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Jefferson County, Illinois - Chapter 17: As to Politics, 1909

From Wall's History of Jefferson County, Illinois, published 1909. 3,744 words, reproduced complete and unedited. Source changes inside the text are labelled in place.

The text

3,744 words

Machine-read from scans of Wall's History of Jefferson County, Illinois, published 1909. Nothing has been corrected: fixing what looks like a misspelled name is how an invented one gets published. Source changes are marked where they occur.

Politics is Said to be the Science of Government, but too often it Proves to be the Science of Graft - For this Latter Kind the People Have no use, While for the Former Kind They Have the Greatest Respect.

Jefferson county was settled largely by people from the Southern slave states, and of course they brought with them their early conceived ideas of politics; for in those days politics were largely hereditary, or of the home-made order, but still of a very definite and ardent brand. Some of them came to get away from slavery and secure free homes, while others came to get free homes and still contend and vote for slavery - the very thing that prevented them from obtaining free homes in the South. Both factions continued to revere the names of their demi-gods, Jefferson and Jackson, and endorse anything that had their names branded upon it. But while this was true of those calling themselves Democrats, there was a goodly minority of pioneers scattered over the county that were to a certain extent worshipers of Adams, Clay and Webster. At the first there was very little party strife. The first general election that caused even a ripple in the county was the presidential election of 1828, which was attended with considerable feeling. At this election the candidates were General Jackson, with his victory at New Orleans fresh in the minds of the people, Henry Clay, the sage of Kentucky, John Quincy Adams, a born statesman, and William Crawford, of Georgia. Jackson, of course, led in this county, but neither of the candidates had a majority of the electoral votes. Jackson led, Adams second, Crawford third, with Clay the hindmost; he was dropped in the contest and the vote of Kentucky went to Adams, electing him, and when Clay was placed at the head of the State Department, the Jackson men were not slow to charge that it was a clear case of "bargain and sale" and this event was used in Jackson's favor in the canvass of 1828 and contributed largely to his success and the defeat of Adams for re-election at that time. At this election, however, the parties were only known as Jackson and anti-Jackson. Leaving Jackson in charge of the government, we will come down to state and county politics. There were two gubernatorial tickets in the field - both Jacksonian, but what would be called today. Stalwarts and Half- Breeds. Mr. Kinney was the Stalwart candidate for Governor, with Zadok Casey as a running-mate; John Reynolds was the Half- Breed candidate and R. B. Slocum, of Wayne county, was on the same ticket for Lieutenant-Governor. The peculiar result was that Reynolds and Casey were elected - Casey showing his wonderful popularity - he being the only Stalwart candidate chosen at that election. With but few changes in policy, the Jackson and anti- Jackson factions soon after became what was known as the Whig and Democratic parties, and for many years there were sharp contests between them as to which should run the government. Jackson was elected President and served out his eight years and succeeded in getting Martin VanBuren in as his successor, but failed when it came to his re-election, and the Whigs elected General William Henry Harrison, who died soon after his inauguration, and John Tyler, a "Mugwump," filled out the term, proving himself anything but a good Whig - the party that elected him. Then came Henry Clay to make the fight of his life and was defeated by Polk. Four years later the Whigs again succeeded in electing their man - General Scott, but he died in office as did General Harrison, and Millard Fillmore, the Vice-President, filled out the term. He afterwards run as the American, or "Know Nothing," candidate for President. The Whig party then merged itself into the Republican party of today, while the organization that called itself the Jacksonian Democratic party has survived the intervening years without change of name, but not without change of policy, for at one time and another its political coat has assumed all the hues of the historical garment of Joseph of old - and then some. Coming down to the county, we may say that it has been under the control of this Democratic party with little or weak opposition, so weak, in fact, that the old party had clear sailing up to the election of Abraham Lincoln as President and the breaking out of the war for the destruction of the government, when new lines began to form and the young men of the county came to the front and arrayed themselves on the side of freedom and the perpetuation of the Union and the maintainance of the flag - as against State's Rights, Slavery and Disunion. The result was that in a few years Jefferson county became free territory - that is, as to political thinking and voting - until now, instead of the interests of the county being entirely in the hands of one party, there is scarcely an election when the responsibilities are not divided, as between the parties - a safe condition ; especially in view of what has taken place in other years. In the very early days, the county was chiefly controlled by two prominent men and their followers. We refer to

Gov. Zadok Casey and Gov. S. H. Anderson. We have elsewhere given a brief synopsis of their characters, Hves and services in connection with the formation and progress of the county and the county seat, because their efforts for the material and po- Htical elevation of Old Jefferson were so closely blended that we could not well separate them, and we preferred to class them as real citizens, rather than as politicians. The same may be said of Joel Pace, Noah Johnston, and others, whose lives and services have already been referred to. As had already been said, these highly valued citizens were all Democrats, Jefferson or Jackson followers, and in their day and generation were undisputed controllers of the political sentiments of the county, but they were honest, faithful men, without guile and were always actuated by patriotic motives and hence were good, safe leaders. In a political way, they had as their allies such well known men as some of the Maxeys, Caseys, Johnsons, and especially and officially, such hold-overs as Dock Adams, F. S. Casey, William Dodds, J. R. Satterfield and others, who seemed to have a life-lease on the county offices. But the truth of history leads us to say that these were all good citizens and faithful officers. It is nothing against their honesty to say that they were allowed by law an indefinite amount of fees and emoluments (which evidently made them cling to the offices) that are not allowed to county or other officials today.

Our first dim recollection of politics dates even as far back as the Hard Cider, or Harrison, campaign when they hauled cabins around containing barrels of hard cider. But more vivid is the remembrance of the red-hot campaign of 1844. We well remember the enthusiasm, the big meetings, the flags and the songs, or rather jingles they got off on each other; one ran like this:

In those days it was the custom of the parties to raise long poles in the public square and float from the tops of them ftags and streamers with their candidates' names, and the main thing was to get the highest pole. The flags were drawn to the tops of the poles by pulleys and ropes. The Polk men hauled in a long hickory tree and erected it at the northeast corner of the square and threw their banner to the breeze. The Clay people responded by erectmg an oak pole at the southwest corner - considerably higher than the Polk pole and be gan to "Polk fun" at the other fellows. At night some miscreants cut the rope on the Clay pole and attempted to pull it down, but it caught in the pulley and. like Scott's coon, refused to tumble. But they secured the banner and tearing it apart deposited it in a near-by sink. Of course, this engendered ill-feeling, and both parties took their flags down at night to prevent them being destroyed. But you say that the Whig flag was already down. So it was, but Michael Tromly, the old French jeweler whom everybody knew, came to the front and manufactured a mechanical contrivance which he called a "coon," that climbed up the rope, carrying the flags with it until the top of the pole was reached and then you ought to have heard "them "Whigs" yell and yell again.

We also recollect that two four-horse wagons filled with enthusiastic Democrats left town for Marion, where a big rally was held, and it was three days before they got back. They took a band along and we remember that Tom Pace, Joe Tyler and Wesley Johnson were the principal musicians. It would be difficult to conceive how we would run a big campaign now without railroads, telegraphs and telephones, but they did' then, without seemingly losing a step.

Back in the forties, through the influence of Governor Casey and Judge Scates, the First Grand Division of the Supreme Court was located here, and Mount Vernon became to a degree the powall's history of JEFFERSON CO., ILL. 177 litical headquarters for Southern Illinois; by reason of all the lawyers and politicians - largely one and the same in those days - coming here and spending days and weeks at the protracted sittings of the Supreme Court. There being no railroads to get away on the next train, the visitors would settle down for a rest and a good stay with us, while they talked law and politics. Among the many who came were Abraham Lincoln and Stephen A. Douglas, who afterwards, in 1858, publicly discussed what they then talked to a more select circle, for, being a waiter boy at the old Mount Vernon Inn, where they boarded, we would of an evening sit and listen to them go over the same ground in a friendly way. After the discussion was over and the meeting broke up, which consisted of the visiting lawyers in the hotel waiting rooms, these (afterwards great) men would kindly pass their boots over to the writer to be blacked for next day's appearance before the august court. With the pittance thus secured, we purchased from Han'ey Pace the first pair of redtopped boots we ever had, and it goes without saying that when we got them on, we felt as big as Lincoln, Douglas and the whole court. We considered it no disgrace that we had blacked the boots of men like Lincoln and Douglas, and we consider it an imperishable honor that a few years later we were permitted to serve as a "soldier boy" in defense of the Union and the perpetuation of Old Glory, under Abraham Lincoln as Commander-in-Chief of the Army of the United States, helping to prove the truthfulness of Douglas's dying words: "There are but two parties in this government. Patriots and Traitors," and at the same time helping to fix in the Declaration of Independence the enacting clause forever, that "All men born free and equal and are endowned by their Creator with life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness." Many interesting and amusing things were said by these men and sometimes personal experience, incidents and anecdotes were the order of the evening. One evening Lincoln in his own inimitable way, told a story on himself that sent the hearty laugh around the room. He said: "When the state capital was moved from Vandalia to Springfield, I followed it up to try to make a living at the law, because legal business was very scarce in those days. I soon got into a case that led me to attend court at Taylorville, I had no horse, so I ordered the old rockaway stage coach to call for me next morning. Meantime I greased my boots, put on my new jean pants and stove-pipe hat and 'spruced up' generally - looking as much like a lawyer as I could. When the cab came, it was full and I had to take a seat with the driver on top and in front. After we had set sail, it being a nice breezy morning, the driver reached down in the box and drew forth a raw twist of tobacco and after helping himself, offered it to me with 'take a chaw, mister?' I thanked him, I did not chew. After saturating a mouthful of the stuff he puffed it out against the wind, causing it to come back over my hat, pants and boots - utterly destroying my handsome appearance, but this did not disturb him. He then reached down again and brought forth a flash of red-eye and after treating himself, offered it to me. Again I thanked him, I did not drink. This seemed to confuse him and giving me a queer look with his cock-eye, said : 'Mister, do you know what I think of your fellers who aint got no small vices?' 'No'; said I. Then with a glance of disdain, he drawled out, 'I think you make up in big ones what you lack in little ones ; and I can tell by the cut of your jib that you are bad after the wimmen.* " The dry manner in which he told the story added zest to it and the great man, being a perfect Joseph along the line alluded to, also made it seem ludicrous.

After the war Jefferson county struggled along in the Democratic rut until finally the old bosses died off and new parties and new conditions sprang up and then the new mode of ballot came in which protected the voter in marking in his own choice and then Jefferson county began controHing pohtics, instead of allowing politics to control it - which we consider a healthy situation for any county or township. We realize that in the hands of professional politicians, politics are tricky - that they "wriggle in and wriggle out, leaving the people still in doubt whether the snake that made the track is going south or coming back," but we rejoice to believe that the people are coming to know "where they are at," and that the curse of "bossism" is securely "nailed down" in the junk-pile of discarded political methods.

We could nil this chapter with the praises of our fellow-citizens who have served us in different public capacities, but lime and space forbid. Suffice it to say, that we have had good average representatives in our General assemblies all the way through; besides, Jefferson county has furnished two Lieutenant-Governors - Casey and Anderson; two Congressmen - Casey and Anderson (Bill) ; one Attorney-General - General Scales, one State Superintendent, Francis G. Blair. During the political upheavals that have occurred since the war, several men have secured positions that could not be called political triumphs for the successful parties, for the reason that the office secured did not come in their own; party name. General Anderson's election to Congress came in this way; being elected as a Greenbacker when he was a Democrat. Captain J. R. Moss and Matthew Telford were elected to the Legislature as Greenbackers and Farmer Club men, while both were Republicans. But for the most part, the Democrats of the county have always voted that ticket straight - never allowing other parties to get between that party and the offices - always giving a majority to its Presidential, Gubernatorial, Congressional and Legislative candidates. "Vote 'er straight," was the command of the managers and until the adoption of the secret ballot, they took much pains to see that their orders were obeyed, by helping to mark the ballot and going with the voter to the box to see that he put it in all right. Under the present system a man cannot be compelled to vote as another shall dictate ; and if he is base enough to sell his vote to another who is base enough to buy it, the purchaser can have no evidence that the goods will be delivered - so after all, we have fallen on a good era as to the voting business - a time and a system when a man can vote straight or mix or scratch his ticket, with none to molest or make afraid. But under all systems, Jefferson county has stuck to its custom of giving a majority to Democratic Presidential nominees (except Teddy Roosevelt) from Adams down to Bryan's third run, giving that persistent candidate eight hundred majority in 1 896, four hundred in 1900 and one hundred and fifty in 1908; and while the minor offices are again divided, George L. Ore, Republican, being re-elected State's Attorney and Burl Hawkins, Democrat, succeeding G. W. Highsmith, Republican, as Circuit Clerk. Verily, the signs of the times indicate that our politics are growing better.

There have been several breaks in the chain of Democratic ascendency during the last half century, but not until the Roosevelt landslide of 1904, did the whole chain give way - from President down to Coroner. It was quite natural that the pendulum should swing back to Bryan, because the county on a full vote is still inclined towards its old love - Democracy - and also because it had already given Bryan its vote in his two former races. But the county is practically a "stand-off" politically, as the politicians well know. Perhaps no more appropriate conclusion could be given this little allusion to county politics than a list of the faithful Senators and Representatives who have been sent from Jefferson county to our State Councils since its organization.

Casey was in the list of Representatives, accredited to Jefferson county. The fourth session had Zadok Casey as a member of the House. In the fifth session, Zadok Casey appears as Senator and Nicholas Wren as Representative. In the sixth session, Cdsey was Senator, but no local Representative. In the seventh, Zadok Casey was president of the Senate, and no House Representative. Same in the eighth, same as to Senate, with Stinson H. Anderson as Representative. In the ninth, we find the names of both S. H. Anderson and H. T. Pace. In the tenth, H. T. Pace in the House, no Jeffersonian in the Senate. In the eleventh General Assembly, first session held at Vandalia, we find Stinson H. Anderson, president of the Senate and Noah Johnston, Senator, and Harvey T. Pace, Representative. In the twelfth, the same as to the Senate, with Stephen G. Hicks in the House. In the thirteenth, we find R. A. D. Wilbanks, of Jefferson, in the Senate, with Hicks as Representative. In the fourteenth, Wilbanks and Hicks again. In the fifteenth, no Jeffersonian in the Senate, but Lewis F. Casey in the House. Sixteenth, Zadok Casey again in the Senate as speaker, but none in the House. In the seventeenth, we find no JelTersonian in the Senate, but Zadok Casey in the House. Eighteenth, no Senator, but John Wilbanks in the House. Nineteenth, same except we find T. B. Tanner in the House. Twentieth, same except we find William B. Anderson in the House. Twenty-first, same. Twenty-second, Zadok Casey again in the Senate, with no Jeffersonian in the House. Twenty-third, no Senator, but Henry M. Williams in the House. Twenty-fourth, no Jeffersonian in either House, but of course the county was represented by the district members. Twenty-fifth, no Senator, but Noah Johnston, Representative, and John A. Wall as assistant doorkeeper. Twenty-sixth session, S. K. Casey as member and John A. Wall as sergeant-atarms of the Senate, but no Jeffersonian in the House. Twenty- seventh, S. K. Casey, Senator, and Thomas S. Casey, Representative. Twenty-eighth, Thomas S. Casey, Senator, and none in the House. Twenty-ninth, Casey in Senate, A. B. Barrett in House. Thirtieth, none in Senate, Thomas J. WiUiams in House. Thirtyfirst, same as to Senate, John R. Moss and Alfred Morton Green in the House. Thirty-second, same as to Senate, R. A. D. Wilbanks in House. Thirty-third, same as to Senate, Seth F. Crews and George H. Varnell in the House. Thirty-fourth, same as to Senate, George H. Varnell in House. Thirty-fifth, A; M. Stratton in Senate, Representative from other counties. Thirty-sixth, Stratton in Senate, Matthew Telford, Representative. Thirtyseventh, none in Senate, Dr. J. H. Watson, Representative. Thirtyeighth, same as to Senate and same as to House. Thirty-ninth, none in Senate, Samuel H. Watson and William H. Green, Representatives. Fortieth, Joseph T. Payne, Senator, and F. G. Blood, Representative. Forty-first, same as to Senate, Norman H. Moss, Representative. Forty-second, Dr. J. H. Watson, Senate, none in House. Forty-third, Watson in Senate, none in House. Fortyfourth, no Jeffersonian in either House. Forty-fifth, none in Senate, but W. C. Blair in House, Forty-sixth, none in Senate, but W. C. Blair and George B. Welborn in the House.

Politics as applied to state-craft, the science of government is quite a commendable avocation, but when simply applied to the means of getting into office, or gratifying advantage after getting there, it is quite the reverse. And hence, many good people become disgusted with what is rightly termed personal politics - and machine politics, another spurious article. A prominent Jeffersonian recently told us he had seen so much of these kinds of politics and political maneuvering, that he felt like drinking a toast to it, and this was the toast he proposed:

But we hope and believe that our friend is too sweeping in his toast and that hereafter our Jefferson county politicians will occupy a higher plane, and politics will be of a purer order and that the next historian will find it a pleasure to command them for their virtues and allude to politics as we do to religion - as something really good for the people and conducive to their general welfare - just as we would like to do now and would willingly do, if the facts would justify the statement. Let us go back to the beginning and seek to review our political youth. Let us select men like the Caseys, the Andersons, the Johnsons, the Maxeys, and see if we cannot keep a purer political atmosphere around us - especially in Jefferson county.

Provenance

Text from Wall's History of Jefferson County, Illinois, published 1909, in the public domain in the United States and digitised by the Internet Archive.