Cripple Creek, Colorado - The Labor History of the Cripple Creek District : a Study in Industria (part 1 of 4)

Btents Leading Up To The Strike

The policy of H. E. Locke - Trouble at the Isabella - Formation of unions - The development of storm centers - The action of the mine owners - Deportation of Manager Locke - Resolutions of the unions - General conditions favorable to the mine owners - The surprising outcome, and the key to its explanation 20

Chapter Ii-The Two Crises The First Crisis

Attempts at a compromise - The lockout Feb. 1st, 1894 - The strike Feb. 7th - John Calder wood - Preparation by the unions - The injunction of March 14th - Capture of the deputies - Sheriff Bowers calls for militia - Beginning of friction between state and county - Conference between the generals and union officers - Recall of the militia - Compromise at the

The Second Crisis

Coming of the rough element - The coup of Win. Rabedeau - The demands and terms of the owners - Formation of the deputy army -"General" Johnson - Preparation of the miners for resistance - First detachment of deputy army - The blowing up of the Strong mine - The miners attack the deputies - Excitement in Colorado Springs - Rapid increase of deputy army - The governor's proclamation 30

Chapter Iii-The Forcing Op The Issue Attempts At Arbitration

Conservative movement in Colorado Springs - The non-partisan committee - The miners propose terms of peace - Failure of the arbitration committee plan - Exchange of prisoners - The mission of Governor Waite - Miners give governor full power to act - The conference at Colorado College - Attempt to lynch Calder wood - The final conference in Denver - Articles of agreement 37

The deputies march on Bull Hill -Call of the state militia -The question of authority - The clash in Grassey Valley -Military finally in control - Movements of the deputies - Conference in A Itman - Withdrawal of deputies 45

The Restoration Of Order

Turbulent conditions in Cripple Creek - Attempts upon life of sheriff - Plan for vengeance in Colorado Springs - The attack upon General Tars ney - Arrests and trials of the strikers. . . 50

The Colorado City Strike

Formation of union - Opposition of Manager MacNeill - Presentation of grievances - The strike deputies and strikers - Manager MacNeill secures call of state militia 73

Partial Settlement By Arbitration

The Cripple Creek mines requested to cease shipments to Colorado City - The governor visits Colorado City - Conference at Denver - Settlement with Portland and Telluride Mills - Failure of second conference with Manager MacNeill 78

The Temporary Strike At Cripple Creek

Ore to be shut off from Standard Mill - The strike called - Advisory board - Its sessions -Further conferences - Settlement by verbal agreement 81

Chapter Iii-The Cripple Creek Strike The Call Of The Strike

Dispute over Colorado City agreement - Appeal of the union - Statements submitted by both sides - Decision of advisory board - Second strike at Colorado City - Strike at Cripple

He First Period Of The Strike The Militia In The District

The governor holds conferences with mine owners - The special commission - Troops called out - Militia arrest union officers - Other arrests - General partisan activity of the troops... 93

Habeas corpus proceedings - Militia guard court house - Judge Seeds' decision - The militia defy the court - Prisoners released - Rapid opening of the mines - Strike breakers 100

Chapter Iv-Teller County Under Military Rule Attempted Train Wrecking And Vindicator Explosion

Attempts to wreck F. & C. C. R, R. trains - McKinney and Foster arrested - McKinney makes conflicting confessions- Trial of Davis, Parker, and Foster - Digest of evidence - Release of McKinney - The Vindicator explosion - Evidence in case 104

A State Of Insurrection And Rebellion

The governor's proclamation - The power conferred as interpreted by militia officers - Local police deposed - Censorship of Victor Record - Registering of arms - Idle men declared vagrants - More general arrests of union officers - Habeas corpus suspended in case Victor Poole - Rowdyism by certain militiamen - Mine owners' statement - Federation flag posters - Withdrawal of troops . 108

The Sixth Day Of June

Independence station explosion - Wrath of the community - Sheriff forced to resign - Bodies taken from undertaker - Mass meeting at Victor - The Victor riot - Militia capture miners' union hall - Wholesale arrests of union men - Riot in Cripple Creek - Meeting of Mine Owners' Association and

Contents 7 Thb Annihilation Of The Unions

Teller County again under military rule - Plant of Victor Record wrecked - Forced resignation of large number of county and municipal officials - The military commission - Deportations - Militia close the Portland mine - Aid to families forbidden - District entirely non-union - Withdrawal of troops 126

The Period Immediately Following

Mob deportations - The Interstate Mercantile Company - Second wrecking of the stores - The November elections - The expense of the strike - Summary 134

Chapter Vi-Discussion And Conclusion

THE WESTERN FEDERATION OF MINERS. ITS SIDE OF THE CASE History of the federation - Its socialistic tendencies - Sympathetic statement of its position 139

Arraignment Of Each Side By The Other

The first natural, the second artificial - Frontier conditions vs. complete industrial development - Contrasts in the use of state authority - Civil and military authority - Politics -

Preface

The Labor History of Cripple Creek is the result of investigations carried out upon the ground, and covering a period of several years. The material for the narrative of the strike of 1894 was secured in 1902 and early in 1903, shortly before the opening of the second strike. This was fortunate in that, a considerable period having elapsed and the most friendly conditions prevailing, the second strike being no more than a faint suggestion upon the horizon, the men concerned could be induced to speak more frankly and with less conscious1 partisanship than would have been possible at any other time. It also gave the author knowledge of the exact situation and conditions under 'which the second strike had its formation, and enabled him to follow the course of events with more* accuracy than would have been possible under any other circumstances.

During the strike of 1903-04 the author was a resident of Colorado, part of the time of Colorado Springs, and the summer season of 1905 was spent in Teller County, largely in completing the investigations for this monograph. The most important material for the work has been gained through interviews, over 300 in number, with men in a position to have an intimate knowledge of various1 phases of the difficulties. Information has been sought from most of the union officers and many prominent union men; from nearly all the county and state officers in any way directly concerned; and from many others 'who from close personal experience could speak with authority of various incidents of the strike. It was originally intended to publish a list of the interviews with the bibliography, and to make free use of them in footnotes showing authority. Owing, however, to the recentness and intensity of the last strike, the resulting tension is in some cases strong. It has seemed wise to preclude the possibility of embarrassment or injury resulting from the very frankness and courtesy which has made the accuracy of the study possible, and for that reason names are withheld. It should be understood that frequently where only documentary evidence is cited, and always where no authority is given, reliable testimony has come from authentic personal sources.

The manuscript of the narrative part of the work (Part II, Chap. VI, and all footnotes, excepted) has been submitted to residents of Colorado selected so as to include both political parties, both county and state authorities, and both those whose general sympathies were with the mine owners and those who sympathized with the unions. They were those who seemed to the author to combine the largest actual knowledge of the disturbances with the most conservative and unbiased judgment. Their criticism and suggestion has proved of very great value. The same reasons as given above prompt the withholding of the names.

To Professor Thomas K. Urdahl of Colorado College, at whose suggestion the work was originally undertaken, and whose advice and suggestion have been of the greatest value throughout, the author is deeply indebted.

The history of the Cripple Creek District is one of rapid and spectacular growth. The sudden rise of a complete social fabric in a mountain 'wilderness, and the transformation of a barren area to a center producing $2,000,000 a month, form the background of an equally rapid industrial development which finds its chief exponent in the mining labor movements. The district forms a small but distinct physiographical and political area. Within this area the stages of a complete industrial evolution have been passed through in a little more than a decade. Starting with primitive, frontier labor conditions, there was a rapid succession of stages ending in extreme capitalization and extraordinary organization. Gathering the strength of forces shut in unto themselves, and keeping pace with the other rapid developments, the labor-capital issues finally broke forth in a conflict worthy the name revolution. The very momentum of the movement carried it through the entire known gamut and on beyond the experiences of its time, and with almost the entire section arrayed on one side or the other, and to the accompaniment of boundless political turmoil, it fought itself out to the finish. A working model is ever; of great importance, and this intense miniature of great present day forces and issues has a content of valuable suggestion.

Introduction

The Cripple Creek District lies in the first range of the Rocky Mountains, about 25 miles west of Colorado Springs, and 85 miles southwest of Denver. It has an altitude of from 9,000 to 12,000 feet, none of the mines being at an elevation of less than 9,000, and some being over 11,000 feet above sea level. Geologically, the region is of volcanic origin. Great flows of lava have issued from a formerly existent volcano in the heart of the district. When these hardened they were subjected to severe stresses in the earth's crust and broken by countless fissures in parallel systems. Later, hot percolating waters from deep-seated sources in the earth came to the surface, bearing in solution gold telluride, with quartz. These were deposited as the valuable ores in the fissure veins of the district.

Rough, gaunt and broken, dry and almost arid, cut into barren rocky ridges and valleys where scraggly dwarfed trees eke out a bare existence, and naught can flourish save the hardy mountain grasses and wild flowers; - it is not a place to invite human habitation, nor to support it under ordinary conditions. The only sign of occupancy in 1890 was the Womack cattle ranch occupying the present site of the city of Cripple Creek.

Anaconda, Altaian, and numerous smaller towns. Three wagon roads led into the district, from Divide on the north, from Colorado Springs on the east, and from Canon City on the south. Along these roads night and day passed heavy trucks drawn by six and eight horses, bringing into camp provisions and building material and mining machinery, or leaving with loads of ore for the smelters. Heavy passenger coaches came in every night to swell the number of fortune seekers. On the north, the Colorado Midland Railway was running a branch road in from Divide, and the Florence and Cripple Creek Railway was pushing even harder to get into camp from the south.

The reason for this rapid change was gold. Robert Womack had in 1890 sunk prospect holes and secured ore that assayed high in gold.1 News of his success had spread quickly, and soon prospectors poured in from all directions. More than 40 mines were in process of active development by 1893 and prospect holes were being sunk in every dierction.2 Nearly $3,000,000 worth of ore had been shipped from the mines already, and every week new veins of rich promise were being opened.3

The social conditions of the region were those usual in an unsettled mining community. Life at the camp was generally rough. Men were many and women few. Saloons and dance halls were numerous. The roads were poor and the city streets even worse. Dumps from the mines often crossed the sidewalks, and half filled the streets. Houses were mere frame shells, or rough log huts. Prices of all merchandise were very high as the result of the 20 mile haul over mountain roads ; the poorest shacks rented for $12 or $15 a month; fire wood was $4.50 per cord; and water sold for 5 cents a bucket or 40 cents a barrel.

General Economic Conditions

Under these conditions Cripple Creek was advancing rapidly toward its later position as one of the great mining camps of the world, when its development was temporarily arrested, and its attainment of this position greatly delayed, by a five months mining strike. To understand this strike fully it is necessary to get its setting, and to see clearly the forces that operated as direct causes or active impulses toward it : what conditions made a war between labor and capital imminent, and what influences led to the actual controversy.

In 1893 the United States was in the midst of a great financial panic. The expenditures of the government far exceeded its income. The reserve in the treasury was dangerously depleted, and the credit of the government was maintained by large bond issues. The business world was in a terrible condition. At the close of the year there had been over $500,000,000 withdrawn from national banks alone. To meet the demand these banks had been compelled to withdraw loans to the extent of $318,- 000,000. Five hundred eighty banking institutions had been compelled to suspend payment, with liabilities of $165,000,000. There had been over 16,000 business failures. $1,200,000,000 worth of railroad property had gone into the hands of receivers. Thousands of shops and factories had shut down; more thousands were working part time only; commercial houses and railroads were working under greatly reduced business ; and as a result millions of laborers were idle.4 It was estimated that in1 the city of Pittsburg alone 100,000 men were out of employment.5 In every city men were eager to seize any opportunity to work for their board alone, and rumors were current of men offering themselves as slaves for life for a promise of mere subsistence.

ering Pennsylvania, West Virginia, and Ohio, and the great Pullman strike, which starting in Chicago swept eastward half way to the Atlantic, and southward to the Gulf, and westward to the Pacific coast. Coxey's Army was marching toward Washington, a great body of the protesting unemployed, and a special session of Congress had been called to consider ways of relieving the great financial stress.

In Colorado the conditions were even worse than elsewhere. Added to the general depression had come the rapid decrease in the price of silver, the consequent closing of the silver mines, and the loss of one of the state's greatest sources of wealth.

The labor difficulties common to the country and the state were shared by Cripple Creek. Evidence of severe conditions is perhaps best given by the size of the detachment that left the district on May 4th to join Coxey's Army in the march to Washington. Over three hundred strong it left Cripple Creek and Victor, under the leadership of General J. S. Sanders, with flying colors and beating drums. The Florence and Cripple Creek Railway furnished a free train for the army to Canon City, and the Denver and Rio Grande did the same to Pueblo. At Pueblo the men were fed and housed for a few days, and then took forcible possession of a Missouri Pacific train, and started off for Chicago. The officials of the road tried in every way to stop them, and at last wrecked a train to block the track. But the Coxey men cleared away the wreck and went on. They were forced to abandon their train by a second wreck in a cut, but stole another train a few hours afterward, and succeeded in1 getting half way across Kansas, where they were arrested, and finally dispersed by United States marshals.6

The labor difficulties incident to the closing of the silver mines fell upon Cripple Creek. To the great gold camp flocked the unemployed miners of the silver region, to find work in the gold mines, or to open prospect holes on their own account.

- See Cripple Creek District newspapers for May 4, and 5 ; Pueblo papers for May 5, and 6 ; Colorado and Kansas newspapers generally, for May 5-8, inclusive.

Indirect Causes Of Strike

The camp was new, and had not settled down to regular life as y^et, and custom had not been given time to develop its unwritten law. Men had not begun to do things as they found other men doing them. When a new mine started up, its owner or manager relied entirely upon his own judgment as to how it could best be worked, and there naturally arose a great diversity. Some mines worked three shifts a day, some two shifts, some one. In some of the mines the men worked eight hours, in others nine, and in others ten. Among the principal mines working eight hours may be mentioned the Isabella, the Pharmacist, the Zenobia, and the Pike's Peak. The principal ten-hour mines were the Strong, Granite, Portland, and Independence; and the principal nine-hour mines the Victor, Anaconda, Sunset, C. 0. D., Gold King, and Ingraham. The wage at all the mines was uniformly three dollars per day, irrespective of the length of the shift.7

Here was a dangerous condition of affairs, one which must sooner or later result in trouble. . It could only be a question of time until the men working in the long-time mines should awaken to the fact that their labor was as valuable as that of any other men, and demand as short a working day as the shortest; or until the mine owners of the short-time mines should discover that their money was as good as that of any other men, and demand as long a working day as the longest. Such unequal conditions could not long continue. Labor or capital' would move presently, and under the economic conditions which we have just examined, with a large increase in the purchasing power of money, and thousands of men at hand ready to work for almost any wage, it is not hard to see from which source the movement was likely to come.

7 The Portland mine which had a nine-hour day and $3.25 wage is an exception. President Calderwood estimates the number of men engaged in mining at the time as 1,200, about half employed in the eight-hour mines and half in the nineand ten-hour mines.

Events Leading Up To The Strike

In August, 1893, H. E. Locke became superintendent of the Isabella mine. The Isabella was at that time working an eighthour shift - seven and a half hours labor, one-half hour for lunch. Mr. Locke had been managing mines in other districts that worked much longer hours, and wished to lengthen the hours at the Isabella. Accordingly on the 17th of the month a notice was posted to the effect that, beginning with the following Monday, a mine shift would be ten hours, with one hour off for lunch.

On Sunday the miners held a meeting at which they agreed not to submit to the schedule, and when Monday morning came they did not go to work. When Superintendent Locke arrived at the mine the men met him, and a heated controversy ensued, Locke trying to bully the men into going to work, and the men trying to force him to rescind the order. After telephoning to Colorado Springs Mr. Locke concluded to withdraw the order for the time being, and later in the day the men went back to work on the old eight-hour schedule.8

The trouble at the Isabella seemed to arouse both sides to the danger of the situation, and the necessity for prompt action. A committee of miners was appointed to draw up resolutions, and soon after steps were taken to form unions. The Altman Union was the first to organize, and was admitted to the Western Federation of Miners, as Free Coinage Union No. 19, on the 12th of December. Following Altman, unions were formed at Cripple Creek, Victor, and Anaconda, with a total membership on January 1st of about eight hundred. At the time of the strike only Altman Union No. 19 had been admitted to the Federation. To secure authority and uniformity of action all the unions worked under the Altman charter, and the president of Altman Union was executive officer for all the unions of the district.9

8 From the account of Mr. E. W. Pfeiffer, Chairman, Board of County Commissioners of Teller County (1903), who was a miner In the Isabella during 1893. There have been various conflicting stories as to the earlier stirrings of the difficulty. Mr. Pfeifler's personal observation gives authenticity to his account.

Rastall History Of The Cripple Creek Strike

So Altaian, peopled almost entirely by miners, and located strategically within the mining area, became the center of the union movement and the seat of authority for the organized miners. Colorado Springs, the county seat of El Paso county, was the home of fully three-fourths of the principal mine owners of the district, and naturally became the center of the mine owners' movement. The Cripple Creek District being at that time included in El Paso County, there were thus two centers about which the coming conflict was to develop, Colorado Springs, the seat of county authority and the stronghold of capital, and Altaian, the active scene of controversy and the stronghold of labor.

While the unions were organizing, the mine owners were not less active. Frequent conferences were held relative to the establishment of a uniform working day and the question of lengthening hours was constantly agitated among the owners of eight- 1 or nine-hour mines. Finally, in the early part of January, the owners of the eight-hour mines came together in an agreement to increase the working day at their mines to ten hours, nine hours labor and one hour for lunch. Notices that set forth the agreement, and made February 1st the time for lengthening working hours, were received by the mine managers for posting, about the middle of the month. The appearance of the notices, first at the Pharmacist, then at the Isabella, Victor, and Summit mines, caused considerable stir among the miners.10 Meetings of the unions were called immediately, at which resolutions

Mclntosh immediate'y began corresponding with the men at Altman who were taking the lead in forming a union, with the result that a union comprising about 300 miners was instituted in the fall of 1893. Mr. Mclntosh returning to Aspen shortly afterward, appointed myself his deputy, with instructions to organize the remainder of the district, with the result that in less than sixty days I had instituted unions in Cripple Creek, Anaconda and Victor. This achievement, in so thoroughly unionizing the district, was rewarded by a request for me to become president of Altman Miners Union No. 19. I did so. Although four unions had been organized in the district, only one charter had as yet been granted by the Western Federation, that to Altman Union No. 19. Each of the other unions elected a full set of officers, with the exception of president, working under the Altman charter ; the president of that union presiding over the remaining unions in the district."

Manager Locke of the Isabella had never been popular with the mining men. He had been the first to conceive the idea of lengthening the working day, and the men now blamed him entirely for the present movement, and became very bitter against him. Becoming frightened he applied to the sheriff for a guard of deputies, and never appeared without them. In riding to and from the mine he was always preceded by an armed deputy, and followed by another one. This only increased the feeling against him, and a plan was finally made for his capture and eviction from camp.

On the morning of January 20th a large body of men collected in the rear of the Taylor Boarding House, and when Mr. Locke and his deputies came along, they were surrounded, disarmed, and started off on foot down the hill. Arriving at the Spinney Mill near Grassey, Mr. Locke, intimidated by threats, took an oath that he would never return unless permission were given by the miners, and that he would give no information against any one for driving him from the district.11 He was then given his horse, and started off toward Colorado Springs, where his arrival late in the evening produced great excitement. One of the deputies captured with Mr. Locke was a man named Wm. Rabedeau, who will appear several times later in the difficulty.

The miners' unions had already agreed that the men should be called out from all mines that attempted to lengthen the working shift. On January 8th they went a step further and demanded a uniform eight-hour day for the whole district.12 February 7th was set as the date for calling out all men working over eight hours.

The two sides were thus arrayed against each other, the mine owners standing for a ten-hour day, the miners for an eighthour day. In the contest that was to follow the conditions were decidedly favorable to the owners. As we have seen, the coun- try was in the throes of a financial panic, and as far as the labor market was concerned the purchasing power of money had doubled. Thousands of men were unemployed, and willing to work for almost any wage. The mines were generally dry, and would not suffer from a few months' idleness, and there were no expensive plants to depreciate in value by lying idle. Two railroads were being built into camp, and a wait of a short time would simply mean a saving of about three dollars a ton on the transportation of ore. The conditions for the miners 'were disheartening. Provisions and rents were very high; their unions were but newly formed, only one having a charter from the federation ; there had not been time for the development of a strong unity of feeling, for thorough organization or for the collection of a large treasury fund upon which to draw - things so necessary for strength in a strike. When one reads, then, that the miners won their fight, he will expect to find that extraordinary forces had been acting, and that startling things had happened, nor will he be disappointed.

The key to the explanation is to be found in the character of the men themselves. It must be remembered that Cripple Creek was not the ordinary mining camp, but a newly settled, essentially frontier, district. The men were not of the mining population familiar to the coal fields - foreign born, ignorant, used to obedience, easily cowed - but of the characteristic frontiersman type, come not so much to find work as to seek a fortune. Rough, ready, fearless, used to shifting for themselves; shrewd, full of expedients; reckless, ready to cast everything on a single die ; they were not the kind of men to be caught napping, or to be turned from their purpose until every possible resource had been tried. They would act quickly, shrewdly, and effectively; withal straightforwardly, but with small respect for authority, and none too much for law. Nor were the mine owners generally of the usual capitalistic type. The majority of them Were as much frontiersmen as the miners themselves, men who had gained their wealth by successful prospecting, or by lucky buying in the early days of the camp. It was Greek against Greek, similar ideas and strong methods on both sides.

The First Crisis

Several attempts were made to get the two sides together in a compromise before February 1st. On the evening of January 28th, mainly through the influence of Cripple Creek business men, a meeting of miners, mine workers, and neutrals was held at the Palace Hotel, Cripple Creek. The miners proposed as a compromise, that the mines be allowed to work just as they had been doing, the eight-hour mines to continue on the eight-hour schedule, and the nine- and ten-hour mines on the nine- and tenhour schedules. The owners, however, took no action on the proposition.

On February 1st the mines that had posted notices went on the ten-hour shift. The men walked out, closing them down1. On February 7th, early in the morning, a party of union men started the round of the district, stopping at every long-time mine and calling the men out. By noon every nine- and ten-hour mine in the camp was closed. The Pike's Peak, the Gold Dollar, the Portland,1 and a number of smaller mines, acceded to the eight-hour request, and continued to work.

1 President James F. Burns, of the Portland, in a published letter concern- Ing the attitude of the Portland, said : "During the time of what was known as the 'Bull Hill War* or more correctly speaking, the labor trouble of 1894, the Portland was working about 125 men, while the principal officers and stockholders - including myself - lived at the mine and were in the closest possible touch, with all employes, knowing each other personally. During the time that trouble existed elsewhere in the district, everything went smoothly at the Portland. We had been, paying $3.25 per shift of 9 hours, which permitted the working of only two shifts. We promptly made a new scale of $3.00 for 8 hours which was accepted by the union, and 3 shifts instead of two, put to work."

conducted themselves in an orderly manner, and were content with strengthening their organization in very way possible. John Calderwood was elected president of the unions.2 Mr. Calderwood had been influential in the organization of the Western Federation of Miners. He had also been president of the Aspen Union, and his intimate knowledge of labor organizations, and general popularity with the men, secured his election to the presidency. Throughout the strike he showed himself an able and efficient officer.

The immediate task before the union was to provide a relief fund. This was done in several ways. The men who remained at work on the eight-hour schedule were taxed $15.00 a month. The Green Bee Grocery Company of Cripple Creek gave credit amounting in the end to about $400; $1,000 was loaned by business men of Cripple Creek, $700 was received from the miners of the San Juan country, and $800 from the Butte, Mont., unions. Empty boarding houses were occupied by the unions; cooks volunteered their services; and everything was run on as economical a scale as possible. In this manner the months of the strike were passed without much pinching. Many of the men occupied themselves with prospecting and developmental work, or tried their luck in the small and poorly paying placer area.

By the last of the month the smelters of the state were all running with reduced forces, or had shut down entirely. Early in March the Gold King and Granite mines agreed to the eighthour schedule; and resumed work.3 - Following this, determined efforts were made to reopen several mines on the ten-hour schedule, but the miners were able to keep them closed. Men sent up were persuaded if possible to quit and join the union,

2 Mr. Calderwood was born In Kilmarnock, Scotland, and was put to work in the coal mines of that place when nine years old. He gained a common school education through the night schools of that town. Coming to this country when a young man of seventeen, he engaged in mining in the eastern states for a number of years. He then attended the McKeesport school of mfnes, and upon being graduated in 1876, came to Colorado. Here he held various mining positions, and came to Cripple Creek in November, 1893. After the strike he remained in the district as an assayer.

otherwise they 'were threatened and intimidated until they did not dare go to work. The men were beginning to feel ugly, and a number of mines were being put under the guard of armed deputies.

March 14th, on the application of several of the mining companies4 Judge Becker, of the district court, issued an injunction against the miners enjoining them against interfering in any way with the operation of the Cripple Creek mines.5 Sheriff Bowers took one hundred copies of the injunction to Cripple Creek next day, and spent the entire day in posting them throughout the district. The Summit, Victor, Raven, and Anaconda mines made attempts to open, but only from two to five men appeared at each.

Feeling was running high among the miners regarding the injunction. The sheriff feared trouble, and on his return to Cripple Creek telephoned to Colorado Springs for additional deputies. Soon after he was called to answer a telephone message from the Victor mine. The superintendent of the mine had, a fe^vv days previously, asked that a number of men be deputized to protect it. He now reported that men were collecting around the shaft house in a threatening manner, and asked for additional protection. The sheriff replied that he should have it. A wagon was procured, and six men hastily deputized and started out for the * mine.

It was a rough mountain road along which the men had to travel, full of stones and ruts among which the wagon lurched heavily. In the darkness it was impossible to make out the path, the instinct of the horses had to be trusted to keep it. At one point about a quarter of a mile below Altman the road passes through a short ravine. Huge rocks lie piled around, leaving scarce room for a wagon to pass, and a thick growth of bushes lines the way and runs up over the hillsides. As they reached this point there was1 a quick rush of dark forms from behind bush and stone, and a cry of ' * Hold up your hands ! Surrender ! ' ' Someone fired a shot ; there was a quick skirmish ; a deputy got a ball through the arm. Then they were overpowered, bound, and marched off in silence up the hill.

To understand what had happened we must go back a few months to the time when Altman was incorporated as a city. The residents of the place were for the most part miners, and with the idea of investing the miners' union with all possible civic authority, officials of the union had been elected to all city offices. Thus it happened that Mayor Dean of Altman, and City Marshal Daly, were former members of Altman Union No. 19. The Marshal had word by telephone early in the evening that a number of deputies would be sent along the road that passed Altman. He accordingly appointed a number of special police, and the police of Altman ambushed the El Paso County deputies, and took them prisoners.

The deputies were marched into Altman and shut up in the school house. Later in the evening they were taken before Police Judge Bengley6 and examined on a charge of disturbance of the peace and carrying concealed weapons. Upon showing their credentials as deputy sheriffs, they were released and sent back to Cripple Creek. The city was in need of arms so the deputies went back weaponless.

Meanwhile news had reached Sheriff Bowers that his deputies had been captured, that a fight had ensued, and that Altman was in an uproar. In half an hour Cripple Creek looked as if an army had descended upon it. All the livery stables in the city had been called upon for their horses, and Bennett Avenue for a block was full of mounted men. Every ablebodied man procurable had been deputized and armed, and a miltary formation was being effected as rapidly as possible. The sheriff was preparing to rescue his men with all the force he could muster.

men were reported killed or wounded; the miners were said to be in arms everywhere, and to be guarding all roads leading to Altman. Sheriff Bowers, after advising with the district court judge at Colorado Springs, made a call for the state militia. Governor Waite immediately issued orders to Company A of Colorado Springs, Company C of Pueblo, and Companies B, E, and K of Denver, and the Chaffee Light Artillery, about three hundred men in all, to proceed with all possible dispatch to Cripple Creek and preserve the peace. These troops collected in Colorado Springs under the leadership of Generals Brooks and Tarsney on the day following. They were taken to Midland over the Colorado Midland Railway and after an all-night march over the mountains, arrived at Cripple Creek early the next morning.

In the meantime Sheriff Bowers had secured the arrest of Mayor Dean and Marhall Daly of Altman, and President Calderwood of the Altman Union. He now made a flying trip to Colorado Springs with the three men, and secured warrants for eighteen more. Calderwood, Dean, and Daly were released on bail, and made a tour of the principal cities of the state, holding mass meetings in the interest of the miners. Sheriff Bowers returned to Cripple Creek with his warrants, and called upon General Brooks for aid in serving them. General Brooks inquired if there had been any resistance made to arrests. The sheriff replied that there had not. The general then refused to aid in making the arrests, upon the ground that he was there simply to preserve the peace, and as much to protect the miners as the county authorities.7

"Early in the day General Brooks and myself were asked to a conference with the officials of the county and the business men of Cripple Creek, whom we met to the number of perhaps 30 at the Palace Hotel. They represented to us the terrible conditions existing in the city and adjacent mining camps, representing that there was no safety for life or property in either, and declaring that the civH authorities were unable to preserve the peace ; that the roads and trails were guarded by armed men, openly defying the officers of the law. The sheriff of the county, Mr. M. F. Bowers, was present, and declared his inability to serve the processes of the courts. A careful inquiry into these affairs by General Brooks and myself disclosed the fact that no person in the county had been charged with the commission of any offence in regard to the existing

Rastall History Of The Cripple Creek Strike 29

On the same day8 the union officers were called to a conference with the generals at the Palace Hotel. The union men asserted that they had never had the slightest intention of resisting the sheriff, or of adopting violent measures; that the whole action had been taken by the city officials of Altman, who had thought the movement of the deputies an attempt to capture the city. They asserted that no resistance whatever had been made to arrests, and that none would be made.9 Their statements were telegraphed the governor, and at the same time the following message was sent by the trustees of Altman: "Militia arriving in Cripple Creek. Did you send them and what for? Everything quiet here." Next day the troops were recalled.10

During the last few days of excitement another movement had been on foot looking toward a compromise. Just before his arrest, President Calderwood met in conference at the Independence mine with "W. S. Stratton and Chas. Steele. After considerable discussion Mr. Stratton proposed as a compromise to lay before the union, that the mine should work a nine-hour day shift and eight-hour night shift, with pay at $3.25. The union at first rejected the offer, but two days afterward reconsidered, and accepted it. The Independence star-ted on the new schedule March 19th. None of the other mine owners followed Mr. Stratton 's example, however, so the movement was without much result. It is to be regretted that the other owners did not see their way clear to follow Mr. Stratton 's action. Had they been as willing to come to a compromise at this period as were the miners, the difficulty would probably have been settled on the labor troubles, and that no warrant or other process of court had ever issued, and that neither the sheriff nor any of his deputies had ever been resisted in any way, nor had Sheriff Bowers ever been, or had he ever sou'ght to go to Bull Hill, where it was alleged the trouble existed. After this conference I told Sheriff Bowers that the troops were there at his solicitation, but only in aid of the civil authority in the service of process ; that on his own showing no process had issued from the courts, the military was not subject to his order, and that the facts in the case would at once be made known to the governor."

- "That no resistance to constitutional authority had been offered by anyone in the mining districts, and that no disturbance of any kind had occurred beyond the ordinary small offenses that are constantly occurring in mining camps."

There followed a period of six weeks of comparative quietness. The eighteen miners against whom warrants had been issued submitted peaceably to arrest. All pleaded not guilty in the district court at Colorado Springs, and all were upon trial acquitted.11

The troublesome week in March had advertised the strike widely through the newspapers, and the result was a large influx of a rough element into the district. The most turbulent element from the Coeur de A'lene District came in large numbers, and tramps, and criminals, and roughs of all description flocked in from all directions.12 Many of these men were admitted to the miners ' unions. And here is where the union made its great mistake.13 The evident willingness of the union to come to a compromise in the trouble, the peaceful submission of its members to arrest and their acquittal by the courts, and the mass meetings held by President Calderwood, had gained a large degree of sympathy for the men throughout the state. But the overt acts later committed by a few criminal men, and the reign of terror brought on by the rougher element, lost them the prestige which they had earlier gained, and brought upon them the just condemnation of the law-abiding citizens of the state.

12 It has been frequently stated that numbers of the famous Molly Maguires, of Pennsylvania, came to the Coeur de A'lene District, and that, the organization being broken up there in 1893, descended upon Cripple Creek. No direct evidence" has ever been adduced on this point.

13 A number of the more conservative members of the unions left them because of the dangerous element admitted at this time. A noteworthy case is that of E. W. Pfeiffer (see as County Commissioner in the strike of 1903-4). He was later opposed politically by some of the unions for this action.

It will be remembered, that at the time of the first trouble between Superintendent Locke and the employees of the Isabella, one of the deputies captured with him was a man named Wm. Rabedeau. Mr. Rabedeau was also warned to leave camp, and did so, but returned shortly afterward. He was deprived of his commission as deputy by Sheriff Bowers, but remained as a guard in the employ of some mine owners.

On April 8th the miners' union started out in a body to attend the funeral of a miner who had been killed in an accident. Scattered around everywhere they found "dodgers" calling a meeting at Anaconda for 11 o'clock, the time set for the funeral. The funeral services were short, and the men hurried over to Anaconda, where they found the meeting already called to order, with Rabedeau and another man named Taylor presiding, and Rabedeau making a speech in favor of going to work on the tenhour schedule. It was evident that the scheme was to have the meeting pass resolutions favoring going to work on the tenhour schedule, and to report in such a way to the press as to give the impression that the majority of the men were in favor of going to work, but were being intimidated by radical members. The men were greatly infuriated. Rabedeau was taken from the platform and terribly beaten. Later he was subjected to all sorts of indignities, and run out of camp, with the threat that next time he showed his face in the district his life would pay the forfeit.

During the latter part of April, and throughout May, conditions grew steadily worse. The rough element was gradually becoming more prominent, and the men were getting into a more threatening mood. Small bands of men raided throughout the district, stealing provisions and arms and ammunition, getting into drunken rows, and sometimes maltreating nonunion men. Many of the smaller merchants in isolated places closed their stores entirely, and families in the unsettled districts very generally moved into the towns.14 Sheriff Bowers spent his whole time in the district, but hampered by the re-

14 From the testimony of a number of small storekeepers, and families occupying outlying cabins, who deserted their homes and stores, sometimes to have them raided in their absence.

Early in May various discussions were held among mine owners relative to making a determined effort to open the mines. It was felt that something must be done soon. No mines had been able to open as yet, and under the present conditions, violent opposition was expected. The movement finally resulted in the quiet circulation of a subscription paper, and the offer by the mine owners to the county to advance arms and money, if a large body of deputies should be enrolled to protect the opening of the mines. The offer was accepted by the county commissioners, and steps were taken to carry out the plan at once.

Word of the plans of the mine owners had early reached the miners and they began to prepare to resist to their utmost. President Calderwood was in Salt Lake City attending a convention of the "Western Federation of Miners, and J. J. Johnson15 came to the front as the military leader of the union. Mr. Johnson proceeded to get the miners into as complete military organization as possible. Headquarters and a military camp were established on Bull Hill.16 The choice was an unusually fortunate one. Bull Hill is a high steep bluff, overlooking the town of Altman. It overtops several of the most important mines, and is at once the most commanding and most inaccessible point in the district. A large boarding house was established, a commissary department put in operation, systematic search made for arms and ammunition; and as thorough military discipline enforced as was possible under the conditions.

15 Mr. Johnson was a native of Lexington, Ky., growing up among the fueds of that state. He attended West Point for three years, but was dismissed before the completion of his course for participating In a hazing scrape. Drift- Ing west he took up mining at Aspen, and later came to work at Cripple Creek. At the close of the strike he left the state to avoid arrest. On the opening of the Spanish War he was appointed colonel of an Arkansas regiment, but died while on the way to the sea coast with his command. He was a man of unusual ability, and of considerable military genius.

16 There was. a report, generally believed at fhe time, that an immense log fort had been built on Bull Hill, and a cannon placed in it. No such fort was built, aor did the miners possess a cannon at any time.

police and ex-firemen, left Denver in command of ex-Chief of Police J. C. Veatch. They were armed to the teeth, and prepared for immediate action. The miners had news of their departure, and prepared to give them a warm reception. There was still an insufficient supply of fire arms, so a raid was made on a Cripple Creek hardware store for rifles and ammunition; the Victor Mine also was held up and a number of Winchesters taken from it. The commissary department got in a number of range cattle. Orders were issued, and everything put in readiness.

The deputies arrived next morning on the Florence and Cripple Creek Railway, and prepared to go into camp in full view of Bull Hill. The miners had prepared to show that they were determined, and to give the deputies an object lesson. As the train pulled into view a party of men hastened down the hill, warned everyone away, and placing large charges of dynamite in the shaft house of the Strong mine blew it to pieces with a tremendous explosion.17

Then pandemonium broke loose. The day before the Florence and Cripple Creek Railway had completed the grading on its line and discharged nearly two hundred laborers, each with a

"It has been generally believed in some quarters that the blowing up of the Strong mine was accomplished by Mr. Sam Strong himself, in order to prevent the property from being worked, and in this manner to break the valuable Jease, which would revert to himself. This is exactly what did happen, and Messrs. Lennox and Giddings, the lessees of the mine, later brought suit for heavy damages against Mr. Strong on the above charge. The admission by prominent union men that the mine was really destroyed by a party of miners now settles the question beyond doubt, and clears Mr. Strong of all suspicion.

"The following morning a number of men quietly entered the building of the Strong mine and ordered Sam McDonald, Charles Robinson and Jack Vaughn to come out. They declined to do' so and retreated down the shaft. Dynamite was then deliberately placed in the boiler inside the shaft house, and with an electric battery, the same was exploded, demolishing the building together with its valuable machinery. Great interest in the fate of Sam McDonald and the two men with him in the shaft of the destroyed Strong mine was felt, but twenty-six hours after the calamity, voices were heard in an old shaft connected with the main shaft of the mine by a drift, and the imprisoned miners were taken out. After getting washed and something to eat, they were taken to what was known as 'Bull Hill stronghold.' Charles Robinson suffered considerably as a result of his terrible experience, but none of the others suffered to any extent. Who was responsible for the destruction of the Strong mine is still a mystery."

pay check of from ten to twenty dollars. These men all came into camp; pay checks were exchanged for cheap whiskey, and the usual result followed. At such times every man considers every other man his chum and whiskey is free for everybody. Railroad men, miners, toughs, all shared in a terrible debauch, and by the time the Strong mine was blown up hundreds of men were crazed with liquor. A car was loaded up with dynamite, and prepared to run down into the deputies1' camp and blow them into atoms. But the deputies had taken warning and retired several miles dawn the track to a safer place. Then the cry went up to destroy the mines. Men ran for dynamite and fuse, and for a time there was every reason to expect enormous destruction of property. But Mr. Johnson, with the help of his aids, had been working constantly, asserting his authority and endeavoring in every way possible to quiet the men. At last he succeeded by diverting their attention toward attacking the deputies, in getting control of them, and the danger was avoided.18

The energy diverted from the destruction of property expended itself in an attack upon the deputies. The deputies, it will be remembered, had become aware of the danger of their position, and retiring some distance down the track they had gone into camp at Wilbur. Just where they were the miners did not know, but it was determined that wherever they were, an attempt should be made to capture them and get possession of their arms. Arms were still lacking at the miners' camp.

About midnight a Florence and Cripple Creek construction train was captured, quickly filled with men, and with a miner at the throttle, started down the track for the deputies' camp. The deputies, anticipating attack, had pickets out in all directions. Unawares the train ran into the the picket line. A few quick shots brought it to a standstill. The miners poured out among the rocks: the deputies, roused, hurried to the assistance of their pickets, and the fight was on. There was no semblance

18The miners' unions, and the people of the state in general, owe a debt of gratitude to Mr. Johnson for his heroic work on that day. Had hundreds of drink-crazed men broken loose with unlimited whiskey and unlimited dynamite, the result had defied description. Scarcely a mine in the district would have been left whole, and one may hardly hazard a guess as to other consequences.

of order. Every man fought for himself, shielding himself so far as possible behind tree or rock, and firing in the darkness at the flash of the opposing guns. Five miners got separated from the main body .and into a swarm of deputies, and were captured. A deputy, the man named Rabedeau who has appeared before in these pages, received a shot in the chest and was killed almost instantly. A miner, George Crowley by name, was accidentally shot from behind by one of his comrades and was found dead in the morning.

A half hour's fighting convinced the miners that they could gain nothing. Skipping from rock to rock, and firing as they went, they began a gradual retreat up the valley. The deputies held their position. Little by little the firing ceased. All was quiet again, and doubling their pickets, the deputies turned in for the remainder of their night's rest.

News of the blowing up of the Strong mine reached Colorado Springs early in the day and caused great excitement. Later the feeling was intensified by the arrival of Mr. Strong himself, who had witnessed the destruction of his property, and ridden all the way to bring the news. A' number of men were known to have been in the mine at the time of the explosion, and they were all supposed to have been killed. Business was suspended, and excited groups of men discussed the question along the streets everywhere.

A mass meeting was held in North Park, at which resolutions were passed calling upon the county authorities to put down the insurrection -of the miners, and to restore law and order at whatever cost. In the evening a call went out from the sheriff's office asking for volunteer deputies to go to the scene of action, and calling upon all citizens to bring in arms to equip the posse. Over a hundred armed men left the city for the deputy camp next morning, and another hundred on the day following. Men were also being hurried in from Leadville, and Denver, and all the surrounding country. The deputy camp was transferred from Wilbur to DiVide, a point farther north on the Colorado Midland Railway, and here all the new recruits came.

Superintendent Sam MacDonald, Engineer Robinson, and Miner Greenough, the men who were known to have been in the mine when it was blown up, and supposed to have been killed. Between hunger, and cold, and smoke from the burning timbers, they had had a terrible and almost fatal experience. They were taken to Bull Hill by the miners, and held as prisoners in retaliation for the capture of the five miners at Wilbur.

Governor Waite issued a proclamation on the 28th, in which he called upon the miners to desist from their unlawful assembling, to lay down their arms, and cease their resistance of the law. At the same time he declared that the assembling of a large force of deputies by the county authorities, largely from outside the county, was illegal, and demanded that it be disbanded immediately.19 An order was issued calling upon the state militia to be in readiness to move at a moment's notice.

President Oalderwood had returned from Salt Lake City on the same day that the Strong mine was blown up. Instantly perceiving the danger of the situation, and the remedy, he set about getting all the saloons of the district closed for a period of two days. He succeeded, and at the end of the time the men had come to their senses again, and some degree of quiet was restored. The union was aroused at last to the necessity of getting entirely out of sympathy with the lawless element that had come in, and a volunteer committee of fifty took in charge the running out of camp of toughs and thugs.

Attempt At Arbitrition

During the exciting events of these few days, a quiet movement had been started in Colorado Springs aiming at a compromise. To the more conservative and thoughful citizens the situation at Bull Hill seemed one of grave concern. Should the two bodies of armed men that stood face to face, constantly augmenting their numbers, and becoming daily more deeply embittered against each other, come into conflict, the loss of life, terrible as it might be, would be but the beginning of the disasterous results that would follow. Everything possible, it was felt, must be done to prevent a clash. Could the two sides be induced to hold a conference, the seriousness of the situation would tend to force both to make concessions, and a compromise might be effected. But how get the two factions together? Some man must be found willing to undertake the Work who was well known, whose neutrality would be trusted by both sides, and who would have no interest in subordinating the main object of his work to political ends of his own. He must be a man, moreover, who would be willing to take some personal hazard in the matter, for judging from the reports that had come to Colorado Springs, an outsider who should attempt to go on Bull Hill would take his life in his hands.

The movement resulted in a call upon President Slocum, of Colorado College, by J. J. Hagerman, one of the most prominent and conservative of the mine owners, with the request that President Slocum go to Bull Hill as a neutral party, to see what the attitude of the miners would be toward an arbitration committee. President Slocum would be authorized to say that the mine owners were willing to meet the miners in such committee, and to make some concessions toward a compromise. After some discussion the president agreed to go. The Rev. E. Evans Carrington, who was well known as a friend of organized labor, also several members of the Colorado Springs labor unions, were asked to accompany Dr. Slocum.

The party left Colorado Springs late Saturday evening, May 26th, arriving in Cripple Creek early Sunday morning. Communication was held with President Calderwood over the telephone, and then the party started out on foot for Altman. As they arrived at the foot of Bull Hill a sentry stepped from behind a rock, and with levelled Winchester, and the cry "Hands .up!" brought them to a standstill. Upon learning their names and business the sentry said he had instructions to pass them, and proceeded to conduct them to Altman and the headquarters of the union.

At headquarters the party was met by President Calderwood, who took President Slocum into his office immediately for a conference. Dr. Slocum stated that he came representing no one in particular, but the people of the county in general, to see if some arrangement could not be made to arbitrate the present difficulty. Mr. Calderwood replied that arbitration was one of the cardinal principles of the union, that the union had been willing to come to a compromise all along, and was still willing to do so. Dr. Slocum then asked what conditions they thought they ought to have in a settlement. Mr. Calderwood replied that the men felt that they should have an eight-hour day and a three-dollar wage, and upon Dr. Slocum bringing up the question, added the clause that there should be no discrimination between union and non-union men. The question of a committee was then discussed, and it was practically decided that two representatives of the union should meet two representatives of the mine owners somewhere on neutral ground, and that these four should appoint a fifth, the committee to have authority over the questions in dispute.

Some further conversation ensued, and then Mr. Calderwood invited President Slocum to address the miners. Upon his acceptance of the invitation, runners were sent out through the camp, and soon between three and four hundred men were gathered. To them President Slocum spoke for about an hour, advising them to meet the mine owners half way in' the proposed compromise; calling upon them to respect the laws of the state, and pointing out that an armed resistance of the authorities could only end finally in disaster to themselves. Mr. Carrington and Mr. Collais also made brief addresses.

There were still some effects of the over-abundance of whiskey visible among the men, and some of them were in an ugly humor. So much so that Mr. Calderwood had some fears for the safety of Dr. Slocum while making his address.1 The party, however, left Altaian undisturbed, and returned immediately to Colorado Springs.

On Monday afternoon Mr. Hagerman called President Calderwood by telephone to discuss matters pertaining to the arbitration committee. The miners had held a meeting in the meantime, however, and instructed their president to consent to the committee only on condition that the mine owners should previously agree that union men be given preference in employment at the mines. Upon this condition being communicated to Mr. Hagerman, he replied that the mine owners would never consent to such a condition, and so the attempt to secure a compromise failed.

Later in the day a remarkable event took place on the mesa below Altaian. It will be remembered that the deputies had taken five prisoners in the battle near Wilbur; also that in retaliation the miners had imprisoned the three men taken from the Strong mine. President Slocum, while at Altman, had arranged for the exchange of the three men for the five imprisoned miners, and Monday afternoon the exchange took place. A deputy sheriff came up from Colorado Springs with the five miners ; one of the union officers came down from Altman with their three prisoners; and meeting in a prearranged

1 That his fears were not groundless was shown by the fact that an old German stood close to the president while he was speaking, and occasionally rubbing the muzzle of his Winchester against him, would pat it affectionately, and remark : "Dat's good for twenty-five deputies." The man was known by Mr. Calderwood to be one of the worst characters in the union. He was afterward hanged for killing a man in a saloon fight.

spot, the exchange took place with all the military formality of war. This is probably the only instance of a strike in which rights of belligerency were recognized, and a formal exchange of prisoners made.

The Mission Op Governor Waite

Governor Waite had been closely following events at Cripple Creek. For a week his private secretary, Michael Lorentz, had been in the district making thorough investigations and reporting daily by telephone. Upon the failure of the proposed committee of arbitration pressure was brought to bear on the governor and he finally decided to see what influence his presence at the seat of difficulty would have toward a settlement. He accordingly telephoned the miners of his intended visit and wish to confer with them, and went into the district on the afternoon of May 30th.

The same afternoon a heavy rain and snow storm settled down upon the Cripple Creek District. A few hours of the storm closed the railroads by landslides and cloudbursts, and broke down every telegraph and telephone line, isolating the district completely from the rest of the world for a period of four days.

In Colorado Springs this was a period of great anxiety. The number of deputies at Camp Divide was known to have reached nearly a thousand. They were supposed to be about ready for an attack upon the miners, and news of a terrible battle was expected daily. All sorts of terrifying rumors filled the air. A mass meeting of citizens on the evening of the 30th decided that the city was in danger from the lawless element, and called for volunteers for a "Home Guards" organization to protect the city. About one hundred fifty men came forward, and were formed into squads which patrolled the outskirts of the city night and day. A Woman's Relief Association was formed, to prepare medicines and bandages, and make plans to care for the wounded in the coming conflict. A 4-11 alarm on the fire bell was arranged for as a danger signal. A wild report caused the alarm to be sounded one night. The Home Guards turned

At the deputy camp the days passed in quiet preparation. Strict military discipline prevailed. The men were comfortably housed in huts built of railroad ties and in box cars. Pickets were posted in all directions to guard against surprise. There was daily drill and instruction in tactics. As soon as the storm ceased and the roads were open there would be enough men for the forward move, and the men waited eagerly for the time.

The effects of the storm were most severe at the miners ' camp on Bull Hill, and the fortitude of the men through the days of snow and rain gave conclusive proof of their determination. Strict military discipline was in force here also. There was daily drill, and a daily session of court martial. The men were fed at the army boarding houses, supplied by the commissary department. Every few minutes throughout the day an aide left " General" Johnson's headquarters with orders for some part of the camp. The picket system was perfect; every road was guarded for miles around Bull Hill.

Governor Waite got into Altman ahead of the storm, and immediately held a conference with the union. In a lengthy speech he promised the men his friendship and help in settling their difficulties. At the same time he demanded that they cease their violent opposition to law, and appoint a committee to confer with the mine owners relative to a compromise. The union elected the Governor and President Calderwood a committee with absolute power to act for them in a settlement, and on the day following they left for Colorado Springs.

The condition of the roads was such that the trip to Colorado Springs occupied three days. The party had to walk all but fourteen miles of the distance to Florence. Then the tracks were found to be washed out between Florence and Pueblo, and a long detour had to be made through La Junta. . Finally, about noon, June 2nd, the train bearing Governor Waite and Mr. Calderwood pulled in at the Denver and Rio Grande station at Colorado Springs. Word of their coming had been telegraphed

At 3 o'clock the conference met in the society room of Palmer Hall - now the hall of Cutler Academy. Governor Waite, actting for the miners, and J. J. Hagerman, for the mine owners, discussed the question formally. Besides these two gentlemen there were present President Slocum, of the college; Judge Lunt, W. S. Jackson, and a number of others.

Mr. Hagerman opened with a statement of the difficulty, and the attitude of the mine owners toward it. Governor Waite spoke urging that the trouble be settled in some way, and ended by setting forth the conditions under iwhich the miners were willing to return to work. These conditions were, briefly:2

To the first proposition Mr. Hagerman replied that it would be conceding all that the miners had originally struck for, and would be no compromise. Concerning the second, he said that he would never be a party to an agreement that militated against the right of any American citizen to take work whereever he could find it. Regarding the third, he said it was inconceivable that the governor of the state should object to the lalw taking its course, and that in any event that was a matter for the El Paso County authorities, not the committee, to decide. The argument finally narrowed to the matter of the employment of non-union men, and waxed warmer and wanner, the governor especially becoming greatly excited and using the strongest kind of language. Three hours had passed and nothing was yet accomplished, when word suddenly came to the conference that the building was surrounded by armed men, and that the campus was rapidly filling.

Eastall Histoey Of The Cripple Creek Strike 43

everywhere groups of men discussed the possibility of his being arrested while under the protection of the governor. The newspapers of the Springs had blamed Mr. Calderwood with everything real and imaginary that had happened recently at Cripple Creek, and feeling against him was running high. Such a chance to get hold of him it was felt ought not to be let go by. Some hothead suggested that if the law could not reach him the people could, and declaring that he would shoot him on sight, started off with his gun for Palmer Hall. Others, among them several prominent citizens of the city, followed his example, and soon there was a string of armed men hastening toward the college. Excitement became intense. Downtown on the street corners men harangued the ever-increasing crowds1. The cry went up to lynch Calderwood and the governor, too ; and being taken up was repeated on all sides. Self restraint was thrown to the winds and there was a general rush for the college campus.

At Palmer Hall word was sent in that the building was surrounded, and that two or three men were even in the hall declaring that they would shoot Calderwood when he came out. There was a hurried adjournment, followed by a rapid making of plans. Judge Lunt stepped out on the porch and began an impassioned speech to the crowd on the terrible disgrace they would bring upon the city if they should lynch President Calderwood, and especially if they committed any overt act against the governor. . While he held their attention, the governor, with Mr. Calderwood on one side and Private Secretary Lorentz on the other, slipped quietly out at the rear door, and hurried across the campus to the cab which was waiting for them. They were driven to the depot, where the governor's private train was waiting for them with steam up, and soon after pulled out for Denver. Just before the train left Colorado Springs, the governor had word from the mine dwners, finally rejecting the propositions offered by him for the miners at the afternoon conference.3

* At this time the miners in many of the camps of the state were organizing armed companies to go to the aid of the miners at Cripple Creek. At Rico, a company of 10O, under the command of William Simpson, siezed a train on

Two days later Mr. Hagerman went to Denver, and in company with David H. Moffatt, had another conference with Governor Waite. At this conference Messrs. Hagerman and Moffatt acceded to the demand of the miners for an eight-hour day, and three-dollar wage, specifying that the men should lunch on their own time. Governor Waite, on his part, withdrew the demands for employment of union men only, and for no prosecutions, and articles of agreement were drawn up. As there was no definite organization among the mine owners, Messrs. Hagerman and Moffatt could, of course, sign the agreement only for themselves. It was understood, however, that they virtually represented the mine owners, and that the other men would stand by their agreement. The following days proved this to be true.

"For the purpose of settling the serious difficulties between employers and employees in Cripple Creek Mining District, El Paso County, Colo., it is agreed by and between Governor Davis H. Waite, appointed by and representing the Free Coinage Miners Union No. 19, W. F. M., its members and other miners of said district, on the one part, and 'J. J. Hagerman and David H. Moffatt for themselves as mine owners and employers of mining labor in said district, on the other part, as follows.

"1. That eight hours actual work shall constitute 'a day', divided as follows: Four hours of continuous work, then 20 minutes for lunch, then four hours of continuous work; for which said eight hours of labor there shall be paid three dollars ($3.00).

"3. The undersigned, J. J. Hagerman and D. H. Moffatt, earnestly urge upon other mine owners and employers of mining labor, in said Cripple Creek District, to accede to and act upon the foregoing agreement. "Signed, the Rio Grande Ry., and got nearly 100 miles on their way. The governor, hearing of the movement, sent a telegram to them at Montrose commanding that they return home, and promising to give the striking men protection. The cdmmand was obeyed.

8 Men who had been prominent in the strike were never able to obtain work in the mines again, and several of the mines absolutely refu ed to employ union men.

Next day the entire state militia was called out under orders to go with all possible dispatch to the Cripple Creek District and preserve the peace.6 More specific directions were given to General Brooks, in command, by the governor. He was to place his force between the miners and deputies, and prevent a clash between them by every possible means. The disbandment of the deputy army was to be secured at the earliest possible moment. Protection was to be afforded to the sheriff and to the mine tfwners, but armed bodies of deputies were to be prevented from making arrests, or from occupying the mines.7

At Colorado Springs and Cripple Creek it was felt that the trouble was over, and there was great rejoicing. The mine owners were rapidly signifying their intention of accepting the agreement, and the miners had sent out word that they would stand by the governor's action, and that they would not resist the militia. But the deputies had yet to be reckoned with. On the night of the 6th they broke camp, and cutting all telegraph and telephone lines, and imprisoning all newspaper reporters, they advanced toward Bull Hill. Morning found them camped in Beaver Park, about three miles from Altman, and in full view of the miners' camp. A small skirmish took place just after day-break. Some of the deputies' horses strayed beyond the picket line, and a squad was sent out to bring them in. The

- « * * * ^n(j whereas the riot or insurrection now existing in Cripple Creek has been and now is beyond the power of the civil authorities to control, the lives and property of citizens of said county are in jeopardy, and application has been made by the sheriff of said county for military aid\;

"Now, therefore, I, Davis H. Waite, governor of Colorado and commander in chief of the Colorado National Guard and the militia of the State, do call upon1 a.11 organized companies of the Colorado National Guard to be and appear in the said county of El Paso, under the orders of Brigadier General Brooks, to restore peace and order in said Cripple Creek mining district, El Paso County, Colorado. All persons whomsoever in said county of El Paso unlawfully engaged in strife are warned to preserve the peace, and any unlawfully in possession of real property to yield the possession thereof to the rightful owners, and to cease any and all acts tending to promote civil war, to the end that the laws may resume their sway r.nd the rights of property be determined by the courts. "Davis H. Waite,

The militia arrived early in the afternoon, and following their orders, went into camp between the deputies and miners. Later in the afternoon Generals Brooks and Tarsney held a conference with the leaders of the deputies, in which a great deal of friction was created by the question whether the militia or the county officials were higher in authority. Both sides claimed the right to command and be assisted, and there was cause for much anxiety as to what would happen on the morrow.

Early next morning the deputy camp was in motion. The men were formed into line, divided into several detachments, and started off in as many directions. General Brooks kept watch of the movement, and when it became evident from their line of march that the detachments were all headed for Bull Hill, he sent for Sheriff Bowers, inquiring what he intended to do.

From the miners' camp on the hill the movements were being watched closely. As the long lines of men swung out in the valley below and took up their march forward, the alarm whistle at the Victor mine gave forth its warning blasts, and in a few moments the hillsides were dotted with men hurrying in to headquarters. Fifteen minutes saw the ranks complete, and "General" Johnson issuing orders that were to give the deputies a warm reception.

The miners had no cannon, as has been generally supposed, but they had a weapon even more deadly at close range in the shape of a huge bow-gun. This weapon was a home-made affair, and could throw to the foot of the hill. Its missiles were beer bottles filled with dynamite. It would work terrible execution when the deputies attempted the steep climb for the summit. Different points on the hill were mined, and connected with electric wires to explode at the pressing of a button. Every man was well armed, and with a belt or pocket full of cartridges. In the upper left vest pocket of each were five dynamite cartridges the size of pencils. These were fitted with percussion caps and were to be thrown at close quarters as the deputies came up the steep incline. Every advantage was taken of the

In the valley below General Brooks had not waited for an answer from his message to the sheriff. The buglers called the troops to arms, and having formed quickly they went off at double quick after the ranks of the deputies. General Brooks rode rapidly on ahead. Coming up with the sheriff a quick dispute ensued. The general inquired what was the meaning of this movement. Sheriff Bowers replied that he was sending squads of men to guard the roads leading from Bull Hill to prevent the escape of men for whom he had warrants, and that he was going on the hill with another squad to make arrests.8 General Brooks replied that he was under orders to prevent armed bodies of deputies from attempting to make arrests, and that they must return to their camp. The sheriff insisted that he should proceed. General Brooks asserted that he must carry out his orders, and would be compelled to fire upon the deputies unless they ceased their march immediately. Sheriff Bowers held a conference with some of his men, and seeing that the general was determined, gave orders for the deputies to return to their camp.

The militia continued on their march, and entered Altaian shortly after noon. Upon seeing the deputies turn back, the miners had dispersed again, and following their repeated statements to that effect received the militia without any show of resistance. That night the militia occupied the miners' camp.

Governor "Waite had all along maintained that the deputy army was illegally assembled, and General Brooks had been ordered to secure its disbandment. Even with Bull Hill in the hands of the militia, and the miners' army dispersed, the deputies refused to disband. Under the leadership of Deputy Bob Mullins they inarched next morning to Cripple Creek, and passing through the city arrested everybody who in any way met with their disapproval. Then they took up the line of march to the Independence mine, and went into camp around it. General Brooks met the deputies on the way to the Independence, and again demanded that they disperse, but was met with a blunt refusal.

General Brooks had been in constant communication with the governor all day. In the morning he telegraphed that the sheriff had reported the deputies to be beyond his control. Later in the day he sent the following telegram: "Situation critical. Sheriff persists in quartering his entire force at Independence mine. Says he does so at request of o'wner. There is in my judgment but one solution - martial law. General Tarsney indorses this opinion. (Signed) Brooks." To this the governor replied that his orders must be carried out at all hazards. "If the deputies resist your authority I will call out the unorganized militia to suppress their insurrection."9 That meant that every able-bodied man between eighteen and fortyfive might be called out, and that the controversy would assume proportions which would make the miners' affair seem small indeed.10

Biennial Report of the Adjutant General, 1893 and 1894, p. 50. Also cf. Office of Adjutant General, impression copies order to militia, May, 1894.

The deputies moved from the right and left of our position this morning, -ontrary to agreement not to do so, and advanced on the miners. It becoming evident to General Brooks that they intended an attack upon the miners, the entire column was put in motion, and the bodies of deputies overtaken at a point 1 mile from Altman. Under orders of General Brooks they returned to their camp.

I most respectfully urge, in view of our close proximity to the miners, that we be Instructed to receive their surrender, which I am credibly informed that all are anxious to make. They sent a committee to confer with me last night, but the committee were arrested by the deputies and I did not meet them. Answer. T. J. Tarsney,

Accept surrender of miners. Do not disarm them, but protect them with all your power. Make a cordon and keep armed deputies out. Advise sheriff and make no arrests. Use no force to compel any arrested man to go with the sheriff. Let that be voluntary. If the armed deputies resist your authority I will call out the unorganized militia to suppress their insurrection.

Fortunately, before any further action had been taken, a conference was held at Altman between mine owners, militia officers, and county officials. There were present Sheriff Bowers and County Commissioner Boynton, W. S. Stratton and Chas. Steele of the Independence, Mr. Keith of the Victor, Wm. Lennox, L. P. Airhart, Generals Brooks and Tarsney, and Colonel Hagel. The following agreement was reached.11 have warrants and who are trying to leave the district. While these deputies were in the discharge of their duties they were intercepted by General Brooks, with the State Militia, and ordered to return to camp. I understand the militia are here to aid me in serving process and placing the mine owners in possession of their property. If this is not the case and they are sent here to prevent me from doing my duty and hindering the law, then I most respectfully request their immediate recall. M. F. Bowers,

It is ill advised to send out squads to arrest miners at this time. General Brooks is in the field to compel peace. He Is ordered to prevent any arrests or attacks by armed deputies. The militia are under the orders of the commander in chief, and not of the sheriff. If the deputies resist the order of General Brooks to suppress insurrection they resist the lawful power "of the state.

Sheriff Bowers admits his inability to control his deputies, and some of hisofficers agreed with him. This was the reason of his failure to keep faith with. General Brooks. T. J. Tarsney,

If, as you say, Sheriff Bowers admits that the deputies refuse to obey hisorders and are acting in defiance thereof, they are not a -lawful body, are only armed marauders, and you must treat them as such. Order them to lay down their arms and disperse. If they refuse to obey and you have not force enough to suppress this new insurrection, notify me and I will call out the unorganized militia to enforce the order. Davis H. Waite,

Next day the deputies returned in a body to Colorado Springs and were there disbanded. In the town hall at Altman, Sheriff Bowers read the names of several hundred men for whom warrants had been issued, and they were asked to present themselves for arrest. A great many did so. Many, however, had left the district to avoid arrest, and were never located by the authorities. The militia remained in camp according to agreement, until the last of July, when they were withdrawn. The mines opened slowly at first, the owners hardly feeling sure of the ground, but as the men showed themselves willing to work, confidence was restored, and operations were taken up again in earnest.

There remained for a long time a certain amount of hostility on both sides. Among the extremely radical, feeling still ran high, and vented itself in various acts of violence. A number of citizens of Colorado Springs found it wise to keep guards at their dwellings. In the same city a scheme was made to tar and feather a number of men who were supposed to have sympathized with the strikers during the trouble. The plan fortunately became known, and steps were promptly taken to frustrate it. A more successful attempt was made later upon Adjutant General Tarsney. General Tarsney had been prominent in the friction between the state troops and deputies, and had become greatly hated by the latter. He was taken from the Alamo Hotel one night, driven several miles north of the city, and there tarred and feathered, and left wandering around in the night to find his way back to civilization as best he could. An attempt was made to blow up the home of Sheriff Bowers one night with a nitroglycerine bomb. The fuse was defective and went out; otherwise the house would have been completely wrecked, and the inmates, who were sleeping almost directly above the bomb, would certainly have been killed.

Cripple Creek was in a turbulent condition for some time. The criminal elements that had come into the city during the strike were not easy to get rid of. Sheriff Bowers spent most of his time in the neighborhood, doing his utmost to restore good order. He arrested over one hundred fifty men, and kept the county jail full to overflowing all the following year. Various attempts were made on his life. One night two men were shot on the road from Victor to Cripple Creek by a band who were after the sheriff, and who mistook the men for the sheriff and his deputy.

It was nearly a year before the men charged with committing overt acts during the strike came to trial. In March, 1895, D. M. McNamara was convicted on the charge of assault with intent to commit robbery, in holding up the stage coach of John Simmons, and taking his guns away from him. He was sentenced to two and one-half years' imprisonment, but the case was appealed, and the supreme court reversed the decision and set him free. Jackson Rhines received a jail sentence on the charge of kidnapping. Robert Dunn was convicted of assault with intent to kill, but broke jail before sentence was passed upon him, and was never retaken. Robert Lyons and Nicholas Tully were sentenced to terms of six and eight years respectively, on the charge of blowing up the Strong mine. They were pardoned by Governor Mclntyre, who succeeded Governor Waite, long before the expiration of their sentences. Some three hundred other informations or indictments were filed, but were dismissed later on, and no other men were brought to trial. Out of all the men arrested not one served a full sentence.12

Chapter Iv Peculiarities Op The Strike

In the Cripple Creek strike one finds some marked peculiarities, phenomena in the field of strikes. Part of the union men worked all through the difficulty. Wherever a mine was found that would continue working, or would start to work, on the eight-hour schedule, or wherever a compromise could be reached as in the case of the Isabella, no attempt whatever was made to shut it down; the men continued to work as though nothing whatever had happened. This is in marked distinction from most strikes, where every union man is called out whether he has a grievance or not, and as many other allied occupations as possible affected by sympathetic strikes.

By its action in allowing the men to work the union gained in several ways. It kept a considerable amount of money coming into the pockets of union men, a goodly portion of which went to the support of the strike. It kept constantly before the eyes of the public, the fact that the men were not trying to introduce a new and unheard-of system, but one which was being successfully applied in a number of mines. It was a constant reminder that the men were not making exhorbitant demands to which it was impossible to accede, since mines of average yield were successfully operating under all the conditions which they asked. It is a question well worthy the careful consideration of organized labor everywhere, whether a similar action would not produce similar beneficial results in many a labor difficulty.

Rastall History Of The Cripple Ceeek Strike

were exchanged for the three imprisoned officers with all the formality of war, the Altman union received recognition such as no other union has received before or since. Such recognition of an organization, and of a state of belligerency might have involved some interesting questions had the trouble gone further and Federal authority been invoked.

Another peculiarity of the strike was that state authority was used in such a way as materially to benefit the strikers. In the history of strikes the state has intervened nearly always only after a demand for protection, by the owners or operators, and while perhaps intending no such result, its authority has been so directed as to curtail the activities of the strikers, and to lessen greatly their chances for success. The results of this exception are interesting.

Governor Waite was a Populist, elected to his position on a Populist Labor ticket, and his ambition was to be known as the great friend of the laboring man. The strikers were sure of his hearty support from the first, and the county authorities were hampered by uncertainty as to whether his action would be to aid, or to oppose their efforts. All through the trouble his assertion was constant that no act of his should be hostile to the miners, and when at the very crisis he asserted that the deputy army was illegally assembled and should be disbanded, the effect was very great.1 The miners were wise enough, to see their opportunity, and never in the slightest way to resist the state authorities, and hence they reaped the full benefit of the governor's friendship. It is doubtful whether without the moral and active support of state authority, exerted as it was at critical moments, the miners could have won their strike.

The Position Op The Mine Owners

"We saw at the beginning that the Cripple Creek strike was largely the result of a general financial depression, and of irregularity in the employment of labor in a newly-opened min-

The owners felt that under existing conditions they were entitled to a longer working day for the $3.00 wage which they paid, or a smaller wage for the shorter day. They supported their position by pointing to the stringency of the times, the scarcity of money, and the surplus of labor. The logic of business alone, they said, made it impossible to maintain wages anywhere on a prosperous-times basis. They added that they were putting more money into the ground most of the time than they were taking out, few of the mines were paying dividends, and they could not afford to pay such high wages. The mines in other districts worked much longer hours. In Cripple Creek, with freedom from water, mild climate, and pure air, conditions for mining were more favorable than anywhere else, and certainly labor should be no more expensive than elsewhere.2

Feeling that these conditions entirely justified their stand, they refused to accept the various compromises proposed at the opening of the strike, and took no action whatever on the offer of the miners to allow the mines to continue working as they had been doing. Nor did they feel that they could follow Mr. Stratton's example when he opened the Independence on a compromise. They watched with disgust as the miners thwarted attempt after attempt to open the mines, and at last in exasperation made the proposition and demand on the county authorities which resulted in the deputy army.

Later, when the trouble had become so serious that it looked as though hundreds of men would be killed, and a terrible disaster fall upon the county, the more conservative owners began to feel that a small difference in wages was too slight a thing over which to have such a bitter fight. Especially J. J. Hagerman and David H. Moffatt felt that everything possible ought to be conceded to secure a compromise, and ward off such a calamity, and it 'was largely through the efforts of these men that the final settlement was effected.

Rastall History Of The Cripple Creek Strike 55 The Position Of The Miners

The miners naturally approached the question from a point of view differing from that of the mine owners. To them the questions of hours and wages were vital points of livelihood. They declared that at the altitude of the Cripple Creek District, varying from nine thousand to eleven thousand feet, men could not healthfully work more than eight hours a day. The strain of such an altitude was so great that many people could not live there at all, to say nothing of working at heavy labor every day for eight hours. The trying conditions due to altitude, they said, were augmented by the nature of mining, in which men had to work with clothing dampened by water, and breathe foul air and powder smoke. Nor, they insisted, could they live decently on less than a $3.00 wage. Provisions and rents were very high. By the time they had paid $15.00 or $20.00 rent for a miserable little house, bought firewood at $4.50 a cord, water at 5 cents a bucket, and other things in proportion, there was not much left for luxuries. Cripple Creek was a gold camp whose product had not been affected by the general fall in prices, and it was arbitrary to cut their wages just because thousands of other men were out of work.3

The miners at the beginning wished if possible to make a compromise, and made all the advances along that line. Failing, they settled down to a hard fight, with the feeling that they were justified in going to extremes to keep the mines from opening. The agreement with the Isabella showed them still willing to compromise. Then came the entrance of the deputy army. The rumors in Cripple Creek concerning the deputies were as misleading as the rumors in Colorado Springs concerning the miners. The miners prepared to resist what they understood to be an attack intended to drive them from the county, and emboldened by the sympathy of the governor and his proclamation, held the deputies at bay. Encouraged by their success, and the attitude of the governor, and the fact that the proposals were now coming from the mine owners, they made exhorbitant demands in the final attempts at arbitration. Fortunately, in making the governor their representative with power of attorney, they left the way open for the final settlement.