Cripple Creek, Colorado - The Labor History of the Cripple Creek District : a Study in Industria (part 4 of 4)

"Resolved, further, That any person who does not choose to -work under the existing conditions of wages and hours, which he himself helped to establish, and persuades or attempts to induce another to refrain from honest labor, is a parasite upon the body politic, and the community should be freed from such contaminating influences.

"Resolved, further, That in contradiction to the misconceived idea of some few that our organization is antagonistic to unions or organized labor, let it be understood that we oppose no organization of individuals who act within the law, but we permit no person to arrogate the right to interpret the law to suit himself.

"Resolved, That one of the most potent factors in the settlement of the late unpleasantness is the presence in our midst of that sturdy soldier, with unblemished character, whose indefatigable efforts are on the side of right and justice, and whose very name sends a cold chill down1 the spinal column of the wrong doer, and to whom we raise our hats - General Sherman Bell."

"Resolved by the Citizens Alliance of the Cripple Creek District, That we heartily approve the action of Governor Peabody in ordering the state troops to the Cripple Creek district for the purpose of maintaining peace, and we believe this is the most effectual means of stopping the crime of which we have already had several instances, and from which the majority of the citizens of this district have been in constant fear and dread, and the like of which has brought shame and disgrace on honest unionism in this county. . . .

The alliance took a threatening attitude toward those who would not join the organization. Many men joined it because they feared boycott if they refused, and many members expressed themselves as out of sympathy 'with the methods employed by the organization.22 December 8th Secretary Parsons in issuing a call for a special meeting closed as follows : ' ' We herewith enclose you a list of the firms that do not belong to the Alliance. You can govern yourselves accordingly."

' * We, the undersigned merchants of the Cripple Creek district and employers of help, hereby agree not to employ help of any kind that is in any way connected with the Trades Assembly or the American Federation of Labor or the Western Federation of Miners. ' '

The next day the agreement was changed to read "American Labor Union'7 because it was found that all barbers', printers', and carpenters ' unions were included in the Federation of Labor, and their services were at the time deemed indispensible.

"In the future neither walking delegates, agitators, nor labor unions will be allowed to say who may or may not labor in Teller County, or who may or may not do business here.

' * The sources of strife in the Cripple Creek district have been the Western Federation of Miners and the Trades Assembly, which they dominated and through which they carried out their boycotts, etc.

' ' There is no room in Teller County for these two organizations and their existence will no longer be tolerated. The citizens and tax-payers are bound to have peace, law, and order in Teller County, and while they have no wish to work hardship on any person simply because of his membership in a labor union, nevertheless drastic measures must and will be adopted to preserve peace. Crafts of the various classes organized will not be interfered with as to their local or international affiliation, provided the Trades Assembly be forthwith disbanded and no similar boycotting agency be organized: provided further, that such unions of the local crafts have not for their national or international affiliation the Western Federation of Miners, The American Labor Union, the State Federation of Labor, or any kindred organization.

The position of the Citizens Alliance on1 the various strike questions was exactly that of the Mine Owners' Association, and the arguments advanced were the same as those of the association, but assumed from a more general business standpoint.

The Position Of The State Authorities

During the strike of 1903-4 the Colorado National Guard was called upon for unusually extensive service. Troops were in the Cripple Creek District for a period of nine months. Campaigns were carried on at Colorado City, Cripple Creek, Telluride, and Trinidad, and at times the entire available state militia was in active service. Cripple Creek and Telluride were subjected to periods of military rule, and deportation occurred under military authority from Cripple Creek, Telluride, and Trinidad. The state officers thus laid themselves open to charges of collusion with the corporate and large business interests of the state, and were severely criticised for their action. The facts underlying the situation at Cripple Creek were the political isolation of Teller County, the strength of the mine workers there, and the control of the county and state by the extreme wings of the two great opposed parties of the state.

In his official statement explaining his various acts during the Cripple Creek disturbances Governor Peabody declared that he had acted fairly and disinterestedly for the preservation' of law and order.23 He insisted that the Western Federation of Miners was a violent organization, with dangerous political theories, and a long record of crime, whose only claim to respectability was its title as a labor organization.

' ' I have had to deal with an organization which has no counterpart in this country. Its official proclamations, full of defiance and challenge, issued from time to time, have amounted, as has been said, to 'a declaration of war against the state.' I have met the challenge with a policy none too vigorous for the outlawry I was called to oppose. But through it all I have had but one object, and that to show the people of Colorado that the laws will be upheld, that a criminal organization cannot dictate the policy of this administration, and that everywhere within the borders of Colorado property shall be secure and labor free."

The troops were called to Colorado City upon the demand of the sheriff, accompanying a petition from leading citizens, which the executive was bound to respect. Action at Cripple Creek was based upon the criminal record of the Federation.

' l This record convinced me that the overt acts which had been committed in Cripple Creek were but forerunners of others, and that with the executive officers of Teller County in direct collusion with this organization, it would be but a few days until a reign of terror, involving loss of life and property, would be established in that district. The federation is led and absolutely controlled by unscrupulous men. Only two of the executive committee are residents of the state, and none of the Committee has anything in common with the state's interests. "

Stress is laid upon the high duty devolving upon the executive to afford protection to men who desire to labor. In affording this protection it became necessary "to confine certain men in military guard houses, as one of the safest and most expeditious methods of restoring order." The legality of the action was attested by the State Supreme Court. There were the occasional indiscretions among officers and men inevitable in so large a body unaccustomed to military service, but in general the conduct of the troops was praiseworthy, and the only reason that they were found actively opposed to the acts and purposes of the Federation was "because that organization was attempting to prevent by violence the operation of the mines and mills."

With the strike apparently over and peace restored, came the dynamiting of the Independence station, and the determination of the citizens that the community must be rid of the authors and investigators of such crimes.

When the excitement had subsided somewhat and the county was still under quasi military rule, it was found that there were several hundred members of the Western Federation in the district who would not work, and had resolved that others should

"It became apparent that, even with every member of the National Guard in that county, it would be impossible to prevent the use of dynamite in the stealthy manner always employed by the Federation. The mountains and gulches of that rugged country afford a multitude of safe places for reconnoitre and hiding. The troops, which had already been there the greater part of the year, could not be maintained indefinitely without incurring immense additional expense. The only safe and available remedy seemed to be to disperse the radical members. If all of them had not personally participated in the outrages they had at least stood approvingly by and given their support, encouragement, and protection.

"If these men were scattered, the avenues which ten years of organization and association had opened for crime in that district would be closed. It would require much time in any other community before they could gather about them a new band of conspirators with the inclination and daring to inaugurate in a new field another condition of terrorism. These men as I have said, had determined never to yield the strike. The mine owners had resolved not to employ again the members of that organization. Therefore the only employment which remained for them was that of stirring up strife, committing depredations, and intimidating by inhuman crimes the working miners.

1 ' I resolved that they should be dispersed and I dispersed them. This was done, however, only after careful investigation of each individual case."24

For the opening of the Cripple Creek strike the Western Federation of Miners must take the whole responsibility.25 Whatever may have been the reasonable complaints as to the eight-hour day in Colorado as a whole, and as to the right to form unions and to adjust wages, at Colorado City, these things had no direct connection with Cripple Creek.26 Admittedly the conditions were absolutely satisfactory, and the only excuse for the strike was the refusal of certain mines to cease shipping ore to the Colorado City plant.27 When it is remembered that most of the mines were not shipping to the reduction company at all;28 that those which refused were bound by contracts;29 and that the strike on the reduction company represented a sum total of nine men out, the strike stands in its true light.30

The result was simply what might have been expected, with determined and powerful men on the other side. The Federation pulled the avalanche down upon its own head. By its constant partisan action, and the conscienceless use of its power before the strike, it paved the way for an unrestrained reaction. And while nothing said here must be taken as condoning lawlessness committed by any person whomsoever, so far as the Federation itself is concerned, it may blame itself for the disastrous result. The unions reaped only what they had sown.

Concerning the crimes committed during the latter part of the strike so little evidence has been adduced, that judgment must, for the present, be suspended. Especially is this true since, at the time the outrages were committed, the district was completely in the hands of those who sought in every possible way to fasten the guilt upon the unions, but who exhausted their means and ingenuity without result.31 The general circumstantial evidence can be adduced, but nothing further.

The people of the mining area in general, who have lived with the Federation, and known its history, have little hesitation in laying the criminal acts connected with the strike at the door of that organization. Nor will they change their opinion unless strong evidence is shown to the contrary. During the

A scab is to his trade what a traitor is to his country, and though both may be useful in troublesome times, they are detested when peace returns, by all; so when help is needed, a scab is the last to contribute assistance, and the first to grasp a benefit he never labored to procure. He cares only for himself; he sees not beyond the extent of a day, and for a monetary approbation he would betray his friends, family and country; in short, he is a traitor OB a small scale, who first sells the worltingman and is himself afterwards sold in his turn by his employer, until at last he is despised by both and detested by all. , He is an enemy to himself to the present age and to posterity.

East All History Of The Cripple Creek Strike 151

strike of 1894 a reign of terror was brought about by men of criminal character, many of whom were admitted to the unions.32 Non-union men were severely beaten,33 and the Strong mine was blown up.3* Between the strikes non-union men were beaten, and in one case at least a non-union man was shot, and the perpetrators protected from just punishment by union juries.35 In the strike of 1903 men were assaulted and property was destroyed;36 there was such a condition for a time that men opposed to unions felt it unsafe to be out after dark ; shots were fired through the shaft houses of mines ;37 and threats were made to non-union men and militiamen, of which the Vindicator explosion, the attempted train wrecking, and the Independence horror would have been only a partial fulfillment.38

In Victor union hall on the day of the Victor riots, a number of photographs of mine groups were found. Over the picture of each non-union man a number was placed, and on the back the names were written with the corresponding numbers. From the names on the back of the Vindicator Mine group two had been scratched out, the names of Charles H. McCormick and Melvin Beck, who had been killed in the descending cage at the mine. The mine owners took this as evidence of an assassination plot, but the union officials explained that the pictures were simply for the making up of "scab lists" that had been published at frequent intervals.39 In the raids by militia and deputies that followed, at one place a number of Winchesters and 300 rounds of ammunition were discovered.40 Under the cabin of one of the Altman union officials was found a quantity of high explosives, spools of wire, and electric batteries.41 Ellsworth W. Holden, a machinist member of the

41 This find was credited to K. C. Sterling, a detective in the employ of the Mine Owners' Association. Sterling does not enjoy a good reputation, and the

Federation, testified that at the time of the Colorado City strike Federation officers tried to induce him to go to Colorado City, and gaining employment as a non-union man, to wreck the machinery of the Colorado Eeduction and Refining Company.42 No one would think for a moment of accusing the rank and file of the Western Federation of such outrages as marked the last stages of the strike. But there were certainly members of the organization who would not hesitate to commit crime to accomplish their ends. There were certain officers who were willing to countenance and even to instigate the beating of men, and the destruction of property. Would they not wink at the commission of graver crimes?

No discredit is to be attached to the mine owners for opposing a solid front to the attack of the Western Federation of Miners, nor for straining every nerve to break the strike. To have submitted would have been to admit a condition of subserviency impossible to men of strength and courage. Nor with the police power of the district so thoroughly in the hands of the miners,43 could they be expected not to make every effort to secure the presence of state troops. The position of the Citizens Alliances was also perfectly natural, in opposing a condition that was bringing upon them financial ruin.44

Many of the men employed as guards by the mine owners during the strike were roughs of the worst type, men with criminal records either before or since that time. The following list of mine deputies who committed criminal acts within 12 months after the close of the strike., will serve as basis for judging this fact.

miners made various charges against him. See connection with train wrecking cases, pp. 55, 56 and 57. See also Cripple Creek Times, June 8 and 9, 1904.

Months After The Close Of The Strike

It is not apparent just how much can be adduced from the above statement. The position of deputy at such a time, with its attendant danger, and the certainty of public contempt, will not be accepted by the ordinary citizen. The mine owners had to draw from the only supply available for the purpose, and had to take what they could get. But the fact remains that there were in the employ of the Mine Owners' Association during the strike men capable of almost any crime, and that, as pointed out by the unions, these men might as logically be blamed for the overt acts of the strike as any men who could possibly have belonged to the unions. In the train wrecking case the union attorneys certainly succeeded in throwing a great deal of suspicion upon Detectives Scott and Sterling.45 Charles Beckman, who had joined the Federation as a detective for the mine -owners, admitted that he had been urging the commission of various overt acts, but explained that he did so simply that by working into the confidence of the right men he should be in a position to know of such plots.46 In some cases since the strike, officials under the influence of the mine owners have sought in a most disgraceful manner to protect criminal deputies and others from the results of their misdeeds.47

47 See District Court Case, People rs. Charles Fightmaster and Bert Smith. Conviction of highway robbery, October, 1905. Testimony and charge to jury.

In the lawlessness following the crimes of June 6th the mine owners cannot be separated from the Citizens Alliance. Each had a part but not a separate one. It is the testimony of reliable witnesses that the speech of the secretary of the Mine Owners' Association on the afternoon of the Victor riots was such as any sane man must know would create trouble, and that he was entirely to blame for the starting of the affair.48

The actions of the following days can all be explained as the natural outcome of the conditions. The wave of indignation following the terrible Independence explosion could be expected to carry men off their feet. The great dread that followed the conviction that the Federation was responsible, might be expected to bear some fruit. For men believing as they did there was much excuse for the lawless acts that followed. But to explain lawlessness is not to justify it, to find extenuating circumstances is not to condone it. There are extenuating circumstances for practically all mob violence. There are always extenuating circumstances for the negro lynchings of the South. There were extenuating circumstances for the lynching that occured near Denver a few years ago, but it roused such a storm as resulted in changing one of the fundamental laws of the Sta-te.49 If law is to be observed only when it seems to work no hardship upon those concerned and, when there are no alleviating conditions, it is a poor thing indeed, and useless, for men need no law to follow their own inclinations. One great intent of law is restraint, to compel men to follow one path when there are strong impulses to follow another. The mob outrages in the Cripple Creek District, and the wholesale deportation of men were a disgrace to the commonwealth of Colorado, and will long foster among other peoples a humiliating and unjust judgment of the citizens of that state.

East All History Of The Cripple Ckeek Strike 155 The State Authorities

In every case in which troops were used in the Colorado City and Cripple Creek difficulties, they were called into action before such conditions existed as are generally considered to warrant resort to state military power, viz., the commission of such overt acts as to show the existence of a mob, or such a condition of lawlessness as has gotten beyond the possibility of successful local control.50 The troops were called out upon the assertion that such conditions were imminent, not that they existed, and final judgment as to the justice of the calls must rest upon that point.

' * During my long and varied experience in the National Guard of Colorado it has invariably occurred that troops, when utilized in suppressing riots, insurrections and rebellions, were not ordered into the disturbed localities until life or property had been destroyed, or, in other words, until a seemingly stronger argument presented itself for such a procedure than was taken in the campaign just closed. Threats and intimidations were of such a startling nature and of such frequent occurrence that, continued longer, they would naturally have brought about a more serious state of affairs and additional hardships to the law-abiding citizens of the district and to the State in its suppresssion of lawlessness. Without doubt, therefore, in view of the fact that the primary objects for which military rule was established in Teller county were satisfactorily accomplished, the more speedily on account of its early inception and its preventive influence over the acts of lawless men and agitators, and that its results have worked toward the betterment of conditions throughout the county, the prompt action of your excellency in thus using the strong hand of the military before bloodshed or the destruction of property could ensue was the most important factor in the restoration of peace and order;

' ' The situation at Cripple Creek is a reminder of the fact that the President of the United States and governor of a state have unlimited power in emergencies. . . .

' ' But there is nothing the governor of a state or the president of the United States tries so earnestly to avoid as the exercise of the power now being used by Governor Peabody. Seldom has it been used, and, indeed, the most odious conditions have been tolerated rather than exercise naked, undisguised force. So all the presidents of the United States and all the governors of states have hesitated long and well, and, indeed, there is no modern example of the thing Peabody is doing, save Cleveland's famous act in Chicago. . . .

"In Cripple Creek the thing at which Peabody has struck with all the power of the state is not physical, as in Chicago, but in the air. That is to say, men said they were afraid to go to work; but there were no criminal acts. The governor's excuse for his action is that he levels the armed force of the state against fear. To the man who cares nothing, sympathetically, one way or the other, but who has a regard for law, the view of the matter is that the governor should have refused to act until there was evident lawlessness and disorder.

"The fact of the business is that the reasons for Peabody 's action would justify the seizure of all union labor leaders on the charge of treason, regardless of any strikes. In fact, it may be doubted if the governor realizes what he is doing. The real, vital interest in the thing is that Governor Peabody of Colorado, has cast a dye which, unless he backs out, to use plain words, means that organized labor is treasonable and, if his attitude is accepted, will mean the crushing of labor organization by the government as being a society or organization which challenges the supremacy of government. As soon as the country realizes what is being done in Colorado it will be recognized as a national issue."

There can be but one judgment as to the use made of the troops. State officers represent the power of the people as a whole, and when their authority is exerted it is theoretically for the blind suppression of crime, and for the preservation of order, in the interest of the general welfare, without regard to class, order, or condition. When this power is exercised on lines of partisan bias to directly further the interests of one class as opposed to those of another, it is a perversion of the intention of democratic government, and calls for unqualified condemnation.

Sherman M. Bell, Adjutant General, in general charge of the troops, had been a rough rider in the command of President Roosevelt during the Spanish- American war. He returned to Colorado to be hailed as a popular hero for a time, but soon lost the admiration of the public through his overbearing ways and self-conceit. In the Cripple Creek campaigns his idea seemed to have been to make the most gorgeous military display possible, and to give himself the largest notoriety as a military leader.51 He was perfectly frank in the statement that his entire intention was to aid the mine owners and to smash the unions,52 and his conduct caused a large number of representative Colorado citizens to give credence to the statement that he was in the direct pay of the mine owners. Governor Peabody refused to hold himself responsible for many of the extreme acts of the general, but if he was failing to carry out the governor's orders he should have been removed.53

The charges upon which Teller County was placed under military rule were not proved to be well founded.5* The state authorities failed to secure the conviction of any of the criminals that it was claimed the local civil authorities were needlessly and intentionally allowing to go free, and they thus laid themselves open to the most serious charges of deliberate partisan action.55 The use made of state authority during the second period of military rule, when city governments were being overthrown and men being deported in large numbers, is to be strongly condemned. The use of the militia to virtually back armed mobs.56 and to give some show of legality to a commission which on its own admission was forcibly deporting men simply for refusal to leave a certain organization,67 was, in the opinion of the author, a perversion of public authority, of the most vicious type. It is true that the commission had to deal with some men of criminal type, and in their deportation there may have been some justice, but when the associations started avowedly and deliberately to wipe a legal organization out of existence,58 state authority should have had no choice but to intervene. We may find some excuse for the citizens of the district, beside themselves with the horror of the days before, but the public authorities lost an opportunity for the display of that broader wisdom, and stabler judgment, overriding the frenzied passions of the moment, that should be a chief glory of the state.

Indictment Of Western Federation By Mine Owners' Association

(2.) That the officers of that organization and a large number of the members, while perhaps not committing crimes themselves for which they can be prosecuted, do directly and indirectly advise or 'encourage the lawless among them to commit crimes.

Indictment Of Mine Owners' Association By Western Federation

(1.) That a large number of ex-convicts, gamblers, desperadoes and other criminals have been and now are, knowingly employed and paid by the Colorado Mine' Operators' Association and the citizens' alliance in Cripple Creek, Telluride and elsewhere in the state as deputy sheriffs, guards, detectives, etc.

(2.) That the officers of these organizations and a large number of thelimembers have not only committed crimes themselves, for which they could and should be prosecuted and punished, but the organizations as such, have directly and openly aided and abetted tfie same, and their members have boasted and approved of such crimes.

(3.) That these officers and this element preach disrespect for the law and contempt for the lawful authorities and openly and publicly, as individuals, approve of and gloat over the slugging, dynamiting and murdering of non-union men by their criminal associates.

(4.) That where this organization has had its members in local public offices, or where it has had the power to influence peace officers and courts in' this state, it has paralyzed the hand of justice and made it next to impossible to convict members of the federation caught in the act of committing crimes.

(5.) That this organization, having formally and officially espoused the cause of the so-called Socialist party, is opposed to our present form of government and is aiming at its overthrow, together with the abrogation of the present constitution.

(3.) That the association and alliance, while shouting hypocritically for "law and order," have openly defied the courts, destroyed the liberty of the press, invaded the sanctity of the home, caused arrests without warrant, imprisoned men without charges of crime, driven men from the county after first robbing them, and while declaring such men to be criminals of the deepest dye, have, without compunction, dumped them on neighboring communities.

(4.) That wherever the association or alliance have not had their members in public office, they have, whenever deemed necessary, compelled by violence and intimidation, the resignation of duly elected public officials and the appointment of their own creatures to the socalled vacancies. Wherever their members or tools are in office, or where they have had the power to influence peace officers and courts in this state, the law, as established since Magna Charta, has been, subverted by decisions which have made the state subject of derision to the entire country, the hand of justice has been paralyzed, and it has been futile to attempt conviction of tlieir members, although caught in the act of committing crime "and openly confessing and boasting it. ...

(5.) That these organizations have formally and officially espoused the cause of the so-called Republican party, which they pretend to be still the party of Lincoln. That each of them is opposed to our present form of government, and aiming at its overthrow. To this end they have destroyed and confiscated property, destroyed the freedom of the press, defied the courts, nullified the writ of habeas corpus, exercised the right of search without warrant, denied the right of trial by jury, exercised the power of banishment, denied the right of citizens to keep and bear arms, and trampled upon1 every other guarantee of personal liberty made by the constitution of the state and of the United States. . . .

their own, thus encouraging theft (of ore, for instance) and also inflaming the minds of its members against their employers, against the law, against organized society and aigainst the peace and safety of the public.

wealth without producing it, and that therefore the methods of trusts, stock watering, stealing ore from -neighbors under the guise of trespass, and other similar methods used by predatory wealth, are respectable, when compared to the economic theory that wealth should belong to him who produces it.

Comparison Of The Strikes

The two Cripple Creek strikes permit some instructive comparisons. The first strike was entirely natural in its origin, the result of self -existing and compelling economic circumstances, a great economic depression, a large surplus of labor, great differences in a single occupation and small field, as to hours and wages of labor. The second strike was as artificial in its origin as the first was natural, the result of a forced labor movement and of the manipulations of labor leaders. The first strike worked itself out among frontier conditions, and illustrates remarkably the labor movement in its infancy in newly settled regions. The second strike occurred among the conditions of a most thoroughly developed industrial community, and shows extreme types of organization and collective action. Many of the contrasts between the strikes are those of entirely different social stages. The result of the first strike was a definite, settled, industrial condition, the result of the second the entire elimination of the power of one organized factor.

The use of state authority had a very close and vital connection with both strikes, and with suggestively contrasted results. The conditions of the first strike were generally favorable to the mine owners, and it seemed practically impossible for the miners to win the fight. But the power of the state was interposed in their favor and they won. In the second strike the conditions were decidedly favorable to the miners. They were strongly intrenched in power, thoroughly organized, and had a large financial backing. But the power of the state was exerted in favor of the mine owners and they won. In both strikes the state held the balance of power, and the sympathetic use of its authority reversed the expected result, in the first case in favor of one side, and in the second in favor of the other. There is a suggestion here of a probable lack of appreciation of the strength of the state as a factor in past labor history, and of its possible importance in the future.

Both the Cripple Creek strikes point clearly to the fact that the ever-recurring dispute between civil and military authorities when both are being actively exercised in the same area, has yet to be settled. It may not be out of place here to throw out a suggestion that the federal government might well carry the nationalization of the state milita a step further, and arrange that whenever called into active service for more than a very brief time it shall be placed under the command of a regular army officer. State military authorities are of political appointment, and likely to be of small military experience or knowledge. It is not to be expected but that such men should incline to over-importance when called into sudden authority, should think little of overriding the civil authorities, and should use their power in full consciousness of political exigencies, or that when they are called to a community violently opposed to them in politics a storm of protest should be raised. The United States army officer is a man of training and legal knowledge, versed in the quiet exercise of authority, and used to his power. He would at least be free from the blinding effect of local political interests, and his authority would tend to be more judiciously used, more unquestionably accepted and more thoroughly respected by both sides.

No especial discussion need be given of the part played by politics in the Cripple Creek strikes. Every phase of the conflicts had its political as well as industrial aspects. So completely was the political element involved that the whole narrative can be read with reference to its political disclosures, and the significance of the struggle is as deep politically as industrially.

There is a lesson to labor unions, though not of an unusual sort, in the second strike, in the danger from loss of democracy and minority rule. The hope of unionism lies in its self control. Intelligent interest upon the part of the great mass of the membership, and the retention of local ballot control, are essential to safety, and the danger to labor from a powerful body superior to its control is as great when that body represents its own organization as when it represents the ever-decried ranks of capitalism. "When the union miners of the Cripple Creek District allowed their active interest to flag, and permitted minority control, which in turn delegated its power to a radical committee, they invited almost certain downfall.

Significance Of The Labor History

The final Cripple Creek strike is to be partially explained in terms of its approach to frontier character. The psychologist will wish to trace the effect of the great altitude as it works to make men more irritable and easily excited, and to make easy, sudden and extreme bursts of passion. But the fuller explanation of the violence, the bitterness, and the disruption of the community must be sought in the geographical and political isolation of the district, and the centering of its whole industry in mining. The miners unions included so large a preponderence of the district workmen, and had such complete sway of the local trades council, as to represent practically the laboring class. When mining ceased business ceased. Who struck a blow at mining struck a blow at the entire business interests of the district. One line of cleavage divided the district, and he who did not stand on one side found it hard not to stand on the other. Hence the solid front of the Mine Owners' Association, and Citizens' Alliance. United labor on one side, and united business interests on the other. This general economic cleavage continued naturally into the political arena, each of the two parties rallying an interest to its banner. The political struggle was resultingly heated and severe, and much partisan bias was to be expected of the successful candidates. A people was split into two great classes economically and politically for the working out of an industrial crisis.

The Cripple Creek strike stands in one way for partial frontier conditions, in another it may represent the completion of a modern industrial development ahead of its time. Recent movements in the industrial field, the intense labor union activ- ity, the efforts for more inclusive and far reaching organization, and the growth of the sympathetic strike, on one side ; the formation of various types of employers associations and citizens alliances, with state and national affiliation, on the other, all point in the same direction - toward the widening of the areas of conflict - a more general and complete engagement of social forces when an industrial dispute is to be settled. Any influence that precipitates the generalizing of the movements can easily find its way into the political field.

In the Cripple Creek District this movement has completed its development, and the final issue has been fought to a finish. Other communities and sections approach the same conditions. There do not lack of indications of a general current sweeping the entire nation to such a final issue. History will tend to repeat itself when the culminations come. It may well be that in the throes of the Cripple Creek conflict lie auguries of the future, lessons for both parties to the strife, and for the "powers that be" in state, in county, and in town.

The strike may be summarized thus : The unions sowed class consciousness, and it sprang up and destroyed them. Control passed from one class to another, and in the Cripple Creek District class rule is supreme.

The Strike Of 1903-1904

Special Report of the United States Commissioner of Labor 1905. Labor Disturbances in Colorado, Senate Document No. 122, 58th. Cong. 3d. Session.

Criminal Record of the Western Federation of Miners, Compiled by the Colorado Mine Operators' Association. Colorado Springs 1904, "The Red Book." Reply of the Western Federation of Miners to the "Red Book"

Volume

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No. 3. The Province of Quebec and the early American revolution. A study in English-American colonial history, by Victor Coffin. 1896. 17 -f- 288 p. <ro cents.

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