preserver on, saying, as he left to take his station at the radio key, 'Good-bye, Mac' McMahon, later finding the radio room locked and seeing the ship was sinking, tried to get Ausburne out, but failed.

"As soon as the Henderson saw what was wrong she turned to starboard and made a thick smoke screen which completely hid her from view. The Willehad turned to port and made off at her best speed. The Corsair and Alcedo began the rescue of the survivors, the Corsair continuing to look for the submarine. The total number of persons on boai'd the Antilles was 234, the Corsair rescuing 50 and the Alcedo 117. Too much credit cannot be given to the officers and men of the Corsair and Alcedo for their rescue work and for their wholeheartedness and generosity in succoring the needs of the survivors. The work of the medical officers attached to the above vessels was worthy of highest praise.

box which by some means had floated clear and in an upright position. When this young man saw the Corsair standing down to pick him up he semaphored not to come too close, as the box on which he was sitting contained live ammunition."

In the above instance the German submarine commander made no attempt to rescue survivors of the wi'eck. This was generally the policy, but sometimes a boat-load of sailors would be "given a tow" toward land, and on other occasions the lifeboats would be shelled and sunk by the assailant. It seemed to depend upon the nature of the U-boat captain rather than upon any rules recognized by the German navy.

"When the United States became a belligerent, one of the first requests the Allies made was that we send as many destroyers and other patrol boats as we could possibly muster over to the other side to assist them in combating the submarines. At 9:30 one April night I received orders to proceed at daylight to my home navy yard to fit out for distant service. What was before us I did not know. There were five other commanding officers of destroyers who received the same orders, and at 5 o'clock the following morning we left Chesapeake Bay and were on our way to New York and Boston at a high speed, in order that "we might get ready, as soon as possible, for whatever it was to be.

"So anxious was the Navy Department that the outside world in general know nothing of the movement of these ships that not even I, who was in command of the expedition, was informed of our destination. We went to the navy yards, the ships went in dock, had their bottoms cleaned and painted, we took en stores and provisions to last three months, and in a few days sailed from Boston.

"My orders were to proceed to a point fifty miles east of Cape Cod and then open my sealed instructions. Until I got to that point, at midnight of the first night out, I did not know that our first port of call was to be Queenstown. It was quite natural that the few in authority who knew our movements watched with anxiety for news of our crossing. It was the first time that vessels of this type had ever made po long a continuous passage

"We were ten days in making the ti'ip, due mostly to a southeast gale, which accompanied us for seven of the ten days. So rough was the sea during this time that for seven of the ten days we did not set our mess tables; we ate off our laps. On the ninth day we were pleased to be met by a little British destroyer named the Mary Rose. She picked us up early one morning and came along flying the international signal, 'Welcome to the American Colors.' To this we replied, 'Thank you, we are glad of your company.' The Mary Rose then accompanied us to Queenstown. I am sorry to say that three months later the Mary Rose was sunk wth all hands by a German raider in the North Sea. We received a very hearty welcome at Queenstown by the Bintish Admii'al, Sir Lewis Bayly, and by the others in authority there. They were very glad to see us.

"Things were looking black. In the three previous weeks the submarines had sunk 152 British merchant ships. It was manifest that this thing could not go on if the Allies were to win the war. The British Admiral gave us some wholesome advice in regard to how best to fight the submarines. We immediately prepared for this service by having what are known as depth charges or depth bombs installed. We put ashore all of our surplus stores and provisions in order to lighten our draft, as it was possible that a few inches might save us from striking a mine.

"The seriousness of the work before us was made evident, not only by the large number of vessels that were being sunk, but by the fact that the night before we entered the harbor a German submarine had planted twelve mines right in the channel. Fortunately for us, they were swept up by the ever-vigilant British mine sweepers before we arrived. The day following our arrival one of the British gunboats from our station was torpedoed and her captain and forty of her crew were lost. Patrol vessels were continually bringing in the survivors from tlie various ships as they were sunk.

"The British Admiral told us that we would go on patrol duty for six days at a time, and then come in for two or three days' rest. In this patrol duty we were assigned to certain areas, as far as 300 iniles off shore, as the submarines were then operating that far out. Our orders were to destroy submarines; to escort or convoy valuable merchant ships; to

"The Lakes" was a familiar place to Racine people, for hundreds of local boys went into service there. The pictures above were taken when the station's roster was at its largest. Thousands occupied tents on the grounds and the walks and parade were thronged at all hours of the day. Below is shown contingents of men lined up with their kit bags really to entrain to coast points for sea duty. Men selected for these adventuresome journeys were told of it only a few hours before their trains started and they had little more than time lo get their belongings together.

"I cannot say that we sank many submarines. The submarine, I found, is a very difficult bird to catch. He has tremendous advantage over the surface craft. In the first place, he always sees you first. This is because when on the surface he is very low, and when submerged he has only his periscope out, or perhaps nothing at all. As he was not after destroyers, he avoided us whenever he could. That is, if he saw the destroyer on the horizon, the submarine immediately went the other way.

"When we saw a submarine, which sometimes happened frequently, and at other times several days might pass without seeing one, we would immediately go after him full speed, and open fire with our guns in the hopes of getting in a shot before he submerged; but he always submerged very quickly. Only once did my vessel in seven months succeed in actually fighting a submarine. He then went dowm after the fifth shot was fired. At that time he was five miles away. But what they are afraid of are the depth charges or depth bombs.

"I will tell you how they operate. A depthcharge is about two or three hundred pounds of a high explosive. It is fitted so as to explode automatically at any depth we may desire. The destroyers and patrol vessels carry them on deck at the stern. When we see a submarine submerge we try to find his wake, and if we can see the wake of a submerged vessel we run over it, di-op the depth charge by simply pulling a lever, and in a few seconds there is a ten-ific explosion.

"This explosion is so great that on one or two occasions, when I happened to be in the chart house when they let go, I thought my own ship was torpedoed. They can be felt under the water for a distance of several miles, but, of course, they must be dropped very close to the submarine in order to destroy him. If we get it say within ninety feet of the hull, it may damage it enough to cause him to sink, other-wise only superficial damage may result.

"The patrol duty was vei-y trying, as the ocean was strewn with wreckage for a distance of 300 miles off shore. It was hard to tell a periscope when we saw one. Fish, floating spars, and many other objects were taken for periscopes and fired at; we could not aff"ord to take a chance, as our whole safety depended on our being vigilant.

"Then the scheme was taken up of having convoys. The advantage of a convoy is that six or ten destroyers can protect from twenty to thirty merchant ships, while in the patrol system only one destroyer could be with one merchant ship at a time. The convoy system developed so that practically all vessels passing through the danger zone were in large convoys of from ten to thirty with an escort of from six to ten destroyers.

"These convoy trips would take us out of port from six to eight days. They were very trying days, especially during the latter part of fall, when the weather got bad. When we are at sea in this way we do not take off our clothes, neither officer nor man. We must be ready at all times. We do not even have the pleasure of taking a bath, as something might happen and we would not be ready for it. As one young officer expressed it, we had to come down to the Saturday night bath habit, and if we happened to be at sea Saturday night we might be out of luck.

"The night work was very difficult, as the danger of collision was great wth so many ships without lights operating in close proximity. There are frequent collisions, and we must use our judgment as to whether we should turn on our lights and avoid the danger of collisions, and take the risk of a submarine seeing us,- or keeping our lights out and taking our chances. We have this to remember, that if a submarine sinks us she only sinks one ship, but a serious collision may result in the sinking of two ships, so it is a matter of judgment."

The American destroyers operating in the war zone had been on constant duty for seven months before the first and only one sunk by enemy submarine, the Jacob Jones, was torpedoed. The little Chauncey, of 592 tons displacement, had been, on November 19th, sunk in collision with a British transport, 18 lives being lost. The Cassin was struck by a torpedo on October 15, but was taken to port and repaired. But one man was killed. Gunner's Mate Osmond K. Ingram, who gave his life to save the ship. To commemorate this courageous act, Secretary Daniels named one of the new destroyers the Ingram. Commander W. N. Vernou was in command of the Cassin, which was patrolling off' the Irish coast about 20 miles south of Mine Head when, at 1:.30 P. M., a submarine was sighted some distance away. The Cassin went at full speed for the spot, but the submarine had submerged.

"At about 1:57 P. M. the commanding officer sighted a torpedo apparently shortly after it had been fired, running near the surface and in a direction that was estimated would make a hit either in the engine or fire room. When first seen the torpedo was between 300 and 400 yards from the ship, and the wake could be followed on the other side for about 400 yards. The torpedo was running at high speed, at least 35 knots. The Cassin was maneuvering to dodge the torpedo, double emergency full speed ahead having been signaled from the engine room and the rudder put hard left as soon as the torpedo was sighted. It looked for the moment as though the torpedo would pass astern. When about 15 or 20 feet away the torpedo porpoised, completely leaving the water and sheering to the left. Before again taking the water the torpedo hit the ship well aft on the port side about frame 163 and above the water line. Almost immediately after the explosion of the torpedo the depth charges, located on the stern and ready for firing, exploded. There were two distinct explosions in quick succession after the torpedo hit.

"But one life was lost. Osmond K. Ingram, gunner's mate first class, was cleaning the muzzle of No. 4 gun, target practice being just over when the attack occurred. With rare presence of mind, realizing that the torpedo was about to strike the part of the ship where the depth charges were stored and that the setting off of these explosives might sink the ship, Ingram, immediately seeing the danger, ran aft to strip these chai-ges and throw them overboard. He was blown to pieces when the torpedo sti'uck. Thus Ingram sacrificed his life in performing a duty which he believed would save his ship and the lives of the officers and men on board.

"The executive officer and engineer officer inspected the parts of the ship that were damaged, and those adjacent to the damage. It was found that the engine and fire rooms and after magazine were intact and that the engines could be worked; but that the ship could not be steered, the rudder having been blown off and the stern blown to starboard. The ship continued to turn to starboard in a circle. In an effort to put the ship on a course by the use of the engines, something carried away which put the starboard engine out of commission. The port engine was kept going at slow speed. The ship, being absolutely unmanageable, sometimes turned in a circle and at times held an approximate course for several minutes.

"Immediately after the ship was torpedoed the radio was out of commission. The radio officer and radio electrician chief managed to improvise a temporary auxiliary antenna. The generators were out of commission for a short time after the explosion, the ship being in darkness below.

"When this vessel was torpedoed, thei'e was another United States destroyer, name unknown, within signal distance. After being torpedoed, an attempt was made to signal her by searchlight, flag, and whi.stle, and the distress signal was hoisted. Apparently through a misunderstanding she steamed away and was lost sight of.

"At about 2:30 P. M., when we were in approximately the same position as when torpedoed, a submarine conning tower was sighted on port beam, distant about 1,500 yards, ship still circling under port engine. Opened fire with No. 2 gun, firing four rounds. Submarine submerged and was not seen again. Two shots struck very close to the submarine.

"At 3:50 P. M., U. S. S. Porter stood by. At 4:25 P. M., wreckage which was hanging to stern dropped off. At dark stopped port engine and drifted. At about 9 P. M., H. M. S. Jessamine and II. M. S. Tamarisk stood by. H. M. S. Jessamine signalled she could stand by until morning and then take us in tow. At this time sea was very rough, wind about six or seven (34 or 40 miles an hour) and increasing.

"H. M. S. Tamarisk prepared to take us in tow and made one attempt after another to get a line to us. Finally, about 2:10 A. M., October 16th, the Tamarisk lowered a boat in rough sea and sent grass line by means of which our 8-inch hawser was sent over to her. At about 2:30 A. M. Tamarisk started towing us to Queenstown, speed about 4 knots, this vessel towing well on starboard quarter of Tamarisk, due to condition of stern described above. At 3:25 hawser parted.

"Between this time and 10:37 A. M., when a towing line was received from H. M. S. Snowdrop, various attempts were made by the Tamarisk and two trawlers and a tug to tow the Cassin. An 11 -inch towing hawser from the Tamarisk parted. All ships, except her, lost the Cassin during the night. The Cassin was drifting rapidly on a lee shore, and had it not been for the Tamarisk getting out a line in the early morning, the vessel would unrloubtedly have grounded on Hook Point, as it is extremely doubtful if her anchors would have held.

"About 35 feet of stern was blown off or completely ruptured. The after living compartments and after storerooms are completely wrecked or gone, and all stores and clothing from these parts of the ship ai'e gone or ruined. About 4.5 members of the crew, including the chief petty officers, lost practically everything but the clothes they had on."

Lieutenant Isaacs, who was captured by the submarine which sank the Transport President Lincoln, had one of the most remarkable experiences on record. The U-boat was bombed by American destroyers, and for a time it seemed that he would perish with all aboard the German vessel. Taken to Germany, after repeated attempts in which, time and again, he risked his life, he managed to escape, and made his way to Switzerland. Describing his experiences. Lieutenant Isaacs said:

"The President Lincoln went down about 9:30 in the moi-ning, 30 minutes after being struck by three torpedoes. In obedience to orders I abandoned ship after .seeing all hands aft safely off the vessel. The boats had pulled away, but I stepped on a raft floating alongside, the quarter deck being then awash. A few minutes later one of the boats picked me up. The submarine, the U-90, then returned and the commanding officer, while searching for Captain Foote of the President Lincoln, took me out of the boat. I told him my captain had gone down with the ship, whereupon he steamed away, taking me prisoner to Germany. We passed to the North of the Shetlands into the North Sea, the Skaggerak, the Cattegat, and the Sound into the Baltic. Proceeding to Kiel, we passed down the canal through the Heligoland Bight to Wilhelmshaven.

"On the way to the Shetlands we fell in with two American destroyers, the Smith and the Warrington, who dropped 22 depth bombs on us. We were submerged to a depth of 60 meters and weathered the storm, although five bombs were very close and shook us considerably. The information I had been able to collect was, I considered, of enough importance to warrant my ti-ying to escape. Accordingly in Danish waters I attempted to jump from the deck of the submarine but wa.s caught and ordered below.

turned over to the army. Here I met officers of all the Allied armies, and with them I attempted several escapes, all of which were unsuccessful. After three weeks at Karlsruhe I was sent to the American and Russian officers' camp at Villengen. On the way I attempted to escape from the train by jumping out of the window. With the train making about 40 miles an hour, I landed on the opposite railroad track and was so severely wounded by the fall that I could not get away from my guard. They followed me, firing continuously. When they recaptured me they struck me on the head and body with their guns until one broke his rifle. It snapped in two at the small of the stock as he struck me with the butt on the back of the head.

"I was given two weeks' solitary confinement for this attempt to escape, but continued trying, for I was determined to get my information back to the Navy. Finally, on the night of October 6th, assisted by several American Army officers, I was able to effect an escape by short-circuiting all lighting circuits in the prison camp and cutting through barbedwire fences surrounding the camp. This had to be done in the face of a heavy rifle fire from the guards. But it was difficult for them to see in the darkness, so I escaped unscathed.

"In company with an American officer in the French Army, I made my way for seven days and nights over mountains to the Rhine, which to the south of Baden forms the boundary between Germany and Switzerland. After a four-hour crawl on hands and knees I was able to elude the sentries along the Rhine. Plunging in, I made for the Swiss shore. After being carried several miles down the stream, being frequently submerged by the rapid current, I finally reached the opposite shore and gave myself up to the Swiss gendarmes, who turned me over to the American legation at Berne. From there I made my way to Paris and then London and finally Washington, where I arrived four weeks after my escape from Germany."

Within little more than a year the personnel of the Naval service grew to a force of half a million. To house and train these recruits a score of new camps and stations were erected, each a little city in itself; and numerous schools were established to train men in special branches. Sir Eric Geddes, First Lord of the British Admiralty, said of this:

"The dauntless determination which the United States has displayed in creating a huge trained body of seamen out of landsmen is one of the most striking accomplishments of the

Maj. Gen. Wm. G. Haan With Members Of His Staff

The commander of the Thirty-second Division (Les Terrtbles) who took command of Wisconsin and Michigan troops at Camp MacArthur, Texas in 1917 and led them until after the victory of the Allies over the German Hordes. He was promoted to command of a corps in the Army of Occupation but later, at his own request, was assigrned to command of

Secretary Daniels announced in 1917 that the entire war-building program of the Navy embraced nearly a thousand ships. Most of the vessels authorized by the three-year program of 1916 were contracted for early in 1917; but the necessity of concentrating every energy on smaller craft to combat the submarines and the absorption of shipbuilding facilities, labor and material in our huge undertaking of building vitally necessary merchant vessels prevented the pushing of work on capital ships which could not be completed in time to be used during the war. Within a short time after hostilities began, contracts had been made for every destroyer that American yards could build. But the call came for more, and yet more of these swift fightingcraft which had proved the most effective weapons against the submarine. To produce them, new facilities had to be created. The naval authorities set to work to solve the problem. Congress adopted the recommendations of the Navy Department and on October 6, 1917, appropriated $.350,000,000 additional for the construction of destroyers, the creation of new facilities and the speeding up of those already contracted for. That very week the contracts were signed, and work was begun on the enlargement of existing shipyards, the building of new yards and new factories to produce engines and forgings. The way in which this huge undei'taking was carried out was inspiring.

Perhaps the most striking instance was the building of the Victory Plant, at Squantum, Massachusetts, where on land that had been almost a swamp, rose in a few months the largest and most complete plant in existence devoted entirely to the building of destroyers; and in April, 1918, six months after ground had been broken for the yard, the keels of five destroyers were laid in a single day. New records wei'e made in construction, vessels being completed in eight months from the laying of the keels when previously from twenty months to two years had been the usual time required. In a special instance, to see how quickly it was possible to construct a destroyer, the Mare Island Navy Yard, by "field riveting" and other "hurry up" methods, succeeded in launching the destroyer Ward in 17% working days after its keel was laid and the vessel was put into commission in 70 days. On July 4, 1918, no fewer than 14 destroyers launched, eight of them at a single yard, the Union Plant of the Bethlehem Shipbuilding Company at San Francisco. The U. S. Na\'y has built or has under construction or contract more destroyers than any two navies possessed at the beginning of the European war - and our new destroyers are of the most modern type - 31.5 feet long, 28,000 horsepower, with a speed of 35 knots.

The staunchness of our destroyers was proved on many occasions. When the Manley collided with a British steamship, depthbombs on her rear deck exploded and her stern was almost blown oflf, yet she was successfully taken to port, repaired and put back into service. The Shaw was cut in two by a collision; the vessel was so badly smashed that it looked like scrap-iron; yet the two parts remained afloat and were towed to port.

The largest naval training station in the country was located at Great Lakes, 111., about 40 miles south of Racine. Most of the naval recruits and the draft men assigned to the navy were sent to this station for intensive training. Prior to the war the station consisted of a dozen roomy brick buildings to house officers and men, and dockage facilities for boats on the lake shore. After the beginning of hostilities, plans were put into execution immediately to expand the camp, and about two square miles of additional property were acquired. On this in a few months were erected hundreds of barracks, and all the necessary adjuncts for the care and training cl 80,000 sailors at one time.

Racine people became very familiar with this station as it was near enough to permit of frequent visiting back and forth. Hundreds of the "gobs" came to Racine over each week end and parties innumerable were given for their entertainment. The women's clubs arranged dances, and it became quite the thing for people here to invite some of the young sailors to dinner each Sunday. Occasionally a big review would be held at Great Lakes, and it was a magnificent sight to see from 50,000 to 60,000 young men in .their immaculate blue and white uniforms on pai'ade, marching to the music of a massed band of nearly 900 pieces.

From Great Lakes, recruits were sent to training ships on the sea coast and then assigned to duty with one of the naval squadrons. Many Racine men were sent to officers' training school and obtained their commissions.

While American warships did not participate in many important engagements at sea owing to the bashfulness of the German high seas fleet, the war's finale found many Yankee bluejackets at the front on dry land in France.

The last shot of the American naval railway batteries excavated enough of the yard of the Longuyor railway junction for the basement of a skyscraper should the French ever care to build one there. It was fired from the greatest mobile land instrument of destruction yet devised, the fourteen-inch railway battery, the success of which the Navy had proved.

Short as was the period of their activity in the struggle, the history of the five fourteen-inch railway batteries is one of brilliant achievement. The design, manufacture and shipment of guns, mounts, carriages, cars, locomotives and other necessary equipment I'epresented a stupendous task which was accomplished in record time.

Plans and drawings were completed by the Naval Gun Factory, January 25, 1918. In less than a month, February 23, arrangements had been made for material and manufacture, and the monster guns were in the making.

As soon as actual work on construction was started, America's sailors of the land were selected, 500 men and thirty officers. Their training was a period the intensity of which they will not forget. Ninety per cent of the men were training station recruits, land sailors, but of a different sort. Their knowledge of naval guns was limited to rifles with which they had drilled at Great Lakes or Norfolk or Bremerton. They knew practically nothing of weapons of large caliber.

The Navy's new dragon of war emitted its first roar on April 30. It was at the Sandy Hook pi'oving grounds. The gun discharged from a safe distance, a wire of considerable length being connected to the firing circuit, but the precaution was unnecessary. The sixty-foot weapon threw forth its 1,400-pound projectile, propelled by 484 pounds of smokeless powder, recoiled the prescribed forty-four inches like a crouching animal, and then returned to battery gracefully and safely.

The gun came apart in far less time than it was put together and soon was on its way, with four more, across the ocean in quest of more vital targets. The reassembling of the first locomotive and car, for the battery embraced not only the gun but its equipment, for transportation to the front, began at St. Nazaire, July 20. On August 11 the first train was ready for the front.

train, though doughboys gazed with interest from their huit-cheveaux, de luxe coaches at the long train of the railway battery, and their interest changed to envy when they saw the comfortable berthing cars with their uppers and lowers.

The French knew of its coming. News had traveled faster than six miles an hour. Cheering throngs greeted the bluejackets at every station as Battery 1 sped on to war. Flowers were showered upon them. Old salts wore blossoms in improvised button-holes in their greasy dungarees and so did young salts, or "boots," as the Navy calls its recruits.

The French found a new awe and a new joy sweeping them when it was discovered that the -wTeaths they had made to bedeck the guns were not big enough to encircle the gigantic muzzles.

But with the arrival of Battery 1 at Helles- Mouchy, August 23, and Battery 2 a day later, the Navy found on land just what it had found at sea. The Hun ran from the answer to his own challenge. The two batteries had come to fire upon the long-range gun which had startled the world with the shells it had dropped on Paris. B^ore they could get into position the Germans had moved their prize.

Parisians still wonder what caused the cessation of the shower of shells it received at such a tremendous range. The firing stopped as suddenly and as mysteriously as it started. They have the naval guns to thank, although those guns did not fire a shot at the cause of the disturbance. Big Bertha beat it before they had a chance.

When he ran he left Batteries 1 and 2 with nothing in particular at which to throw 1,400- pound projectiles. With no immediate mission to perform Battery 1 was sent to the French proving ground to give demonstrations for French students of artillery.

Battery 2 went on another search for battle. At Rethondes, in the forest of Compeigne, it took another stand, to fire upon the ammunition dump at Tergnier. Again the thrill of action evaded the Navy. Only one shot had been fired when Tergnier fell.

But action did not evade for long. Battery 1 moved to Soissons and took a position near St. Christophe Cemetery on September 11. Battery 2 moved to Fontenoy-Ambley. And they were joined by the other three batteries,

When the Germans started their retreat from Laon, September 28, the speed at which Hun legs scurried over the terrain was increased by the frequency with which the fourteen-inch guns dropped enormous and amazingly destructive shells on objectives near the town. About 200 shots were fired by the big guns before the German retreat left the targets in the hands of the French Tenth Army.

It was real action, too. The Germans found the range of Battery 1 on October 5 and opened a spunky retaliatory fire. A shell burst directly over the big gun with no casualties. Shells fell on both sides of the train, but only one direct hit was scored. It sent a bucketful of "scrub and wash" clothes scattering over the landscape. The casualty list contained nothing closer to humanity than navy undei'wear.

Another move sent Battery 2 to Flavy-le- Martel, near St. Quenten, and. it gave Mortiers a shelling from October 11 through October 13. Batteries 3, 4 and 5 chugged away to Thierville, on the outskirts of Verdun, to fire upon Longuyon and other points of strategic importance. But soon Battery 4 was moved to Charny, where it was joined by Battery 2. From the forest of Velaine Battery 1 began firing on Bensdorf, November 6. Three days later Battery 2 moved up to a point twenty miles east and was given Saarburg, as an objective. The two points were minor objectives on the path to Metz, and it is evident that the huge guns would have taken an important part in the big drive of November 14, but again the Hun ran - this time holding aloft a white flag of surrender. The guns were blazing away at the finish. J. A. Koffla, shipfitter, second class, fired the last shot at 10:57.30 in the morning of November 11.

The operations in which the five batteries engaged were not many. They fired only 782 shells, Battery 3 leading with 236 and Battei-y .5 trailing with 112. They were fired on only twenty-five different days. But their fire was effective. Examination of the targets proved it, and German prisoners admitted it. Their ranges of fire at the front wei^e from 30,000 to 40,000 yards.

Each battery train consisted of a locomotive, gun car, construction car, construction car with cranes, sand and log car, fuel car, battery kitchen car, two ammunition cars, three berthing cars, one battery headquarters car, battery headquarters kitchen car, and workshop car.

The complement of each battery train embraced a commanding officer, construction officer, orientation oflicer, medical officer, chief turret captain, two gunner's mates, first class; gunner's mate, second class; two machinist's mates, second class; boatswain's mate, first class; two coxswains; electrician, first class; electrician, second class; chief machinist's mate; eight ship fitters, first class; eight ship fitters, second class; eight carpenter's mates, first class; twenty-three seamen; ship's cook, first class; baker, first class; ship's cook, second class, and four ship's cooks, fourth class.