Madison County, Illinois - Chapter 31: Politics in the County, 1912

-Political Summary-Temperance in Madison County-The Great Lincoln-Douglas Debate of 1858 - Semi-Centennial Celebration - Reversion to Early Political Type.

Illinois was separated from Indiana in 1809 and became a distinct territory under the first administration of James Madison, who had been elected as a Republican over the Federal¬ ists, Charles C. Pinckney of South Carolina and Rufus King of New York. Under Mr. Madison's second administration Madison county was organized and named in honor of the president. The close of the second war with England, in 1815, resulted in a political realignment of parties. The main differences heretofore between the Federal and Repub¬ lican parties, the one headed by Hamilton and the other by Jefferson, had been upon the powers of the Federal government, the Fed¬ eralists contending for a strong central govern¬ ment and the Republicans demanding a liberal construction of the rights of the several states. The war, while it resulted in the annihilation at the polls of the Federal party, on account of their opposition to it, had also the result of forcing the Republicans to adopt, as war measures, at first, some of the political ten¬ ets of their opponents in order to preserve and perpetuate the government. Thus the two parties were brought almost together, and James Monroe, Republican, was elected in 1816 over Rufus King, Federalist, the latter receiving only the votes of Massachusetts, Connecticut and Delaware. The Federalists had no candidate for vice president. This was the end of the Federal party and the beginning of the era of good feeling," which resulted in reelection of Monroe in 1820, with but one opposing vote, which was cast for John Quincy Adams.

Up to- 1824 there were still no definitely or¬ ganized political parties and the presidential contest of that year was a personal one. There were four contestants: Andrew Jackson, John Quincy Adams, William H. Crawfoid and Henry Clay. No one had a majority of the electoial votes and the choice was de¬ termined by the house of representatives where, by a coalition between Clay and Adams, the latter was elected. But during these years the Whig party had been forming as the suc¬ cessor of the Federal, under the leadership of Clay, and the votes cast for him were the nucleus of the new party.

In the next campaign the Republican party became known as the Republican-Democratic party and later as the Democratic. It sup¬ ported Andrew Jackson for president. Their opponents, the Clay and Adams adherents, who had been known as National Republic¬ ans, changed their designation to Whigs. They supported Adams for relection but were defeated. The name Whig was assumed first by the patriots in the Revolutionary war, while the loyalists were termed Tories. The name is of Scottish origin and was at first a nick¬ name of the peasantry and was later applied to the Covenanters who took up arms against the oppression of the government. The op¬ ponents of Jackson in the next campaign for¬ mally assumed it as significant of their opposition to the oppressive methods of that president in office.

All this is necessary to an understanding of political conditions in Illinois, in the early days. Although far removed from the scene of strife in Washington the situation in Madi¬ son county was affected thereby. For years Calhoun and Crawford were ambitious aspir¬ ants for the presidency and the tentacles of their intrigues stretched out even to Illinois. Senator Edwards was known to be a follower of Calhoun while Governor Coles was a sup¬ porter of Crawford. This caused a coolness between these two Illinois statesmen which kept them always in opposite camps during their careers from 1819 to the death of Ed¬ wards and the removal of Coles from the state, both events occurring the same year, 1833. The parties existing in territorial times were personal not political. The quarrels be¬ tween Federalists and Republicans did not reach Illinois. Personal leadership was con¬ tinued under the state government with such men as Governor Edwards, Daniel P. Cook and Nathaniel Pope on one side, while Gov¬ ernor Bond, Elias Kent Kane, John McLean, Judge Thomas and Judge Smith were arrayed on the other. This alignment was dissolved in the fiery antislavery contest of 1824 and new leaders, in addition to those named, came to the front, chief among whom was Governor Coles.

county who have held state, congressional and legislative positions and will not repeat here, but gives as an index to the political condition of the county since 1820, the vote it cast for presidential candidates from its first participa¬ tion in national politics up to the last election for president in 1908. It will be found in¬ valuable for reference and as a record of the political drift of public opinion. It will be noticed that in the first presidential election in which Illinois participated as a state a very light vote was cast, Monroe having no opposi¬ tion. Prior to 1820 Illinois, as a territory, had no vote for president. It is stated above that the Federal party practically ceased to exist under that name after the election of 1816. But it seems that in Illinois the old party des¬ ignation of Federal was retained in the first two elections thereafter, but that its new name of National-Republican was assumed in the elections of 1828 and 1832. The later desig¬ nation as Whig did not appear in the election returns until 1836.

From these returns it will be seen that the Federalists carried the county in 1824 and the Democrats in 1828 and 1832. The Whigs car¬ ried it in 1836, 1840, 1844 and 1848; the Democrats in 1852 ; the Know Nothings in 1856; the Republicans in i860; the Democrats in 1864; the Republicans in 1868 and 1872; the Democrats in 1876; the Republicans in 1880; the Democrats in 1884; the Republicans in 1888; the Democrats in 1892, and the Re¬ publicans in 1896, 1900. 1904 and 1908. In the last four elections the trend of public sen¬ timent was increasingly towards the Repub¬ licans at each quadrennial test.

To summarize: The Federalists carried the county once ; the Whigs four times ; the Know Nothings once; the Democrats eight times, if we count Monroe a Democrat, and the Repub¬ licans nine times. The Republican party, made up of Anti-Slavery Whigs. Free Soil Democrats, Anti-Nebraska Democrats and old-line Abolitionists, first participated in a na¬ tional election in 1856 and have won all their nine victories since then, during which period the Democrats have won four. There has been but little disposition to fight outside of party lines since 1828 in national elections, but in the last two elections there were scattering votes of from 100 to 1,500 cast for various "isms." In 1904, owing to dissatisfaction with their party candidate, Parker, the Demo¬ crats cast only about two-thirds of their party vote. At the present time both the leading parties are discordant, rent with factions and feuds, and the outcome of the next presiden¬ tial election in Madison county would be hard to forecast. Both parties are divided on the tariff question ; both condemn the trusts, which Democrats and Progressive Republi¬ cans claim are the outgrowth of a high protec¬ tive tariff, and both unite in denouncing the existing extravagance and corruptions re¬ vealed in the conduct of many officials and machine politicians.

Until the last three elections the closeness of the vote between the two leading parties on national questions made Madison county an exciting political battleground. Here the lead¬ ing statesmen and politicians of both parties, including leaders of national renown, have fired the party spirit from the rostrum and the stump. Collinsville, Edwardsville, Highland and Alton have been the scene of vast politi¬ cal gatherings where the eloquence and logic of renowned orators have held great audi¬ ences spell-bound. Especially was this the case in the "Tippecanoe-and-Tyler-too," "log cabin and hard cider" campaign of 1840, when Harrison carried the county ; the Lincoln- Douglas campaign of i860, when Lincoln won by a narrow margin of 61, and the campaigns for thirty years following the war. These were characterized by immense torchlight pro¬ cessions, with rockets and red-fire flaring along the way, with general illuminations of stores and residences, while wild cheers went up from the throats of enthusiastic thousands. But throughout all the exciting campaigns, immediately preceding and following the war, Madison county was always loyal. Men dif¬ fered as to the measures best calculated to re¬ flect their principles, but they had a common end in view - and that was the good of the country. The so-called Wide Awake march¬ ing clubs were organized in i860. They were followed by the Tanners in 1868, Grant's first campaign. These and other marching com¬ panies were often mounted on horseback and made imposing displays with their torches all alight. The ladies took an enthusiastic part in some of the campaigns and often provided dinners for the various visiting or marching companies and waited on tables themselves.

Madison county was a stronghold of that party from 1836 to 1848. The nearest the Whigs ever came to carrying the state was in 1838, when a Madison county statesman, Hon. Cyrus Edwards, a younger brother of Ninian Edwards, was their candidate for governor. The majority against him was only 996.

Among the governors who have addressed political meetings in this county are Ninian Edwards, Edward Coles, John Reynolds, Jo¬ seph Duncan, Thomas Carlin, Thomas Ford, William H. Bissell, Richard Yates, Sr., Rich¬ ard J. Oglesby, John M. Palmer, John L. Bev¬ eridge, S. M. Cullom, John M. Hamilton, Jo¬ seph W. Fifer, John P. Altgeld, Richard Yates, Jr., and Charles S. Deneen.

Senators: Jesse B. Thomas, David J. Baker, John McLean, Elias Kent Kane, Samuel Mc- Roberts, Sidney Breese, James Semple, Ste¬ phen A. Douglas, Lyman Trumbull, William A. Lorimer, John A. Logan, W. E. Mason and A. J. Hopkins.

Among presidents of the United States who have visited Madison county may be named Millard Fillmore, Abraham Lincoln, Andrew Johnson, U. S. Grant and Theodore Roose¬ velt.

Among statesmen who have been candidates for president before national conventions, or as nominees, may be mentioned Stephen A. Douglas, Daniel Webster, Lyman Trumbull, Horace Greeley, S. M. Cullom, John M. Palmer and William J. Bryan. All of these except General Grant and possibly Fillmore, made addresses in Alton.

Among those named as governors, Ninian Edwards, Richard Yates, Sr., R. J. Oglesby. S. M. Cullom and John M. Palmer have also served as United States senators.

The two greatest natural orators in the above list were undoubtedly John A. Logan and Richard J. Oglesby. As stump speakers they were unsurpassed. Old residents will re¬ call a speech of General Oglesby in which, in the midst of an impassioned period he ex¬ claimed, in accents of infinite scorn : "The Democrats brag about their being able to run this government : My God ! it's all we can do to run it ourselves!" Such interjections were common in his speeches.

The names of these men will recall many great gatherings which they addressed in various towns in the county. Capt. Joseph Brown, in his "Reminiscences of Early Days in Alton," relates this anecdote of the august Daniel Webster: "I heard Daniel Webster in Alton when he ran against Henry Clay for the nomination for president. He was given a banquet at the Alton House, and after the banquet at which the champagne flowed freely, he was called out to speak and held on to the railing of the porch of the Alton House, which was then situated on Front street, and made his speech. It was said of him as of Prentiss, of Mississippi, and Humphrey Mar¬ shall, of Kentucky, and many others, that he made his best speeches when partly intoxi¬ cated. After Webster's speech, which was a political one, Major Hunter, the founder of Hunterstown, said to him : 'Mr. Webster, I want to take you a short drive to see my fine

Both Webster and Clay, it will be remem¬ bered, missed the nomination in this campaign the prize going to Harrison. Such incidents remind us that even such popular idols as the "God-like" Daniel have feet of clay.

It seems hard to believe now but the Ameri¬ can, or Know Nothing, movement which swept over the country in the middle fifties took a strong hold in Madison county as shown by the presidential vote in 1856. Fill¬ more, the candidate of the American party, carried the county by a plurality vote. Fill¬ more received 1,658 votes to 1,451 for Bucha¬ nan and 1 , 1 1 1 for Fremont; a majority of 207 over Buchanan and of 547 over Fremont.

During the war there was a decrease in the popular vote. In i860 the total vote cast was 6,460 and in 1864 F was 6,443, a decrease of 23. In i860 Lincoln carried the county by 61 votes and lost to McClellan in 1864 by 137. Both the decrease in the popular vote and Lincoln's loss of the county were owing to the absence of Madison county soldiers in the army.

Another election worthy of mention was that on prohibition held June 4, 1855. The legislature, the previous January, passed a prohibitory law subject to ratification by the people. The law was defeated in the state by a small majority. The northern counties, ex¬ cept Cook and Rock Island, voted for prohi¬ bition and the southern counties generally voted against it. The vote of Madison county was 1,725 for prohibition and 2,135 against; majority against, 410. That is forty-five per cent of the total vote cast was in favor of prohibition. In 1908 the vote for prohibition was some 300, or less than three per cent of the total vote.

on the local option law which leaves the ques¬ tion of licensing saloons to the decision of the voters of each township. Under this law Foster township voted against licensing saloons, while all other townships, where the question was submitted, voted in favor of saloon license. Local optionists, as they are termed, have no party organization but draw their strength from all parties. The decline in the relative temperance sentiment in the county, in the last sixty years, is due mainly to the immense influx of the foreign element, the liquor interests of the county being con¬ trolled almost entirely by immigrants and their descendants.

Jesse B. Thomas, of Edwardsville, one of the first two senators from Illinois, wrote his name in the annals of his country by his authorship of the Missouri compromise fixing 36 degrees 30 minutes as the northern limit of slavery thereafter, and thus it remained until 1854 when another Illinois senator. Stephen A. Douglas, introduced and had passed the Kansas-Nebraska bill which abolished the Missouri compromise by per¬ mitting slaves to be introduced into western territories, north of that line, leaving the ques¬ tion of slavery thereafter to be settled by the people of the several states formed north of the line of demarkation. The passage of this bill by congress occasioned intense excitement in the north and eventuated in the formation of the Republican party pledged to resist the further extension of slavery. The first named Illinois senator set up a barrier to this further extension of slavery northward ; the second, tore down the barrier and opened the flood gates which eventuated in the Civil war and the destruction of slavery. It is a long sequence of events from 1820 when our sena¬ tor from Edwardsville introduced his compro¬ mise measure, but that enactment and Doug¬ las' repeal measure of 1854 stand as mile¬ posts in our national annals.

From a national standpoint the most im¬ portant political meeting ever held in Madi¬ son county was the seventh and last joint debate between Lincoln and Douglas in the famous campaign of 1858, which brought Lin¬ coln to the forefront as a great Republican leader and made him and Douglas rival can¬ didates for the presidency in i860. This meeting was notable not only as closing the series of great debates, but from the presence of a large number of men who afterwards became makers of history and four of them aspirants for the presidency - Lincoln and Douglas in i860; Lyman Trumbull in the Lib¬ eral convention of 1872 and John M. Palmer, nominee of the Gold Democrats in 1896, when he received 83 votes in Madison county to 6,353 cast for Bryan. Other notables present were Hon. David J. Baker, former L'nited States senator and chairman of the first Re¬ publican, or fusion State Central committee of 1854; Hon. O. M. Hatch, secretary of state; Hon. James Miller, state treasurer; Hon. J. O. Norton, congressman from the Joliet district; former Governor John Rey¬ nolds, Lieutenant Governor Koerner, of Belleville; Hon. Joseph Gillespie and Hon. A. W. Metcalf, of Edwardsville ; Hon. Cur¬ tis Blakeman, of Marine; Hon. Cyrus Edwards, of Upper Alton, former Governor J. A. Matteson and Gen. I. B. Curran, of Springfield.

There were also -present representatives of the New York Evening Post, Boston Travel¬ ler, St. Louis Republican, St. Louis Evening News and the Chicago Press and Tribune. The last-named journal was represented by Messrs. Horace White and Robert R. Hitt, the latter being Mr. Lincoln's official stenog¬ rapher. These two young reporters became famous men: Mr. White as a Chicago and New York journalist and publicist and Mr. Hitt as a congressman and diplomat. Mr.

White came on from New York October 15, 1908, to attend the semi-centennial anniver¬ sary of the great debate and was one of the speakers on the occasion. Of all the famous men named above he was the sole survivor. Of State journalists there were several pres¬ ent, the most prominent of whom were Hon. George T. Brown, editor of the Alton Courier and a leading State politician, and John Fitch of the Alton National Democrat. There were also two Madison county former members of the legislature Judge H. S. Baker and Dr. George T. Allen, who, together with Norman B. Judd of Chicago, B. C. Cook of Ottawa, and John M. Palmer of Carlinville, stand in a group by themselves as the five Anti- Nebraska Democrats, in the legislature of 1855, who, by their support of Trumbull in opposition to Lincoln for United States Sena¬ tor, probably saved the latter to the nation.

At the time of the Alton meeting the con¬ test between Lincoln and Douglas had lasted almost four months, during which time each had made almost one hundred speeches. The six joint debates had carried them from the extreme north to the southern part of the state and from the eastern to the western boundary. Now there remained only one more joint meeting scheduled for Alton, Fri¬ day, October 15, 1858.

It must have been with a feeling of relief that the two speakers found themselves drift¬ ing down the Mississippi from Quincy on the steamer "City of Louisiana" on the day be¬ fore their final combat. They arrived before daybreak and repaired to the Alton House, then kept by H. S. Mathews, which had been selected for Democratic headquarters. After breakfast a committee of Republicans called on Mr. Lincoln and escorted him to the Frank¬ lin House, of which S. Pitts was the land¬ lord, where he dield a reception to visiting delegates. No processions or displays of any kind were attempted except a parade by the Springfield Cadets accompanied by the Ed- wardsville band. By agreement of represen¬ tatives of both parties all banners, emblems, mottoes and campaign devices were excluded from the speaker's stand, but the streets were gorgeous with a multiplicity of banners with strange devices. "Squat Row,'' a group of Third street stores, proclaimed that it was tor "Old Abe and Free Labor," but another placard surpassed this modest announcement by bursting into rhvme with of 1787; she will maintain its provisions." Others bore such inscriptions as : "Old Mad¬ ison for Lincoln." "Too late for the Milk¬ ing." Many others bore local allusions. The Democrats concentrated their efforts on a grand royal banner stretched across Third street bearing the motto : "State Sovereignty - National Union." In fact Alton held a feast of banners on that balmy Indian summer af¬ ternoon when the two Illinois gladiators closed with each other for the last time.

Hall where some six thousand persons had gathered from the city and adjacent country including many who had come up from St. Louis on the steamers "White Cloud and "Baltimore."

The local committees were from both par¬ ties. The Platform committee, for instance, consisted of Dr. W. C. Quigley, C. Stigleman and William Post, for the Democrats; Hon. H. G. M'Pike, W. T. Miller and B. F. Barry for the Republicans. The meeting, by agree¬ ment of both parties, was presided over by Judge H. W. Billings.

Frederick Trevor Hill, of New York, in a late article in the "Century," has the following comment on this debate. "Douglas had the opening and closing word, and for the first time during the contest he indulged in no per¬ sonalities, but devoted himself to argument, inveighing only against the Buchanan admin¬ istration, which he bitterly attacked, to the delight of his Republican auditors. Indeed, when Lincoln rose to reply, informally her¬ alded by an enthusiastic Democrat, who de¬ fiantly shouted, 'Now let old Long Legs come out!' he 'came out' with such humorous ref¬ erences to the Democratic feud that the audi¬ ence, largely composed of Douglas men, was plainly disconcerted and not a little dismayed. It was only for a moment, however, that Lin¬ coln permitted himself to be diverted from serious discussion of the issues. He had be¬ fore him a large body of Democratic voters, and to them he addressed himself with unan¬ swerable logic and great tact.

"Douglas presented a really pitiable appear¬ ance physically, for he was utterly worn out and evidently at the point of collapse. His voice, which had been in poor condition at Quincy, was now almost gone, and, to quote one of his hearers, 'every tone came forth en¬ veloped in an echo. You heard the voice, but caught no meaning.' Notwithstanding this, he struggled bravely to hold the attention of his auditors and his closing words were an appeal for his favorite 'Popular Sovereignty' theory, which Lincoln had stripped of its sophistical veneer until, as he said, it had as little sub¬ stance as the soup which was made by boiling the shadow of a pigeon that had been starved to death.

"Thus ended the momentous contest which resulted in an unprecedented Republican vote and a popular majority for Lincoln; the elec¬ tion of Douglas to the senate by the legisla¬ ture, where the votes of his adherents, based on an obsolete census, gave them the control ; the nomination of Lincoln for the presidency, and the split in the Democratic party. Nor was this all, for as one of the keenest students of our political history has written, 'The de¬ bate was not a mere episode in American pol¬ itics. It marked an era.' "

Preliminary to the debate, meetings were held by both parties, the preceding evening, to still further arouse enthusiasm. The Re¬ publican gathering was addressed by Hon. John M. Palmer, of Carlinville, F. S. Ruther¬ ford and John Trible of Allen; the Douglas Democratic meeting by J. H. Sloss, H. W. Billings and Z. B. Job. A third meeting, held by the Administration Democrats, was ad¬ dressed by Dr. T. M. Hope.

A word as to the future careers of these men: Palmer, Rutherford and Trible all en¬ tered the Union army during the Civil war. Palmer became a Major General and corps commander; Rutherford was colonel of the Ninety-seventh Illinois and Trible a captain in the same regiment. Colonel Rutherford died in 1864 from exposure incurred in the service, just after he had been appointed brig¬ adier general. Captain Trible was wounded at Arkansas Post in 1863, and died of his in¬ juries. Messrs. Job and Sloss were elected to the legislature the same fall. Both these gentlemen lived to be over ninety years of age. Hon. S. A. Buckmaster, Democrat, was elected to the state senate that fall over the veteran legislator, Hon. Joseph Gillespie.

Thus the three votes from Madison county in the legislature, for which Lincoln and Douglas were contending, were won by the latter. In the light of immediate results, therefore, the Democrats had the better of the great debate in this county.

In commemoration of the semi-centennial of this great debate a three days' celebration of the event was held in Alton from the 14th to the 17th of October, 1908. It was a wonder¬ ful commemoration and a great success. The committees in charge were made up of both parties, as in 1858, with Hon. H. G. M'Pike as president of the day, the sole survivor of the committeemen in charge of the arrange¬ ments for the original debate. Hon. E. M. Bowman was chairman of the executive com¬ mittee and the leading spirit in the celebration.

The exercises were held on the east side of the City Hall on the spot where the original debate was held. The 14th was Home-Com¬ ing day; the 15th Lincoln-Douglas day; the 1 6th Old Settlers' day and the 17th, National Political day. The exercises of the 15th were preceded by a parade, in which several thou¬ sand school children took part, and was a beautiful feature of the occasion.

A memorial tablet of bronze had been af¬ fixed to the side of the building over the speakers' stand. The inscription thereon reads : "Erected by the Citizens of Alton Commemorating the Closing Debate between Abraham Lincoln and Stephen A. Douglas, which took place here Oct. 15, 1858."

After invocation by Rev. Father Spalding, vicar general of Alton diocese, the presenta¬ tion of the tablet took place, the address be¬ ing made by Rev. A. A. Tanner. The unveil¬ ing was by Master John Drummond Bow¬ man, son of Hon. E. M. Bowman, and the acceptance for the city by Mayor Edmund Beall. The address of the morning was by Gen. Alfred Orendorf, of Springfield, presi- dent of the Illinois State Historical Society. Among the ladies on the stand were Mrs. Jes¬ sie Palmer Weber, of Springfield, daughter of Gen. John M. Palmer, and Mrs. C. H. Hapgood, mother of Norman Hapgood, of New York, author of a standard life of Lincoln.

The afternoon exercises were at the Air Dome. The first address was by Hon. Hor¬ ace White of New York, who reported the original debate for the Chicago Tribune. He confined his remarks mainly to the career of Senator Lyman Trumbull, of Alton. The sec¬ ond was by Hon. J. McCan Davis, of Springfield, whose theme was "Lincoln and Doug¬ las." He was followed by Hon. Clark E. Carr, of Galesburg, who spoke on "Lincoln." The closing address of the afternoon was by Hon. Adlai Stevenson of Bloomington, for¬ mer vice president of the United States, whose theme was "Douglas."

In the evening a spectacular "Merchants Parade" took place, illustrative of the growth of the business and industrial interests of the city in the previous fifty years.

The next day was given over to a reunion of old settlers. Hon. H. G. McPike presided and brief speeches and reminiscences by pio¬ neer residents of the county made the occa¬ sion memorable. The exercises of the day closed with an illuminated river parade and fireworks in the evening. Saturday, the 17th, was "National Political day," the two parties meeting in joint debate on the issues of the presidential canvass then in progress. In the afternoon, at the Air Dome after invocation by Rev. Mr. Hammons, the Republican view was presented by Gov. Augustus E. Willson, of Kentucky, and the Democratic side was argued by Judge A. W. Hope, of Alton, a grandson of Judge Nathaniel Pope, first sec¬ retary of - Illinois territory and delegate in congress. In the evening the same issues were discussed for the Republicans, by Hon. Seth Low, former mayor of New York, and by Congressman Henry T. Rainey, of Carroll¬ ton, for the Democrats. These joint debates, on this semi-centennial occasion, were con¬ ducted with the utmost good feeling, as was fitting the changed conditions brought about with the lapse of fifty years. The generation that fought the great Civil war and engaged in its preliminary political encounters in the forum and on the stump, with a few excep¬ tions, had passed away, and the two great leaders, whose fame was celebrated that day, had long since joined the immortals, yet the enthusiasm and interest manifested at this commemoration were the seal and sign that the present generation thereby dedicates it¬ self anew to the great work of perpetuating the heritage of liberty transmitted to it by the fathers.

It has been shown that' in the early days of the county the people were followers of cer¬ tain leaders who by force of character, attain¬ ments or magnetic personality exerted a con¬ straining influence upon the voters. Then came the separation into political parties divided on great moral and economic issues. Principles became more potent and leaders less so, save as they were skilled in explaining and advocating the tenets of the party. Personal¬ ity became less potent. The voters cast the ballots of their respective parties. Their boast was that they voted the ticket straight from president to constable, with little regard to the personal qualifications of the candidate.

Within the last two decades there has been somewhat of a reversion to the early type of political leadership. Personality is becoming more potent as party lines are weakening. A man's character and qualifications are now con¬ trolling influences especially in local elections.

Voters go to the polls with their lead pencils in hand and scratch obnoxious names instead of "voting the ticket straight" as in former days. Hence, although the dominant political party may carry the county on national is¬ sues, it does not follow that the local candi¬ dates on its ticket will be equally successful.

People are beginning to realize that honesty and competency in their office holders are not matters of political affiliation but of personal character. All this makes for progress and is a fitting culmination of one hundred years' experience in the school of politics.