BlockBefore

Vernon County, Wisconsin - Chapter 26: Miscellaneous, 1884 (part 2 of 3)

From History of Vernon County, Wisconsin, Together with Sketches of Its Towns, Villages and Townships, Educational, Civil, Military and Political History; Portraits of Prominent Persons, and Biographies of Representative Citizens; History of Wisconsin.., published 1884. 15,990 words, reproduced complete and unedited. Source changes inside the text are labelled in place.

Contents

5 sections

The section headings the book prints inside this chapter. Each one jumps to where it begins.

Parts

The book prints this as one long chapter. It is split here so no single page grows too heavy to load; the text runs continuously across the parts and nothing is omitted.

The text

15,990 words

Machine-read from scans of History of Vernon County, Wisconsin, Together with Sketches of Its Towns, Villages and Townships, Educational, Civil, Military and Political History; Portraits of Prominent Persons, and Biographies of Representative Citizens; History of Wisconsin.., published 1884. Nothing has been corrected: fixing what looks like a misspelled name is how an invented one gets published. Source changes are marked where they occur.

On the morning of the 28th I slept rather late, owing to the fatigue of the preceding day. My brother-in-law awakened me, and told me the people had got into some difficulty, and that they wished me to come out and see if I -could not settle it. I went out on the gallery, and inquired what the diflieulty was; and heard the various plans and projects of defense proposed by diflFerent persons. Some objected to staying in the village and protecting the property of the villagers while theirs, outside the village, was equally exposed to the pillage of the Indians. Others were for remaining and fortifying where they were, and others still urged the repairing the old fort. As the eminence on which my house stood overlooked the most of the prairie, some were for concentrating our people there and fortifying it. After hearing these different projects, I addressed them something as follows: "As to your fortifying ray house, you can do so, if it is thought best, but I do not wish you to go there to protect it; I have abandoned it, and if the Indians burn it, so be it; but there is one thing, if we intend to protect ourselves from the Indians, we must keep together, and some one must command."

Some one then nominated m^e as commander, but I said: "No, I would not attempt to command you, but here is Thomas McNair, who holds from the governor a commission of captain over the militia of this place, and has a right to command; if you will agree to obey him implicitly, I will set the example of obedience to his orders, and will, in that case, furnish you with powder and lead as long as you want to shoot (I being the only person having those articles in the place); but unless you agree to obey McVair, I will put my family and goods into my boats and go down the river, as I will not risk myself with a mob under no control." Upon this they immediately agreed to acknowledge Mr. McNair as commander, and I was satisfied that he would take advice upon all measures undertaken. Joseph Brisbois was lieutenant, and Jean Brunet was ensign, both duly commissioned by the governor. Capt. Mc- Nair ordered a move of all the families, goods, with the old guns, to the fort, and it was near sunset before we had all got moved there.

About that time we discovered the skiff of the other keel-boat coming around a point of an island near Yellow river, about three miles distant; but we could not discover whether they were white men or Indians in the canoe, and of course it created an alarm, but in a few moments thereafter, the keel-boat hove in sight and the alarm ceased. It soon arrived, reporting that they had received a few shots in passing the places where the other boat had been attacked, but had received no injury. On tliis boat Jose])h Snclling, son of Col. Sni'lling. returned to Prairie du C'hien. Joseph Snelling and mvselt acted as supernumeraries nnderCa|it. McNaii'. The government of F'ort Crawfoid was conducted by a couiicil of the captain and those who acted under him. It was immediately resolved to repair the old fort as well as possible for defense, and the fort and blockhouse were put in as good order as circumstances and materials would admit. Dirt was thrown up two or three feet high around the bottom logs of the fort, which were rotten and dry, and would easily ignite. Joseph Snelling was put in command of one of the block-houses, and Jean Brunet of the other, with a few picked men in each, who were trained to the use of the swivel and wall pieces tiiat were found and mounted therein; and a number of barrels were placed around the quarters filled with water, with orders, in case of an attack, to cover the roof of the buildings with blankets, etc., and to keep them wet. All the blacksmiths were put in requisition to repair the condemned muskets found in the fort, and, mustering our force, we found of men and women about ninety that could handle a musket in case of an attack.

The next day after taking possession of the fort, J. B. Loyer, an old voyageur, was engaged to cross the Mississippi and go back through the country, now the State of Iowa, to inform Col. Snelling, commanding Port Snelling, of our situation. For this service Loyer was promised fifty dollars, and furnished with a horse to ride and provisions, and Duncan Graham was engaged to accompany him, for which he was to receive twenty dollars, provisions and ahorse to ride; and for these payments, I became personally responsible.

Gov. Cass, who had come to Butte des Morts, on the Fox river, to hold a treaty with the Winnebagoes, learning from rumor that there was dissatisfaction among them, started in his ,-anoe, and arrived at Prairie du Chien on the morning of the 4th of July. He ordered the company of militia into the service of the United States, and appointed me quarter-master and cmnmissary, willi the request that I would use my own funds for the supply of the department, and that he would see it refunded; and, furthermore, assumed the debt for ammunition and provisions already advanced, and also the expenses of the exi)ress to Fort Snelling, and directed me to issue to the troops a keel-boat load of flour, that I previously receipted for to one of the agents of the contractors for Fort Snelling, who feared to go farther with it.

After these arrangements had been made, Gov. Cass proceeded in his canoe to Galena, and raised a volunteer company under the late Col. Abner Fields as captain, and assigned him to the command of Fort Crawford. Lieut. Martin Thomas, of the United States ordnance department, and then stationed at the arsenal near St. Li.uis, w ho happened to be at Galena, came up and mustered the two companies of the niilitia into tiie service of the United States; and contracted with Phineas Black, of the village of Louisiana, in Missouri, whom he found at Galena, for a quantity of pork which was sent up by the boat that brought the volunteer company. Gov. Cass proceeded from Galena to St. Louis to confer with Gen. Atkinson, then in command of Jefferson Barracks, and of the western military department. This resulted in Gen. Atkinson's moving up the Mississippi with the disposable force under his com.mand at Jefferson Barracks. During this time, Col. Snelling came down the Mississippi, with two companies of the 5th regiment of United States Infantry, and assumed the command of Fort Crawford, and soon after discharged the Galena volunteer company, as they could not well be brought under military discipline. But the Prairte du Chien company was retained in ser- until some time in the month of August, for which service, through the fault of some one, they never received any pay.

During this time Gen. Atkinson arrived with the troops from Jefferson Barracks, having on his way up dispatched a volunteer force under Gen. Dodge from Galena, to proceed hy land to the Portage of Wisconsin. When Gen. Atkinson, with great difficulty, owing to the low state of the water in the Wisconsin, arrived at the Portage, he met old grey-headed Day-Kau- Ray with his band, who finding himself surrounded by the volunteers in the rear, and Gen. Atkinson's force of regulars in front, and a company of volunteers from Green Bay, concluded to disclaim any unfriendly feelings towards the United States, and disavowed any connection with the murders on the Mississippi. Gen. Atkinson, on these assurances of Day- Kau-Ray, returned, but ordered the occupation of Fort Crawford by two companies of troops. Notwithstanding these murders of our citizens ;ind movements of troops, the wise men at Washington, with about as much judgment as ihey generally decide upon Indian affairs, dei;ided that this was not an Indian war.

After the people had taken possession of the fort, and before the arrival of Gen. Cass, Indians were seen in the village, and a guard was sent out to take them and bring them to the fort. They made no resistance, but surrendered themselves, and were 'brought to the guard house. One proved to be the famous Red Bird, who headed the party that murdered Gagnier and Lipcap; another was Wah-wah-peck-ah, the Indian I had met up the Wisconsin river, and whose conduct had so much alarmed ine and my men; the other was a young Indian whose name I do not recollect. There being no charge of crime against Wah-wah-peck-ah and the young Indian, after the United States troops were stationed at Fort Crawford, they were discharged; and Red Bird was retained in the guard house, where he died before he was tried for the murder of Gagnier and Lipcap.

An Interesting Event Of The Winnebago

On the 1st of September, 1827, Maj. William Whistler, with government troops, arrived at the portage; and, while there, an express arrived from Gen. Atkinson, announcing his approach, and directing him to halt and fortify himself, and await his arrival. The object of the joint expedition of Gen. Atkinson from Jefferson Barracks, below St. Louis, and of Maj. Whistler, from Fort Howard, at Green Bay, was to capture those who had committed the murders at Prairie du Chien, and put a stop to any further aggression. The Winnebagoes were advised that the security of their j>eople lay in the surrender of the murderers of the Gagnier family. While Maj. Whistler was at the portage he received a call in a mysterious way. An Indian came to his tent and informed him that, at about 3 o'clock the next day, "they will come in." In reply to the question, "who will come in?" he said, "Red Bird and We Kau." After making this answer, he retired by the way he came. At 3 o'clock the same day another Indian came and took position in nearly the same place and in the same way, when to like questions he gave like answers; and at sundown a third came, confirming what the two had said, adding, that he had, to secure that object, given to the families of the murderers nearly all his property.

There was something heroic in this voluntary surrender. The giving away of property to tlie families of the guilty parties had nothing to do with tlieir determination to devote themselves for the good of their people, but only to reconcile those who were about to be bereaved to the dreadful expedient. The heroism of the purpose is seen in the fact that the murders committed at Prairie du Chien were not wanton, but in retaliation for wrongs committed on this people by the whites. The parties murdered at the prairie were doubtless innocent of tlie wrongs and outrages of which the Indians complained; but the law of Indian retaliation does not require that he alone who commits a wrong shall suffer for it. One scalp is held due for another, no matter whose head is taken, provided it be torn from the crown of the family or people who may have made a resort to this law a necessity.

About noon of the day following there were seen descending the mound on the portage a body of Indians. Some were mounted and some were on foot. By the aid of a glass the Americans could discern the direction to be towards their position. They bore no arms, and no one was at a loss to understand that the promise made by the three Indians was about to be fulfilled. In the course of half an hour they liad approached within a short distance of the crossing of Fox river, when on a sudden singing was heard. Those who were familiar with the air said, " it is a death song." When still nearer, some present who knew him said, " it is Red Bird singing his death song." The moment a halt was made, preparatory to crossing over, two scalp yells were heard. The Menomonees and other Indians who had accompanied the troops were lying carelessly about the ground, regardless of what was going on; but when the " scalp yells " were uttered, they sprang to their feet as one man, seized their rifles, and were ready for battle. They were at no loss to know what these yells were; but they had not heard with sufficient accuracy to decide whether they indicated scalps to be taken or given, but doubtless inferred the first.

Barges were sent across to receive and .in escort of military to accompany them within the lines. The white flag which had been seen in the distance was borne by Red Bird.

And now the advance of the Indians had reached half uj) the ascent of the bluff on which was the encampment. In the lead was Car-imi-nie, a distinguished chief. Arriving on the level upon which was the encampment of the Americans, an order being called, Car-i-mi-nie spoke, saying, "They are here. Like braves they have come in ; treat them as braves ; do not put them in irons." This address was made to Col. MoKenney. The latter told him he was not the big captain. His talk must be made to Maj. Whistler, who would do what was right. Mr. Marsh, the sub-agent, being there, an advance was made to him, and a hope expressed that the prisoners might be turned over to him.

The military had been previously drawn out in line. The Menomonee and Wabauckie (Oneida) Indians were in groups upon their haunches, on the left flank. On the right was the band of music, a little in advance of the line. In front of the center, about ten paces distant, were the murderers. On their right and left were those who had accompanied them, forming a semi-circle ; the magniticeut Red Bird and the miserable looking We-Kau, a little in advance of the center. All eyes were fixed on Red Bird. In height he was about six feet, straight, but without restraint. His proportions were those of most exact symmetry ; and these embraced the entii'e man from his head to his feet.

He and We-Kaii were told to sit down. At this moment the band struck up Pleyel's hymn. Every thing was still. Red Bird turned his eyes toward the band. The music having ceased, he took up his pouch, and, taking from it kinnikinnic and tobacco, cut the latter in the palm of his hand, after the Indian fashion ; then, rubbing the two together, filled the bowl of his calumet, struck fire on a bit of punk with his flint and steel, lighted and smoked it. All sat except the speaker. The substance of what they said was as follows :

They were required to bring in the murderers. They had no power over any except two ; the third had gone away ; and these had voluntarily agreed to come in and give themselveij up. As their friends they had come with them. They hoped their white brother would agree to accept the horses, of which there were perhaps twenty ; the meaning of which was, to take them in commutation for the lives of their two friends. They asked kinil treatment for them, and earnestly besought that they might not be put in irons, and concluded by asking for a little tobacco and something to eat.

They were answered and told in substance that they had done well thus to come in. By having done so they had turned away our guns and saved their people. They were admonished against placing themselves in a like situation in the future, and advised, when they were aggrieved, not to resort to violence, but to go to their agent, who would inform the Great Father of their complaints, and he would redress their grievances ; that their friends should be treated kindly, and tried by the same laws by which their Great Father's white children were tried ; that for the present Red Bird and We-Kau should not be put in irons ; that they should all have something to eat and tobacco to smoke.

After a moment's pause and a quick uurvey of the troops, he spoke, saying, " I am ready." Then advancing a step or two, he paused, saying, " I do not wish to be put in irons; let me be free. I have given away my life; it is gone" (stooping and taking some dust between his thumb and finger and blowing it away), "like that," eying the dust as it fell and vanished from his sight, adding, " I would not take it back, it is gone." Having thus spoken, he threw his hands behind him and marched up to Maj. Whistler, breast to breast. A platoon was wheeled backward from the center of the line, when, the major stepping aside, Red Bird and We-Kau marched through the line, in charge of a file of men, to a tent provided for them in the rear, where a guard was set over them. The comrades of the two captives then left the ground by the way they had come, taking with them our advice and a supply of meat, flour and tobacco.

We-Kau, the miserable looking being the accomplice of Red Bird, was in all things the opposite of that unfortunate brave. Never were two persons so totally unlike. The one seemed a prince, and as if born to command and worthy to be obeyed; the other as if he had been born to be hanged; meager, cold, dirty in his person and dress, crooked in form like the starved wolf; gaunt, hungry and blood thirsty; his entire appearance indicating the presence of a spirit wary, cruel and treacherous. The prisoners were committed into safe keeping at Prairie du Chien to await their trial in the regular courts of justice for murder.

Whereas, at a court of Oyer aud Terminer, held at the village of Prairie du Chien, iu the month of September, A. D., 1838. Wa-uiga, otherwise called the Sun, and Chick-hong-sic, otherwise called Little BeufEe, were convicted of the ofEense of murder in the second degree, and the said Chick-hong-sic, otherwise called Little Beuffe, was also convicted of another offense of murder in Ihe second degree: And, whereas, also it appears satisfactorily lo me tbat the clemency of the executive may be extended to the said convicts without injury to the public:

Now, therefore, I, John Quincy Adams, President of the United States of America, in consideration of the promises, divers other good and sufficient causes one hereunto moving, have granted and do hereby grant to the said Wa-ni-ga. otherwise called the Sun, and to the said Chickh-ong-sic, otherwise called Little Beuffe, my full and free pardon for the offenses aforesaid,

In testimony whereof I have hereunto subscribed my name, and caused the seal of the United States to be affixed to these presents. Given at the City of Washington this third day of November, A. D., 1838 and of the Independence of the United State.s the fifty-third. J.Q.Adams.

Indians Upon The Missis.Sippi In 1825

Trip to Prairie du Cliieii on the Mississippi. - Large assemblage of tribes. - Their appearance and character. - Sioux, Winiiebagoes, Chippewas, etc. - Striking and extraordinary appearance of the Sacs and Foxes, and of the lowas, Keokuk, Mongazids' speech. - Treaty of limits. NVhi.sky question.- A literary impostor. - Journey through the valleys of the Fox and Wisconsin rivers. - Incidents. - Menomonies. - A big nose. - Wisconsin Portage.

June 23d. 1825. The whole village was alive with the excitement of the surrender of the murderers. The agency office had been crowded with spectators during the examination ; and both white and red men saw in their voluntary delivery into the hands of the agent, an evidence of the power of the government in watching over and vindicating the lives and interests of its citizens in the wildest wilderness, which was gratifying to all.

To Gitche lauba, the chief at the bay of Kewywenon, in Lake Superior, who had been instrumental in producing the delivery, I presented a silver medal of the first class, with a written speech approbatory of the act, and complimentary of himself. In the meantime, my preparations for attending the general convocation of tribes, at Prairie du Chien, were completed. I placed the agency under- the charge of Capt. N. S. Clark, 2d Infantry, who had satisfactorily and ably performed its duties during my absence at New York. I had selected a delegation of the most influential chiefs to attend the contemplated council, and all things being ready, and my canoe-allege in the water, with its flag set. I embarked for the trip on the 24th. I descended tlie straits that day, and . having turned Point Detour reached Michilimackinac the next morning. The party from Detroit had reached that point the .same morning, after traversing the Huron coasts for upwards of .300 miles, in a light canoe. Congratulations on the success that had attended the demand for the Chippewa murderers,awaited me. Some practical questions, deemed indispensable respecting that transaction, required my immediate return to St. Mary's, which was effected on the 27th, and I again embarked at St. Mary's on the 28th, and rejoined the party at Mackinack on the -SOth. The distance traversed is about ninety miles, which was four times passed and repassed in six days, a feat that could only have been accomplished in the calms of summer.

We finally left Mackinack for our destination on the Mississippi, on the 1st of July. The convocation to which we were now proceeding, was for the purpose of settling internal disputes between the tribes, by fixing the boundaries to their respective territories, and thus laying the foundation of a lasting peace on the frontiers. And it marks an era in the policy of our negotiations with the Indians, which is memorable. No such gathering of the tribes had ever before occurred, and its results have have taken away the necessity of any in future, so far as relates to the lines on the Mississippi. We encountered head winds, and met with some delay in passing through the straits into Lake Michigan, and after escaping an imminent hazard of being blown off into the open lake, iu a fog, reached Green Bay on the 4th. The journey up the Fox river, and its numerous portages, was resumed on the 14th, and after having ascending the river to its head, we crossed over the Fox and Wisconsin portage, and descending the latter with safety, reached Prairie du Chien on the 2lBt, making the whole journey from Mackinack, in twenty-one days.

We found a very large number of various tribes assembled. Not only the village, but the entire banks of the river for miles above and below the town, and the island in the river, was covered with their tents. The Dakotahs, with their hig)i-pointed buffalo skin tents, above the town, and their decorations and implements of flags, feathers, skins and personal "braveries," presented the scene of Bedouin encampment.

Wanita, the Yankton chief, had a most magnificent robe of the bufl:alo, curiously worked with dyed porcupine's quills and sweet grass, a kind of war flag, made of eagles' and vultures' large feathers, presented quite a martial air. War clubs and lances presented almost every imaginable device of paint ; but by far the most elaborate thing was their pipes of red stone, curiously carved, and having flat wooden handles of some four feet in length, ornamented with the scalps of the red-headed woodpecker and male duck, and the tail feathers of birds artificially attached by strings and quill work, so as to hang in the figure of a quadrant. But the most elaborately wrought part of the devices consisted of dyed porcupines' quills, arranged as a kind of aboriginal mosaic.

The Winnebagoes who speak a cognate dialect of the Dacotah, were encamped near ; and resembled them in the style of lodges, arts, and geneal decorations.

The Chippewas presented the more usually known traits, manners and customs of the great Algonquin family - of whom they are indeed the best representatives. The tall and warlike bands from the sources of the Mississippi - from LaPoint, in Lake Superior - fi'om the valleys of the Chippewa and St. Croix rivers, and the Rice lake region of Lac du Flambeau, and of Sault Ste. Marie, were well represented.

The cognate tribe of the Menomonees, and Pottawottamies and Ottpwas from Lake Michigan, assimilated and mingled with the Chippewas. Some of the Iroquois of Green Bay were present.

But no tribes attracted as intense a degree of interest as the lowas, and the Sacs and Foxes - tribes of radically diverse languages, yet united in a league against the Sioux. These tribes were encamped on the island, or opposite coast. They came to the treaty ground, armed and dressed as a war party. They were all armed with spears, clubs, guns and knives. Many of the warriors had a long tuft of red horse hair tied at their elbows, and bore a necklace of grizzly bears' claws. Their head dress consisted of red-dyed horsehair, tied in such manner to the scalp lock as to present the shape of the decoration of a Roman helmet. The rest of the head was completely shaved and painted. A long iron-shod lance was carried iu the hand. A species of baldric supported part of their arms. The azian, moccasin and leggins constituted a part of taeir dress. '1 hey were, indeed, nearly nude and painted. Often the print of a hand in white clay, marked the back or shoulders. They bore flags of feathers. They beat drums. They uttered yells at definite points. They landed in compact ranks. They looked the very spirit of defiance. Their leader stood as a prince, majestic and frowning. The wild, native pride of man, in the savage state, flushed by success in war, and confident in the strength of his arm, was never so fully depicted to my eyes, and the forest tribes of the continent maybe challenged to have ever presented a spectacle of bold daring, and martial prowess, equal to their landing.

Their martial bearing, their high tone, and whole behavior during their stay in and out of council, was impressive, and demonstrated, in an eminent degree, to what a high pitch of physical and moral courage, bravery and success in war may lead a savage people. Keokuk, who led them, stood with his war lance, high crest of feathers, and daring eye ; like another Coriolanus, and when he spoke in council, and at the same time shook his lance at his enemies, the Sioux, it was evident that he wanted but an opportunity to make their blood flow like water. Wapelo, and other chiefs backed him, and the whole array, with their shaved heads and high crest of I'ed horse hair, told the spectator plainly, that each of these men held his life in his hand, and was ready to spring to the work of slaughter at the cry of their chief.

Gen . William Clark from St. Louis, was associated with Gen. Cass in this negotiation. The great object was to lay the foundation of a permanent peace by establishing boundaries. Day after day was assigned to this, the agents laboring with the chiefs, and raakingthemselves familiar with Indian bark maps and drawings. The thing pleased the Indians. They clearly saw that it was a benevolent effort for their good, and showed a hearty mind to work in the attainment of the object. The United States asked for no cession. Many glowing harangues were made by the chiefs, which gave scope to their peculiar oratory, which is well worth the preserving. Mongazid, of Fond du Lac, Lake Superior, said .- "^Yhen I heard the voice of my Great Father coming up the Mississippi valley calling me to this treaty, it seemed as a murmuring wind ; I got up from my mat where I sat musing, and hastened to obey it. My pathway has been clear and bright. Tiuly it is a pleasant sky above our heads this day. There is not a cloud to darken it. I hear nothing but pleasant words. The raven is not waiting for his prey. I hear no eagle cry, come let us go. The feast is ready - the Indian has killed his brother."

When nearly a whole month had been consumed in these negotiations, a treaty of limits was signed, which will long be remembered in the Indian reminiscences. This was on the 10th of August 1825, vide Indian Treaties' p. 371. It was a pleasing sight to see the e.xplorer of the Columbia, in 1806, and the writer of the proclamation of the army that invaded Canada in 1812, uniting in a task boding so much good to the tribes whose passions and trespasses on each others lands kept them perpetually at war.

At the close of the treaty, an experiment was made' on the moral sense of the Indians, with regard to intoxicating liquors, which was evidently of too refined a character for their just appreciation. It had been said by the tribes that the true reason for the commissioners of the United States government speaking against the use of ardent spirits by the Indians, and refusing to give them, was not a sense of its bad effects, so much, as the fear of the expense. To show them that the government was above such a petty principle, the commi.ssioner had a long row of tin camp kettles, holding several gallons each, placed on the grass, from one end of the council house to the other, and then, after some suitable remarks, each kettle was spilled out in their presence. The thing was evidently ill relished by the Indians. They loved the whisky better than the joke.

Impos,tor. - Among the books which I purchased for Gen. Cass, at New York, was the narrative of one John Dunn Hunter. I remember being introduced to the man, at one of my visits to New York, by Mr. Carter. He appeared to be one of those anomalous persons of easy good nature, without much energy or will, and little or no moral sense, who might be made a tool of. It seems no one in New York was taken in by him, but having wandered over to London, the booksellers found him a good 8ul)ject for a book, and some hack there, with considerable cleverness, made him a pack-horse for carrying a load of stuff about America's treatment of the Indians. It was called a "captivity," and he was made to play the part of an adventurer among the Indians, somewhat after the manner of John Tanner. Cass reviewed the book on our route and at the Prairie for the North American, in an article which created quite a sensation, and will be remembered for its force and eloquence. He first read to me some of these glowing sentences while on the portages of the Fox. It was continued, during the leisure hours of the conferences, and finally the critique was finished, after his visiting the place and the person, in Missouri, to which Hunter had alluded as his sponsor in baptism. The man denied all knowledge of him. Hunter was utterly demolished, and his book shown to be as great a tissue of misrepresentation as that of Salmanazar himself.

August 21st the party separates. I had determined to return to the Sault by way of Lake Superior, through Chippewa river. But, owing to the murder of Finley and liis men at its mouth in 1824, I found it impossible to engage men at Prairie du Chien, to take that route. I determined, therefore, to go up the Wisconsin, and by the way of Green bay. For this purpose, I purchased a light canoe, engaged men to paddle it, and laid in provisions and stores to last to Green Bay. Having done so, I embarked about 3 o'clock p.m., descending the m,ajestic Mississippi, with spirits enlivened by the hope of soon rejoining friends far away. Attlie same time, Mr. Ilolliday left for the same destination, in a separate canoe. On reaching the mouth of the Wisconsin, we entered that broad tributary, and found the current strong. We passed the point of rocks called Petit Gris, and encamped at G-rand Gris.

Several hours previous to leaving the Prairie, a friend handed me an enveloped packet, saying, "Read it when you get to the mouth of the Wisconsin." I had no conception what it related to, but felt great anxiety to reach the place mentioned. I tlien opened it, and read as follows: "I cannot separate from you without expressing my grateful acknowledgements for the honor you have done me, by connecting my name with your Narrative of Travels i7i the Central Portions of the Mississippi Valley, dtc." Nothing could have been more gratifying or unexpected.

22d. A fog in the valley detained us till 5 o'clock A. M. After traveling about two hours, Mr. Holliday's canoe was crushed against a rock. While detained in repairing it, I ordered my cook to prepare breakfast. It was now 9 o'clock, when we again proceeded, till the heat of noon much affected the men. We pushed our canoes under some overhanging trees, where we found fine clusters of ripe grapes.

In going forward, we passed two canoes of Menomonies, going out on their fall hunt, on the Chippewa river. These people have no hunting grounds of their own, and are obliged to the courtesy of neighboring Nations tor a subsistence. They are the most erratic of all our tribes, and may be said to be almost nomadic. We had already passed the canoes, when Mr. Lewis, the portrait painter, called out stoutly behind us, from an island in the river, "Oh! ho!" I did not know but there was some other breaking of the canoe, or worse disaster, and directed the men to^put back. "See, see," said he, "that fellow's nose! Did you ever see such a protuberance?" It was one of the Menomonees from Butte des 3Iorts, with a globular irregular lump on the end of liis nose, half as big as a man's list. Lewis' artistic risibles were at their height, and he set to work to draw him. I could think of nothing appropriate, but Sterne and Strasbourg.

23d. A heavy fog detained us at Caramanis village till near 6 a. m. The fog, however, still continued, so thick as to conceal objects at twenty yards distance. We consequently went cautiously. Both this day and yesterday we have been constantly in sight of Indian canoes on their return from the treaty. Wooden canoes are exclusively used by the Winnebagoes. They are pushed along with poles.

our boatmen, L'diabh an Port. This superstition of peopling dens and other dark places with the "arch fiend," is common. If the "old serpent" has given any proofs to the French boatmen of his residence here, I shall only hope that he will confine himself to this river,and not go about troubling quiet folks in the land of the lakes.

At Pine river we went inland about a mile to see an old mine, probably the remains of French etiterprise, or French credulity. But all its golden ores had flown, probably frightened off by the old fellow of L'diable au Port. We saw only pits dug in the sand overgrown with trees.

Near this spot in the river, we overtook Shingabowossin and his party of Chippewas. They had left the prairie on the same day that we did, but earlier. They had been in some dread of the Winnebagoes, and stopped on the island to wait for us.

In passing the channel of Detour, we observed many thousand tons of white rock lying in the river, which had lately fallen from the bank, leaving a solid perpendicular precipice. This rock, banks and ruins is like all the Wisconsin valley rocks - a very white and fine sandstone.

We passed five canoes of Menomonees, on their way to hunt on Chippewa river, to whom I presented some powder, lead and flour. They gave me a couple of fish, of the kind called j)e-can-o by the Indians.

24th. We were again detained by the fog, till half past 5 a. m., and after a hard day's fatiguing toil, I encamped at 8 o'clock p. m. on a sandy island in the center of the Wisconsin. The water in the river is low, and spreads stragglingly over a wide surface. The very bed of the river is moving sand. While supper was preparing I took from my trunk a towel, clean shirt and cake of soap, and spent half an hour in bathing in the river upon the clean yellow sand. After this grateful refreshment, I sank sweetly to repose in my tent.

4 A. M., and landed for breakfast at 10. The weather now was quite sultry, as indeed it has been during the greater part of every day since leaving Tipe&age - i. e. the Prairie. Our route this day carried us through the most picturesque and interesting part of the Wisconsin, called the Highlands or River Hills. Some of these hills are high, with precipitous faces towards the river. Others terminate in round grassy knobs, with oaks dispersed about the sides. The name is supposed to have been taken from this feature. * Generally speaking, the country has a bald and barren aspect. Not a tree has apparently been cut upon its banks, and not a village is seen to relieve the tedium of an unimproved wilderness. The huts of an Indian locality seem "at random cast." I have already said these conical and angular hills present masses of white sandstone wherever they are precipitous. The river itself is almost a moving mass of white and yellow sand, broad, clear, shallow, and abounding in small woody islands and willowy sandbars.

While making these notes I have been compelled to hold my book, pencil and umbrella, the latter being indispensible to keep off the almost trophical fervor of the sun's rays. As the umbrella and book must be held in one hand, you may judge that I have managed with some difliculty; and this will account to you for many uncouth letters and much disjointed orthography. Between the annoyance of insects, the heat of the sun, and the difficulties of the way, we had incessant employment.

At '6 o'clock p. M. we put ashore for dinner in a very shaded and romantic spot. Poetic images were thick about us. We sat upon mats spread upon a narrow carpet of grass between the river and a high perpendicular cliff. The latter threw its broad shade far beyond us. This strip of land was not more than ten feet wide, and had any fragments of rock fallen, they would have crushed us. But we saw no reason

*Sin, the terminal syllable, is clearly from the Alg-onquin - Os-sin, a stone. The French added the letter o, which is the reirular local form of the word, agreeably to the true Indian.

to fear such an event, nor did it at all take from the relish of onr dinner. Green moss had covered the face of the rock and formed a soft velvet covering, against which we leaned. The broad and cool river ran at our feet. Overhanging trees formed a grateful .bower around us. Alas, how are those to be pitied who prefer palaces built with human hands to such sequestered scenes. What perversity is tiiere in the human understanding to quit the delightful and peaceful abodes of nature, for noisy towns and dusty streets.

To me more dear, congeniiil to my hearl, One native cbarm than all the gloss of art." At a late hour in the evening we reached the Wisconsin portage, and found Dr. Wood, U. S. A., encamped there. He had arrived a short time before us, with four Indians and one Canadian in a canoe, on his way to St. Peter's. He had a mail in his trunk, and I had reason to believe I should receive letters, but to my sore disappointtiient I found nothing. I invited Dr. Wood to supper, having some ducks and snipes to offer in addition to my usual stock of solids, such as ham, venison and buffalo tongues.

Along The Mississippi In 1829

Galena stands on the land we afterwards purchased of the Indians, and is the largest town in Illinois. When we arrived there it had been settled about three years. It contained several taverns, a considerable number of stores, about a dozen lawyers, and four or five physicians, with little to do, as the country is healthy. Tiiere were three religious congregations in the place _ - Methodists, Riman Catholics and Presbyterians. Tiie town is built on the side hill, in the form of a crescent, on the north side of Fever river, and contains, perhaps, 1,000 inhabitants. It is a seat of justice of Jo Daviess Co., 111., and is situated in latitude about 42 degrees, 30 minutes north. It contains at all times, very large quantities of lead, brought here either as rent to the government, or for sale to the merchants. The superintendent of the mines and his assistant, Maj. Campbell, live here. The latter gentleman and his amiable and interesting lady had been with us on our passage from St. Louis, and they were happy to find themselves at the end of as disagreeable a journey as was ever made on these waters.

Numerous groceries appeared in the town, to us, and two billiard tables were occupied by persons who wished to amuse themselves at billiards.

Mr. James Barnes, formerly of Chillicothe, Ohio, kept an excellent boarding house, and I found many old acquaintances in the town, enjoying the best of health, and they ai)peared cheerful and happy.

Here we learned that a large body of Indians had already been assembled at Prairie du Chien, for some time, and were in readiness to meet us. Knowing the necessity of supplying them with food, tliat ours would not reach us for some time yet, and knowing this to be the last opportunity we should find to purchase any food, we purchased 500 bushels of corn, and loading all we could convey, we left this beautiful town on the next day, and departed for our final destination, where we arrived about the middle of July, 1829.

As soon as we were discovered by our red friends, a few miles below the fort, opposite to their encampment, they fired into the air about 1,500 rifles, to honor us. Our powder had become wet, and, to our extreme mortification and regret, we could not answer them by our cannon. Having fired their arms, some ran on foot, some rode on their small horses furiously along over the prairie to meet us where we landed. Amidst the motley group of thousands, of all ages, sexes, classes of society, colors and conditions of men, women and children, who met us on the wharf - Nawkaw and Hoochopekab, with their families, eagerly seized my hand, and I was happy, indeed, to meet them here. During twenty years I had seen them several times, and they recognized me in a moment, among the crowd, and assured me of their friendship and good wishes. These chiefs of the Winneb.agoes and their families pressed around me, and continued close by me until we readied the tavern where we went. There we entered into a long conversation, and they introduced me to their red friends. I assured them of my ardent friendship, and that they and their people should be dealt with, not only justly but liberally ; that the President, their great father, was their friend, a warrior like them, and never would do them any injury : that I wished them all to remember what I now told them, and when we finally parted, if my solemn promises thus voluntarily made to them had not been kept to the very letter, I wished them to publicly tell me so. Shaking me heartily by the hand, and assuring me of their friendship, they then appealed to Col. Menard, who heartily agreed with me, in assuring them of our good intentions towards them.

Dr. Wolcott, the agent for the Chippewas, Ottawas and Pottawattamies, here met us, and he had been at incredible pains to get his Indians here, where they had been for nearly a month, perhaps. Mr. Kinzy, the sub-agent of the Winnebagoes, whose sub-agency is located at Fort Winnebago, had also come, and with iiim all the principal persons of that Nation, residing in that direction.

All the Indians with whom we were sent to treat, were represented on the ground, and all that was wanting to begin our councils we urged forward with all the energy that the officers of the government and their numerous friends could muster. The next day, in company with Gen. Street, the agent of the Winnebagoes, resident here, several sub-agents and interpreters, I met the principal men of the Winnebagoes, and we impressed upon them the necessity of keeping their youngmen under subjection, and arranged with them the outlines of the manner in which our business should be conducted. The talk was a long one and occupied the afternoon. Gen. Street was very zealous in the service of the government.

Gen. McNeil and his officers at the fort erected a council shade, near the fort, and in about three days we were ready to hold a publie council, when Dr. Wolcott's Indians informed me that they could not meet in public council until an Indian was buried, and inquired of me if I objected to the burial, to which I replied that I could not object to the buri il, certainly. On the nextdav, to my regret, I learned they would not assemble in council until the Indian was buried, and again inquired, whether I was willing to have the person buried, to which question I replied in the affirmative, when I was informed that the relatives of the deceased would not consent to the burial of the murdered person until they had received a horse, as the compensation for his death. Understanding the difficulty at last, the commissioners gave the horse, the deceased was buried, and the Indians agreed to meet in council next day.

I took some pains to get the murderer and the relatives of the deceased together, in order to have a perfect reconciliation between them. They shook hands very cordially in appearance, bat the relatives of the deceased person informed me privately afterwards, that, as soon as the murderer got home with his horse and goods, they would kill him and take bis property, which he could better keep than they could until then. If I am correctly informed, they did as they assured me they would, after their arrival in their own country. So that compounding for the murderer only procrastinated for a time the punishment of the crime.

When everything was in readiness for the opening of the council, the Indians of all the tribes and Nations on the treaty ground attended, and requested to have translated to thein, st-verally, what we said to each tribe, which heing assented to on our part, the Winnebagoes, the Chippewas, Ottawas, Pottawattamies, Sioux, Sauks, Foxes and Monomonees, half-breeds, the officers from the fort, the Indian agents, sub- agents, interpreters, and a great concourse of strangers from every city in the Union; and even from Liverpool, London and Paris, were in attendance. The commissioners sat on a raised bench facing the Lidian chiefs; on each side of them stood the officers of the army iti full dress, while the soldiers, in their best attire, appeared in bright array on the sides of the council shade. The ladies belonging to the officers' families, and the best families in the Prairie, were seated directly behind the commissioners, where they could see all that passed and hear all that was said. Behind the principal Indian chiefs sat the common people - first the men, then the women and children, to the number of thousands, who listened in breathless and death-like silence to every word that was uttered. The spectacle was grand and morally sublime in the highest degree to the Nations of red men who were present, and when our proposition to sell all their country to their Father had been delivered to them, they requested an exact copy of it in writing, the request was instantly complied with, and the council broke, up. Next day we addressed the Winnebagoes, as we had the Chippewas, etc. the day before, and at their request gave them a copy of our speech.

After counciling among themselves, the Chippewas, etc., answei'ed favoralily as to a sale, though they would do nothing yet until they had fixed on their terms.

The Winnebagoes appeared in council and delivered many speeches to us. They demanded the $20,000 worth of goods. "Wipe out your debt," was their reply, "before you run in debt again to us."

Our goods, owing to the low stage of the water, had not arrived yet, and the Indians feared we did not intend to fulfil Gov. Cass' agreement of the year before. When our goods did arrive, and they saw them, they then changed their tone a little; but in the meantime, great uneasiness existed, and I was often seriously advised by Nawkaw and other friends to go into the fort, as Gen. McNiel had done. Col. Menard's ill health had compelled him to leave the ground and go to Gen. Street's, five miles (the General calls it three), from the council house. Unless we left the ground, we were told by the Winnebagoes, that they "would use a little switch upon us." In plain English, they would assassinate the whole of us out of the fort. Two hundred warriors under Keokuk and Morgan, of Sauks and Foxes, arrived and began their war dance for the United States, and they brought word that thirty steamboats with cannon and United States troops, and 400 warriors of their own, were near at hand. The Winnebagoes were silenced by this intelligence, and by demonstrations, not misunderstood by them.

When Keokuk arrived, he brought two deserters from the garrison here, whom he had made prisoners on his way up the river. Quasquavvma and his son-in-law, Tia-ma, came with Keokuk. It was a season of great joy with me, who placed more reliance on these friendly warriors than on all our forces. Good as our officers were, our soldiers of the army were too dissipated and worthless to be relied on one miiment. Taking Keokuk aside and alone, I told him in plain English all I wanted of him, what I would do for him, and wliat I expected from him and his good officers. He replied in good English: "I understand you sir, perfectly, and it shall all be done." It was all done faitlifully, and he turned the tide in oui' favor.

The goods arrived and also our provisions; Col. Menard's and Gen. McNiel's health were restored and they appeared again at the council house, and everything wore a new aspect. They approved of all I had done in their temporary absence.

domain, purchased from the Indians. Taking the three tracts, ceded, and forming one whole, it extends from the upper end of Rock Island to tlie mouth of the Wisconsin; from latitude 41 degrees, 30 minutes, to latitude 48 degrees, 15 minutes, on the Mississippi. Following the meanderings of the river, it is called 240 miles from south to north. It extends along the Wisconsin and Fox rivers, from west to east, so as to give us a passage across the country from the Mississippi to Lake Michigan. The south part of the purchase extends from Rock Island to Lake Michigan south of the Wisconsin, the Indians now own only reservations, where they live, which, as :;oon as the white people settle on all the ceded lands, will be sold to us, and the Indians will retire above the Wisconsin, or cross the Mississippi, where the bear, the beaver, the deer and the bison invite them. The United States now own all the country on the east side of the Mississippi, from the Gulf of Mexico to the mouth of the Wisconsin.

It remains for me to make a few remarks upon the country along the Mississippi from Fort Edwards upward, and briefly describe Prairie du Chien.

Ascending the Mississippi, the country appeared to rise up out of the river at Fort Edwards, and the hills assume a greater elevation, still, at Du Buque's mine and tomb not far from Galena. From ihence upwards, the l>ottom lands are narrow, tlie river turns towards the northwest and becomes very crooked, bounded by high hills. Cassville, thirty miles below Prairie du Chien, stands on a narrow bottom, where an opening into the mineral country, in the direction of Mineral Point, presents itself. This easy passage down to the river has located a town here of a few houses, consisting of a tavern, a storehouse for the lead, belonging to the United States; and here a government sub-agent to collect and receive the government's share of lead resides, Maj. Beal.

Opposite to the mouth of the Wisconsin stands Pike's hill, lofty and abrupt, and just above this place, on the eastern bank of the river, begins the low prairie ground on which Fort Crawford and the village of Prairie du Chien stand. The town begins to show itself three miles above the Wisconsin, and extends upwards about nine miles, where it ends. The river is full of islands, and when at its highest altitude in a freshet is three miles in width, from hill to hill. Originally settled by the French, it was once a place of some importance, as the remains of old cellars and chimneys show. That importance is no more, and probably never will be again. Overflowed by high waters, and but little good land near it, without water power, I see little inducement to build up a town here. On the north side of the Wisconsin there is no land on which a town can be located near the Wisconsin, and the south side is preferable for it, where one will, one day, rise up. The town, though, is a seat of justice for a county of Michigan, and perhaps thirty families, besides those belonging to the garrison, reside here. No Indians reside near here, and there is no sort of need of nor propriety in having an agency, etc., here for the Winiicbagoes, because Fort Winnebago is the proper place for the agency.

Gen. Street, the agent and near relative of Mr. Barry, the postmaster general, is the present agent, and his I'e^'idence, I consider to be about five miles above the fort, though I am aware that Gen. Street's estimated distance is only three miles.

The water found by digging in this prairie is not always good, and that in our well was the worst I ever tasted, operating upon the bowels like glauber salts, and I sufl^ered excessively from using it. Even the food cooked in it affected me seriously. The well in the fort is better, and some persons obtain water from springs in the river when it is low. The river covers all the town and where the fort is in high water. The Mississippi rising late in the season, and subsiding in the summer solstice, this place must be sickly in summer every year, when a freshet takes such a time to appear. In 1829 there was no such rise in the river, of any amount, and the place was healthy.

The only Indians living on this river below this place and near it, are the Sauks and Foxes. The principal town of the former, on the east side of the Mississippi, is situated on the north side of Rock river, near its mouth, and in sight of the Mississi,ppi. Not many years ago this town contained, it is said, 4,000 or .5,000 inhabitants. They have sold all the country east of the river Mississippi, and are withdrawing from it to a new town some ten miles west of the old town, and about the same distance from Rock Island.

The principal town of the Foxes is on the brink of the river near Du Buque's mine, and in sight of his tomb, which is erected on a high hill, where the cross on his grave can be seen from the river to a considerable distance from it. Du Buque was an Indian trader and lived and died here.

The Fox town contains twenty wigwams or upwards, and I presume some 200 Indians. I saw but a few acres of poorly cultivated corn near the town, and the wigwams looked shabby enough. Morgan is the principal warrior of this village, as Keokuk is of the Rock river town.

The Sauks and Foxes were so useful to us as auxiliaries, that I feel grateful to tiiem and make a few remarks on their principal men who were with us.

Keokuk, the principal warrior of the Sauks, is a shrewd politic man, as well as a brave one, and he possesses great weight of character in their national councils. He is a high-minded, lionor able man, and never begs of the whites.

two United States soldier, who were deserting irom the garrison when he met them. I informed him that for this act he was entitled to a bounty in money; to which he proudly replied, that he acted from motives of friendship towards the United States, and would accept no money for it.

Morgan is the principal warrior of the Foxes, and resides at Du Buque's mine on the western bank of the Mississippi. Though less versatility of talent belongs to him than Keokuk possesses, yet he is a brave man and fond of war. More than a year before we were in this country, this Indian general had gone to the Sioux country and killed a woman and three children of that Nation, which act produced the war, then raging between the two Nations. This act has since been dreadfully avenged by a large party, on some twenty individuals of the Foxes.

Tiama, a principal civil chief of the same tribe, is an excellent man, and son-in-law of Quasquawma. Their village is already noti(ted as being located on the west side of the river, opposite where we lay 'on an island, at the head of the lower rapids.

Quasquawma was the chief of this tribe once, but being cheated out of the mineral country, as the Indians allege, he was degraded from his rank and his son-in-law, Tiama, elected in his stead. The improvisatori, whose name has escaped my recollection, is a shrewd wit and a very good man, certainly a very amiable and agreeable one. He is highly esteemed by ail his people.

Tom, a half-blood, is a great pet among the whites. He speaks prairie-wolf French and a little English, in addition to his knowledge of Indian languages.

Of the above named individuals, and several others belonging to these brave and generous allies, I brought away with me as correct a likeness as I ever saw drawn. Gratitude towards them was my motive for being at the expense of these beautiful paintings which have gone to London a year since. Like many other expenses I was necessarily put to, I have never received even one cent from the government towards tliem, nor have I received one cent, eitlier for my expenses or my services at St. Louis, the lovver rapids, Rock Island, or Galena. I say this because it has been stated, very differently, even on tlie floor of the House of Representatives. It is not true, tliat all my expenses were paid by the United States; nor is it true that my services have been paid for by the government at all. In saying this, I do it in justice to myself as I would to do justice til any other injured individual, liowever humble in the Nation. I am even yet unpaid, but I never will condescend to beg for my pay ,at the doors of Congress. 1 did once expect very different lieatnicnt from my country.

Hawk War

In .May, 1831, Joseph M. Sti'eet, Indian agent at Prairie du Ciiien, left the agency in care of sub-agent, Thomas P. Burnett The Latter reported to Gen. William Clark, s\i|ierinlondent of Indian affairs, at St. Louis, on the ISih of that month, that "the Indian relations among the different tribes of this quarter, have not a very ; raicable appearance. The threatenings of the Sauks and Foxes, and occasional acts of inLscliief committed by them against the whites, in the vicinity of Rock Island, have doubtless l)een communicated lo you liefore this time.

"The Sioux chief, Wabashaw, and a considerable number of his tribe, are now here (at Prairie du Chien). A small party of them who came across the country from Red Cedar, state that within their country north of the line of tlie purchase of last summer, they came upon a war road of the Sanks and Foxes. They followed the trail leading out of the country several days, and from the signs remaining at their camps, they have no doubt, that three or more of the Sioux have been murdered by the Sauks and Foxes. Among other appearances that confirmed them in this belief, was a painted buffalo robe, such as no Indians in this quarter but the Sioux make or use, cut in pieces at one of their camps. They pursued their trail until they came upon their camp, a few miles north of the old Red Cedar fort; but finding them double their own number, did not make an attack. They say that they have made peace and promised to keep it, and will not in any case be the aggressors.

"Col. Morgan informed me, two days since, that he had sent down to the Sauks and Foxes to send up ten or twelve of their men to see him, and have a talk with him. They were expected here on yesterday, but have not yet arrived. The Sioux are waiting their arrival, and are, I believe, ready to meet them, either as friends or enemies. When they were informed that the Foxes were coming, they put their arms in order. They say that if the Sauks and Foxes come and deport themselves peaceably, they \v\\\ not molest them, but if they .see any hostile manifestations, they will strike them. My own ijpiiiion is, that if the Sauks and Foxes have had a war jiarty out against the Sioux, they will not jome here upon Col. Morgan's invitation, knowing as they do, that the Sioux always visit this place about this season in considerable numbers.

"A part of the Monomonees have been to see me since Gen. Street's departure. They renewed their promise not U, go against the Chippewas for the present, but to wait a while longer to hear from their Great Father."

The squally appearance of Indian affairs called for the watchful attention alike of agents and officers of the army, l^ut it became a question of etiquette, which should take the lead in the mattei-. The military seems to have claimed that right, while the agents claimed at least to know what had been done in the premises; both being then under the superintendence of the War Department, the military considered the Indian Department as subordinate to theirs. But Mr. Burnett thought otherwise, claiming that eacli branch of the ])ubli(! service had its appropriate <lnties with which the other should not interfere, while in case of necessity one should assist the other, both acting in unison. And as the Sauks and Foxes alluded to in his letter to Gen. Clark, did come to the place, with whom Col. Morgan held a council, without the knowledge or co-operation of ihe agent, Mr. Burnett claimed to be informed of the nature and extent of the proceedings, and addressed a note, dated May 23, 1831, to Col. Morgan, as follows:

"Sir - I was informed yesterday that you held, on the morning of that day, a council with a ]iarty of Sioux and a party of Fox Indians which you had assembled in the village of Prairie du Cliien. As the acting Indian agent at this place, it properl}' concerns me to know what takes place at this post in relation to Indian affairs. I should therefore be glad to be informed of the circumstances that required such council. The objects to be effected, and the results accomplished; also the names of the chiefs ormen of influence of either tribe, who were present. Will you please to communicate to me as early as may be convenient, the desired information, and likewise whether Gen. Street was apprised, previous to his departure, of the contemplated meeting of those Indians."

"Sir - I acknowledge in you no right to call on me to render an account of my proceedings to you, though if you will do me thfe favor to call at my quarters on my return from St. Peter's, for which place I am just about to set out, I will explain to you the object of the pouncil and tell you what passed. You were apprised yourself of the Foxes having been invited, and you knew they had arrived. Why stay four or five miles off? I stated to the Iniliansthat you should have been to the council, if you had lieen here."

Col. Morgan had sent for the Sauks and Foxes to visit this post. On the 21st inst., about fifteen men of the Foxes, of Dubuque mines, arrived at the village, and on the next day Col. Morgan held a council with them and the Sioux, who were here. I presume that whatever took place at the council, or was effected by the meeting of the Indians, of any importance, will be communicated to you through the proper channel, by Col. Morgan who acted alone in the measure.

"I he Sioux had been waiting the arrival of the Foxes for several days. The Foxes landed at the village on Saturday evening, not later I think than 4 o'clock. The council was opened the next morning, as I am informed, at 10 o'clock; yet no intimation of either time or place of meeting, or that my presence was at all desired, was given, although there was ample time to do so. Throughout the transaction, there has been no consultation had, or co-operation had with the agency. The only communication upon the subject previous to the council and departure of the Indians, was the simple fact that he had sent for the Foxes, of which I apprised you. I suppose that if anything occurred of sufficient importance to found a report upon, he will communicate the facts, and in that case, it must appear that the measure was undertaken and carried through without any connection or co-operation with this agency. I have, therefore, given the above statement of facts to show that the absence of co-operation in this affair was not from neglect of duty or inattention on the part of this agency."

The information that I have collected on the subject, is this: "Some fifteen Foxes from Dubuque mines, all young men except one or two, came up and had a talk with the Sioux and Col. Morgan, in which each expressed a desire to continue the peace which had been concluded between them the last year. The Foxes denied any knowledge of a war party having gone against the Sioux. They said they wished to be at peace, and would not do any act of bos- tilitj', but they could not answer for those below - tliey spoke for themselves enly. They smoked and danced together and parted in apparent friendship and harmony."

The extent of the frontier and the number of tribes within the agency kept up an almost incessant excitement as to their affairs, and to keep the government advised of all their movements, required constant vigilance and the writing of numerous letters. Under date of June 13, 1831, Mr. Burnett writes to Gen. Clark: "I have -i-eceived since the last mail from this ]>Iace information which I consider entitled to credit, that a war party of Sioux is now being organized among Washaba's band to go against theCiiippewas, by a warrior of some note in that Viand. I have also understood that there are a tew Menomonees, relatives of those who were killed by the Chippewas in the fall and winter past, now with the band of Sioux. Hut I have not been able to learn whether theyinteml joining the Sioux in their expedition or not, but think it probable that some of them will do so."

Under date of June 29th he wrote: "I am inforuicd by Maj. Langham, wlio arrived lieie from below a few days since, that the Winnebagoes of the Prophet's village on Rock river, have I'nited with the Sauks and Foxes. The Witinebagoes of the Wisconsin and Upper Mississippi are still peaceable. They are most likely waiting to see the first results of the movements below, and intend to act afterwards according to circumstances.

"Until within two or three weeks past, very few of those Indians have visited this place for a length of time, fewer, I am told, than usual at this season of the year. Lately a great many of them have been here, the most of whom came down the Wisconsin and have gone up the Mississippi. A great portion of them are old men, women and children. They continue to pass by daily. Many rumors are in circulation as to their present disposition and intention; very few of which are, perhaps, entitled to implicit belief. They have served, however, to give considerable alarm to many of the inhabitants of the prairie, and many of them begin to think themselves in danger. I have spared no pains to ascertain the disposition of the Winnebagoes here and have found no evidence of a disposition to hostilities on their part, unless their sending so many of their old men, women and children up the river and purchasing powder in larger quantities than usual for ordinary hunting, should indicate something of the kind.

"I also learned a few days since that the oneeyed Decori had left his village at Prairie La Crosse and gone down to the Sanks and Foxes. This was accidentally communicated tomy informant by a Winnebago and is probably true. Decori was down about two weeks since and called to see me on his return home. His deportment was as usual; I saw no change. In fact I have not discovered any change in the deportment or appearance of any of them that I have seen. They all appear to be perfectly friendly. None of the traders here think they have any hostile intentions.

"Col. Morgan left the fort for Rock Island on the morning of the 27th inst., with two compares from his jiost, and two more from Fort Winnebago, under Maj. Twiggs. He had previously called in all fatigue parties and put his whole force under a course of training. Much alarm prevails iti the mines. The people are arming and preparing for their defense. I do not consider that there is any immediate danger either here or in this vicinity. Much, however, will doubtless depend on the result below. The Sionx and Menomonees are certainly friendly, and against the Sauks and Foxes, would willingly unite with the whites if permitted to do so. I have heard nothing since my last of a war party of those Indians against the Chippewas."

In February, 1832, Mr. Burnett was in Kentucky, when Gen. Street wrote him that "the Menomonees and Sioux are preparing for a retaliatory war against the Sauks and Foxes in the spring. The Menomonees have made peace with the Chippewas, in order to have no fears from that quarter. The two tribes met above the mill on the Chippewa and made their peace. I have advised the bunerintendent so as to have the earliest interferance, if any is intended. The Sauks and Foxes, I learn, expect retaliation and will be prepared to meet them. If the government is not early in stopping them, they will certainly go in considerable force, and a bloody contest may be expected."

About the 1st of April Mr. Burnett received instructions, while yet in Shelbyville, to "proceed to the agency at Prairie du Chien by way of St. Louis, and call on Gen. Clark for the funds allotted to the agency for 1832, or such portion thereof as he shall determine to forward. The receipts will be forwarded to you at St.- Louis as soon as a conveyance by steamboat shall occur." Mr. Burnett reached the agency about tiie 1st of May. At that time the Sauks and Foxes under Black Hawk were in hostile movements on Rock river, with Gen. Atkinson in pursuit. To aid in the defense of the country. Gen. Atkinson, from Dixon's ferry, May 26, 1832, addressed Gen. Street as follows:

" Sir: - I have to request that you send me at this place, with as little delay as possible, as many Menomonee and Sioux Indians as can be collected, within striking distance of Prairie du Chien. I want to employ them in conjunction with the troops against the Sauks and Foxes, who are now some fifty miles above us in a state of war against the whites. I understand the Menomonees, to the number of 300 warriors, who were with you a few days ago, are anxious to take part with us. Do encourage them to do so, and promise them rations, blankets, pay, etc. I have written to Capt. Loomis to furnish them some arnis, if they can be spared, and ammuTiition. If there are none at Prairie du Chien, I must procure some in this quartei. Col. Hamilton, who has volunteered his services to lead the Indians to this place, will hand you this letter; and if the Indians can be prevailed on to come, will perform the duty. I have to desire that Mr. Marsh may be sent with Col. Hamilton and the Indians, and an interpreter of the Menomonee language." In accordance with this requirment, Gen. Street gave, on May 30, to Mr. Burnett the following instructions:

"Sib: - You will please proceed with Mr. John Marsh, who goes express to the nearest Sioux village, and render him such aid as may be necessary in obtaining as many Indians as possible, to come down with you, and proceed under the command of Mr. Marsh to join Gen. Atkinson. The letter of Gen. Atkinson will be your guide in the business. Use every means to expedite the object; and hasten your return, as much depends upon the expedition."

The nearest Sioux village was 130 miles up the river from the seat of the agency, which had to be ascended in canoes, there being no steamer then to he had. Yet in six days after receiving the order, Mr. Burnett made the following report to Gen. Street:

"Sir: - In obedience to your order of the 30th ult., I set out immediately from this place, in company with Mr. INIarsh, in a canoe, with eight hands, to visit the nearest village of ihe Sioux Indians. From recent indications among the Winnebagoes of the upper Mississippi of a disposition to engage in hostilities with the Sauks and Foxes, Mr. Marsh and myself thought best to call at their village on the river La Crosse, and invite so many as might be disposed to join us on our return, and go with the Sioux and Menomonees to join Gen. Atkinson's army on Rock River. We arrived at the Winnebago village on the evening of the next day after leaving this post, and that night had a talk with the chiefs and braves upon the subject. Win-o-a-she-kan was opposed to the measure, and declined having anything to do with it. He said the Sauks had twice, this season, presented the red wampum to the Winnebagoes at Portage, and that they had as often washed it white, and handed it back to them; that he did not like that red thing, he was afraid of it. Waudgh- lia-ta-kan took the wampum, and said that he with all the young men of the village would go; that they were anxious to engage in the expedition, and would he ready to accompany us on our return.

" The next day we reached Prairie Aux Ailes (Wabasha), and found the Sioux extensively anxious and ready to go against the Sauks and Foxes. They were intending to make a descent upon them in a few days, if they had not been sent for. They engaged with alacrity in their preparations, but we found it necessary to wait till Monday morning to give them time. We left their village on our return, at 9 o'clock in the forenoon, accompanied by the whole effective force of the band, and at La Crosse were joined by twenty warriors of the Winnebagoes, the remainder of their village to follow the next day, and reached this place to-day, at 2 o'clock p. M., with 100 warriors, eighty of whom are Sioux and twenty Winnebagoes. I think from the disposition manifested by the Winnebagoes, tliat fifty or sixty more of them will be here before the expedition leaves the prairie, making a force of of 1 MO or 140. The Indians with whom I have met, appear well effected towards the whites, are in fine spirits and seem anxious to engage with the Sauks and Foxes.

" I made the promise authorized to the Indians of subsistance, pay, etc., and told them that their families should be supplied with provisions during their absence from home. The most of the families of the warriors have accompanied them thus far, to take a supply of provisions home with them, when the expedition shall have left this place. It is due to Mr. Marsh to say that he has displayed great zeal and energy in efi'ecting the object of our visit, and that his exertions had the effect of bringing out the greatest possible force from the bands we have called upon."

Mr. Burnett greatly desired and strongly urged Gen. Street to allow him to accompany these Indians and take part in the war. But the general thought his services were needed

In the meantime tlie Sauks and Foxes retreated from the Rock river to the Wisconsin, where they were routed, " horse, foot and dragoons." The news of this defeat of the Indians soon reached Prairie du Chien, and it was thought probable that if the Sauks and Foxes could get canoes or even rafts, that they would attempt to escape from their pursuers by de scending the Wisconsin river. To prevent this, some volunteer troops were stationed on that yver at the ferry, now Barrett's. But the Indians took across the country towards Bad Ax.

As soon as it was ascertained that the hostile Indians under Black Hawk were wending their way to the Mississippi, after the battle of Wisconsin Heights, Joseph M . Street, Indian agent, wrote to Thomas P. Burnett, sub-Indian agent, with a view to adopt means to intercept tlie savages, the following letter, on the 25th of July, 1832:

"Sir: - You will proceed up the Mississippi to the Winnebagoes, twenty-five or thirty miles above this place, and inform them * * * of the crossing of the Sauks to the north side of the Wisconsin, and that their chiefs Carramana and Deeori are here, and that I want all of the Winnebagoes to come down with you immediately; tell them it is the wish of their chiefs also. One object of this is, to get them out of tlie way, with their canoes, to prevent their crossing the Sauks over the river. Send on word, if you can, to the upper villages, that the Sauks have been defeated, and have crossed the Wisconsin. And should the Winnehagoes hesitate, tell them that if they do not come, I will not pay the annuity to any who refuse. The time is now near and they will lose their money. Hasten back as soon as possible."

The next day, July 26th, Mr. Burnett reported : "Sir: - In obedience of your order of yesterday, I set out from this place in a bark canoe late last evening to visit the Winnebagoes, supposed to be encamped twenty-five or thirty miles above Prairie du Chien. This morning before day the steamboat enterprise, with a military command, came by my encampment and took myself and crew on board. Before arriving at the place where the Indians had been encamped, we found that they had been gone for several days, and had removed some distance above.

"We therefore continued on up a considerable distance, passing several lodges at different points until we came to the principal camp, on the east side ot the river, supposed to be sixty miles above Prairie du Chien. I communicated your message to all the Indians I saw on the way, who readily promised to obey your instructions.

"At the principal camp I found Washington Decori with a considerable part of the tribe from the Wisconsin and Kickapoo rivers. I immediately informed them of your request, and desired them to get ready as soon as possible and go to the agency. They manifested entire willingness to do so, but said some of their party were out hunting, and would be in at night, for whom they wished to wait,, so that all might come together. They promised very positively, that they would start as soon as the hunters should arrive, and would certainly see you by the middle of the afternoon to-morrow. Alter some conversation about their starting this evening, and their still objecting to do so until the hunters came in, Lieut. Abercrombie told them that he would wait until sunset for them to get ready, and if they did not start by that tune, he would take all their canoes and bring them down with the steamboat. About two hours after this they concluded to start and let the hunters come on after them; and after seeing all the canoes move off, we started on our return, and reached this place at 9 o'clock this evening. The Indians whom I saw will be here to-morrow by 12 o'clock. They had not heard of the battle on the Wisconsin, but appeared to be highly gratified and pleased at the news."

The next day, July 2'7th, Gen. Street ordered Mr. Burnett to "proceed with Washington Decori to LaCrosse, and such other points as you may deem important, and tell the Winnebagoes I wish to see them at the agency. I wish Winneshiek certainly to come. Much must be left to your own judgment in the case. The object is to get what information you can relative to the Sauks and Foxes, and to draw all the Winnebagoes from the Upper Mississippi, and with them the means of passing the river. If you can, extend the news to the Sioux."

The following day Mr. Burnett reported to Gen. Street: "In obedience to your order of yesterday, I went on board the steamer Enterprise last evening, and started for LaCrosse. We arrived early this morning at the entrance of the lower mouth of Black river and found the Winnebagoes encamped on the shore. I took Wekon Decori, and went oti shore immediately to see the Indians. I found the oneeyed Decori and the Litte Thunder at the lodges, but found that most of the band had left the village sometime since. Winneshiek and Waumarnarsar, with about fifteen men and their families, had been gone near a month to hunt and dry meat about fifty miles up LaCrosse and Black rivers. The rest of the band were in the camp. I told them that you wished to see them immediately; that the Americans under Gen. Dodge had defeated the Sauks and Foxes on the Wisconsin, and after killing a great many, bad driven them across the river; that the defeated Indians were endeavoring to make their escape to the Mississippi for the purpose of crossing it and regaining their own country; and that it was probable they would attempt to reach that point, that they might get tlie Winnebago canoes to cross in, and that they must get away from that place before the Sauks and Foxes arrived.

"They said they would come down immediately on the return of the absent party; that they were afraid of the Sauks, and did not wish to leave a small part of their band behind, who were too few to resist if they would meet them. I then told thera to send two of their best young men on horseback to bring ,in the hunting party. They very promptly complied, and in a short time the young men were mounted and on their way. I charged the express to carry to the absent Indians the message I had delivered, and to tell Winneshiek especially, that his presence was i-equired at the agency. The chiefs present told me that they thought they would all be here certainly in six days, and probably sooner. I told them it was of great importance to them to come as soon as possible, and bring all their canoes on the river; that it' the Sauks should come to that point they were not strong enough to prevent them from taking their canoes (if they did not kill them), and crossing over the river; that should they eflEect a passage to the west side of the river, at any point above this place, within their country, they would be suspected of assisting them, and if it sliould be known that they had done so, they would lose tlieir annuities and be treated as allies of the Sauks and Foxes. They promised to start for this place on the return of the absent party and bring all their canoes with them. From their apparent anxiety, I think they will be here in three or four days at the farthest, though they said it might be six.

"The Sioux chief, L'Ark, w^ho left this place on the evening of the 25tli inst, passed Black river this morning before our arrival, and will reach his people with the news (which he received from here) to-day. Having done all we could, we left LaCrosse at 10 a. M.,and reached this place at 3 p. sr., making ninety miles in five hours."

It was but a few days after this, the 'id of August, 1832, that Gen. Atkinson over-hauled the broken fragments of Black Hawk's army, fatigued, hungry and dispirited, and attacked them on the bottoms of the Mississippi, a few miles below the mouth of Bad Ax river, about forty-five miles above Prairie du Chien, and totally defeated and scattered them, as related in a previous chapter. Black Hawk was soon after taken prisoner by a company of Winnebagoes. Mr. Burnett met them soon after the capture, to whom Black Hawk gave a piece of red ribron which was tied to his hair.

After The Battle Of Bad Ax

(By John A. Wakefield, 1838.) As .soon as the battle was over all the wounded were collected to one place, and, with those of our enemy, were examined and their wounds dressed; there was no difference here between our men and our enemy. The different surgeons did their best for both. They were no longer able to do us any harm, but were in our power and begging for mercy, and we acted like a civilized people, although it was with the worst kind of enemies, and one that had done so much mischief and had taken away so many of the lives of our fellow citizens.

We had killed and wounded a great many of these wretched wanderers, that have no home in the world, but are like the wild beasts, more than man - wandering from forest to forest, and not making any improvement in the natural mind. All their study is how to proceed in the chase, or take scalps in time of war. But, although they are a miserable race of people, and live a wretched life, they are much frightened when they see death staring them in the face, which was the case at this time. When we came upon the squaws and children, they raised a scream and cry loud enough to affect the stoutest man upon earth. If they had shown themselves they would have come off much better, but fear prevented them, and in their retreat, trying to hide from us, many of them were killed, but contrary to the wish of every man, as neither officer nor private intended to have spilt the blood of those squaws and children. But such was their fate; some of them were killed, but not intentionally by any man, as all were men of too much sense of honor and feeling to have killed any but those who were able to harm us. We all well knew

The prisoners we took seemed to lament their ever having raised arms against the United States, and appeared to blame the Black Hawk and the Prophet for the miserable condition that their tribe was then in, but at the same time appeared to rejoice that they were prisoners of war, which plainly showed that they had some faith in our humanity and that they would exchange the life they were then living for any other. They appeared to manifest every token of honesty in their examination. They stated that Black Hawk had stolen off up the river at the commencement of the battle, with some few of his warriors and a few squaws and children. I think the number of warriors was ten, and thirty-five women and children, or, in other words, four lodges, which is the Indian phrase, as they do not know how to count by numbers. They were examined respecting the first battle we had with them on the Wisconsin and they stated that we killed sixty-eight on the field of action, and that twenty-five had died since from their wounds, making in all ninety-three that we are certain we killed in that battle, besides a number more that there is no doubt still lingered and died with their wounds.

Putting together what were killed in the two battles, and all the little skirmishes, we must have destroyed npwards of 400 of these unhappy and miserable beings, which was occasioned, no doubt, by the superstitious ideas which were instilled into tlieir minds by the Prophet. Although I have already stated that those unhappy wanderers make no imjjrovement in the natural mind, they still, by instinct, believe in an overruling Providence, and are the most credulous people upon earth. They pay much attention to their dreams, and if one of their Nation dreams much, he soon takes the name of iH'ophet, as they believe it to be a visitation of tiie Great Spirit. One morning I chanced to rise very early, and taking a walk through the encampment, accidentally wandered to where the Indians were encamped. It was just at the dawn of day, and they were just beginning their morning worship of the Great Spirit. I had often heard that these uninformed children of the forest believed that there was a God, and tried to worship him, which made me call a halt to see if what I had heard respecting this unhappy people was true. They commenced by three of them standing up with their faces to the east ; one of them commenced a kind of talk, as though he was talking to some person at a distance, at the same time shaking a gourd, which from the rattling, I should have taken to be full of pebbles or beans. The other two stood very still, looking towards the east ; the others were all sitting around in the most perfect silence, when the old prophet, priest, or whatever they called him, commenced a kind of song, which I believe is the common one sung by the Indians on all occasions. It was as near as I could make it out, in the following words : "Ile-aw-aw-he-aw-how-he aw-hum," with a great many elevations and falls in their tone, and beating time with the gourd of pebbles. When this song was sung, they commenced a kind of l)rayer, which I thought the most solemn thing I had witnessed. It was a long, monotonous note, occasionally dropping by a number of tones at once, to a low and unearthly murmur. When he had done he handed the gourd of pebbles to one of the two that stood by him, who went, as near as I could ascertain through the same ceremony, still shaking the gourd. When he had done, he handed it to the third, who went through the same motions, and making use of the same words that the first two had done, which I suppose was a supplication or prayer to the Great ."Spirit to give them plenty to eat, and strength to conquer their enemies. It is stated by those who are acquainted with this race of people, that they are very much afraid of offending the Great Spirit. If they have bad luck in hunting, they think it is caused by their havingoffended the Great Spirit, and they make an atonement, by offering up or making sacrifice of something that they set much store by, siicli as burning their tobacco, or something else that they dote upon very much, but there is nothing in this world tliat they think more of than tobacco, as smoking they think is almost as indispensably necessary as eating.

I must now return to the battle ground with my subject. After tlie battle was all over, and the wounded all attended to, the prisoners and the wounded of both parties were put on board of the steamboat Warrior, and taken down to Prairie du Cliien, where the wounded were taken to the hospital and the prisoners put in confinement.

The boat returned to us the next morning. We are still at the battle ground, or near it; whilst we lay there our men were still picking up scattering Indians. They brought in an old chief who was wounded. He was very poor, was between six and seven feet high, what hair was on his head was gray, but that was not much, as the most of it was shaved off, just leaving enough foi- hand-bold to scalp him by, as these superstitious beings think it would be a mark of cowardice to cut off this tuft of hair, which they call their scalp. These superstitious beings believe that if they are maimed or disfigured in this world they will appear in the next in the same form, which is the reason they scarcely ever bury their dead. If he should chance to lose his scalp they think that it would show in the next world that he had been conquered and scalped by an enemy which would go to show that he was not a great warrior.

Provenance

Text from History of Vernon County, Wisconsin, Together with Sketches of Its Towns, Villages and Townships, Educational, Civil, Military and Political History; Portraits of Prominent Persons, and Biographies of Representative Citizens; History of Wisconsin.., published 1884, in the public domain in the United States and digitised by the Internet Archive.