Carroll County, Indiana - Chapter 14: C 0 N S P I R a C V, 1882

Chapter 14: C 0 N S P I R a C V

T^HE effects of the conspiracy instigated by Nicholas, the Hu- -*- ron chief, in the interest of the; Knglish traders and their allies, and the consequences resulting therefrom, had scarcely passed, when the English succeeded in overthrowing the French power, and new alliances were necessaiy to maintain the supremacy of English authority among the Indians. It was then that disafi'ection of the former allies of the French began definitely to manifest itself. When Quebec had fallen into the hands of the English, in September, 1759, one after another of the French possessions yielded to superior force and were lost forever. '- The trading posts and forts - Presque Isle (Erie, Penn.), Miami (on the Maumee), Detroit, Michilimackinack, Green Bay, etc. - were occupied during 1760 by British troops. English traders, English laws, English insolence and English dishonesty quickly succeeded, to add fuel to the fires slumbering in the savage breast."

Soon this dissatisfaction began to assiune form, and a leader came forth equal to the emergency, and capable of commanding a mighty influence among his people, powerful in person, commanding in presence, resolute to an extraordinaiy degree, possessed of a rare gift of eloquence, sagacious and subtle as a beast of prey, he rightfxilly claimed the ofBee of chief over many tribes, and became the minister of vengeance for his race." This personage was Poutiac, chief of the Ottawas, whose first appearance in the character of a warrior was his pai'ticipation in the battle of the Heights of Abraham in the vicinity of Quebec. The extent of bis pai'ticipation. however, is unknown. He was in sympathy with the French, whose uniform policy toward the Indians was that of kindness, which wi'ought a most powerful influebce m maintaining their relation of fidelity.

Had the English, even at this late period, adopted a coiust of policy toward the Indians similar to that of the French m ill their dealings with them, much eflusion of blood might ha'se bi en spai'ed. "But then, as since. Great Britain acted less fiom thi impulses of commercial gain. In fixing the degi'ee of responsi bility for what followed, we should, in order to be just weigh well the causes which impelled the savages to the war-path. If Great Britain could ha^e appeased those tigers of the American forest, panting for blood, she should have done it: that she not only offered no conciliation, but scorned and maltreated the untamed creatures, is to make her at least partially accountable for the conspiracy and its sad results.

" The mutterings of the impending storm were heard early in the summer of 17fjl, when Maj. Camjibell, commanding at Detroit, was fully informed of a conspiracy among the tribes along the lakes and in the Ohio Valley to rise simultaneously against all the forts, to massacre the garrison, and then to combine and fall upon all the settlements advanced over the eastern ridge of the Alleghaaies. Expresses were at once dispatched to all the points menaced. This betrayal of their plot sufficed to postpone the attack for that season. Sir Jeffrey Amherst commanded extreme caution to be used at all posts, while the Indians were treated with a severity and suspicion which only served to strengthen their bitterness of feeling toward their foe."'*

This jiostponement, while it delayed open proceedings, gave, at the same time, greater opportunities to the Indians to perfect their plans. At the instance of Pontiac, ambassadors were sent to all the tribes west and south fi-om every quarter, receiving assurances of aid in any attempt to expel the English.

" These proceedings were ke]it profoundly secret. Those conducting the plot dissiiQulated well. Crowds of men, women and children beset the forts and trading-posts, eager for gunpowder, traffic and liquor: but, even in their drunken bouts, nothing escaped their ,lij)s to betray their murderous designs. A friendly savage would at times whisper a word of warning to some white man who had won his confidence, and enough transj)ired to keep the English officers on their guard. The commandant at Fort Miami, on the Maumee River, was thus warned early in the year 1763. Messengers from the East had arrived in his naighborhood to inform the tribes of the hour of uprising, and the Miamis had consented to murder the gaiTison."

At this time (March, 1763), a neighboring Indian came to the fort and informed Ensign Holmes, then in command, that '-a bloody belt" had just Vieen received at one of the villages near by, which contemplated the massacre of himself and the entire garrison, and that preparations were then making to that end. The situation required prompt action, and at once received it at the hands of Holmes, who immediately siunmoned a council of the neighboring Indians and boldly charged them with the design of which infonnation had been given him. They acknowledged the truth of the statement, but cast the blame for its instigation upon another and more distant tribe. With the information at command, he procm-ed the belt that apjjears to have wrought the mischievous intentions, and with it the speech accompanying, fi-om one of the chiefs of the Miamis. Having obtained these, it was apprehended that no immediate stejis would be taken toward the execution of the murderous design. Accordingly, on the 30th of March, a few day.s later, he sent the following communication relative to the affair to Maj. Gladwyne, commanding at Detroit: FoktMumi Much 5(1 lTb3 emblematic signification well understood by all the tribes between whom communications were to be made. These were usually accompanied by a speech, or " talk," calculated to energize the significance of the belt. Were peace to be requested, a white belt was sent, while black or red belts were suggestive of war, and were transmitted by special messengers.

The delay consequent upon the surrender of this belt was not of long duration, for signs of coming trouble were apparent, and practical observers of these signs were on the alert, preparing to counteract their effect, or to meet strategy with strategy, force with force.

It was the office of the chiefs, says Parkman, " to declare war and make peace; but when war was declared, they had no power to carry the declaration into effect. The wan-iors fought if they chose to do so; but if, on the contrary, they preferred to remain quiet, no man could force them to lift the hatchet. The war chief, whose part it was to lead them to battle, was a mere partisan, whom his bravery and exploits had led to distinction. If he thought proper, he sang his war song and danced his war dance, and as many of the yoimg men as were disposed to follow him gathered around and enlisted themselves under him. Over these volunteers he had no legal authority, and they could desert him at any moment, with no other penalty than disgi-ace.

By the 25th of April following, the well -elaborated plans of Pontiac were nearly matured, and the villages and camps of the allied tribes were active with preparations for wm- on a most extensive scale. The oracles were consulted, and the charmed circle responded with omens of success. A council was called and " several old men, heralds of the camp, passed to and fro among the lodges, calling the warriors, in a loud voice, to attend the meeting. In accordance with the summons, they came issuing from their cabins - the tall, naked figures of the wild Ojibways, with quivers slung at their backs and light war-clubs resting in the hollow of theii- arms ; Ottawas, wrapped close in their gaudy blankets ; Wyandots, fluttering in painted shirts, their heads adorned with feathers and their leggins garnished with bells. All were soon seated in a wide circle upon the grass, row within row - a grave and silent assembly. Each savage countenance seemed carved in wood, and none could have detected the deep and fiery passion hidden beneath that unmoved exterior. Pipes, with ornamented stems, were lighted and passed from hand to hand."* Before this grand council, convened at the River Encores, Pontiac delivered his war speech, ingenious in method and thi'illing in its effects upon his silent, statiie-like auditors. "Every sentence was rounded with a fierce ejaculation, and as the impetuous orator ])roceeded, his auditory grew restless to sjn-iug at once into the bloody arena of battle and bury the scalping-knife and tomahawk in the bodv of the enemy." All was now ready for action, and Detroit was the objective point.

The numerous failm-es in executing their designs ])ut the savages at a disadvantage, and the commandants of the several military posts on guard, lest at any time advantage might be taken of a temporary relaxation from strict duty. Well knowing the situation, the wily savage resorted to strategy as an aid in overcoming otherwise impregnable defenses. The plan agi'eed upon bythe Indians was the following: "Pontiac would demand council with the commandant concerning matters of gi'eat importance; and on this pretext he flattered himself that he and his principal chiefs woiild gain r(>ady admittance within the fort. They were all to carry wea[>ons concealed beneath th(>ir l)laDket.s. While in the act of addressing the commandant in the council room, Pontiac was to make a certain signal, upon which the chiefs were to raise the wai'- whoop, rush upon the ofiicers present and strike them down. The other Indians, waiting meanwhile at the gate, or loitering among the houses, on hearing the yells and firing within the building, wei-e to assail the astonished and half-armed soldiers; and thus Detroit would fall an easy prey."* Although this plan was well matured, it failed in execution, as the sequel will show.

" A beautiful Ojibway girl, whose love for the commander, Gladwyne, seems to have been only equaled by her precautions and care, was in the secret; had probably attended the council and heard the plan of Pontiac's movement to surprise and capture the fort; and, true to her sense of regard for her kind friend, Maj. Gladwvne, on the afternoon of the 6th of May, she found occasion to visit the fort, whither she quietly strode, with anxious heart, in hopes to reveal to her lover his perilous situation, and unfold to him the movement about to be made upon the fort by Pontiac and his warriors - his plan of surprise, etc. As she entered. Gladwyne observed that she wore a different air than on other occasions. Her countenance assumed the expression of one in distress. Fear and depression both seemed to sway her, and she could say but little. Remaining but a short time, she stepped forth again in the open air. to look about, perhaps to see who might chanced to have seen her enter the fort: sorrow still weighed heavily upon her. She could not depart from the scene of her fi'iend without acquainting him with the work that was fast maturing for his death, and the destruction of all within the garrison. With this feeling, she lingered about the fort until quite late, which not only attracted the attention of the sentinel, but Gladwyne himself, who, noticing her strange conduct, called her to him, and asked her what was giving her trouble. Her heart beat heavily. She could not speak. Sti 11 her friend pressed her for a response, assuring her that he would not, under any consideration, betray her - that with him, whatever she told, would be safe - that no harm should befall her. Her fear was suddenly overcome, and her admiration for her friend, united with an irrejiressible determination to save him, even in the midst of danger, as the beautiful Pocahontas had saved the life of Capt. Smith, she confidently told him all."t

" To-morrow," she said, " Pontiac will come to the fort with sixty of his chiefs. Each will be armed with a gun, cut short and hidden under his blanket. Pontiac will demand to hold a council, and after he has delivered^his speech, he will offer a peace belt of wampum, holding it in a reversed position. This will be the signal of attack. The chiefs will spring up and fire upon tlie officers, and the Indians in tlie street will fall upon the gan-ison. Every Englishman will be killed, but not the scalp of a single Frenchman will be touched."

This revelation naturally induced the exercise of the greatest caution on the part of the commanding officer, who, quietly and without demonsti-ation, prepai'ed for the emergency. " Half the garrison were ordered uniler ai-ms, and all the officers prepared to spend the night upon the rnmpai-ts." " From sunset till dawn, an anxious watch was kept from the slender palisades of Detroit. * * * # * j,(. intervals, as the night-wind swept across the bastion, it bore sounds of fearful j)Oitent to the ear - the sullen booming of the Indian di-um and the wild chorus of quavering yells, as the warriors, around Uieir distant r-amp-fires, danced the war-dance in preiiaration for the morrow's worl;."

Histoey Of Carroll Cuua'Ty

To-mon-ow came, and with a readiness for the issues that were to thwart the cunningly devised jilans of the chief to capture the fort and massacre the English citizens of Detroit. Ai-riving at the council house, the Indians were at once given an audience. They entered, and found the officers there ready to receive them. A file of soldiers, fiilly armed and equipped for duty, was present also. The reception had the appearance of a readiness for combat, instead; each officer with a brace of pistols in his belt, and a sword at his side, was indicative to the mind of the savage that some well-defined purpose was underlying this unusual display. His suspicions were excited, and not without reason. Pontiac was taken at a disadvantage, biit, with a display of little unconcern, he asked the commanding officer: "Why do I behold so many troops in the street ? " Maj. Gladwyne replied that his men were under arms for discipline and exercise. At length the council was opened, and the chiefs, having seated themselves upon the mats aiTanged for them upon the floor, Pontiac arose, in one hand holding a peace belt; he expressed to the commandant his strong admiration and love for the English, saying: "I have come to smoke the pipe of peace and brighten the chain of fi'iendship with my English brothers." Then he raised the belt, and was about to give the fatal signal, and instantly " Gladwyne waved his hand, and, as if by magic, the garrison drum beat a most stunning roll, filling the air with its reverberations, and startling the warriors, both within and vfithout the fort, into sudden dismay; while the guards in the passage to the council house suddenly made their arms to clash and rattle as they brought them into a position for action, and the officers, with Gladwyne looking sternly upon the figm-es of the ' tall, strong men ' before them, had simultaneously clasped their swords in anticipation of and with a view to meet, if need be, the premeditated onslaught of Pontiac and his warriors. The moment was one of heroic determination on the pai't of the little gaiTison of Detroit, and of the utmost discomtitm-e and chagi-in with the savages. The plans of the Ottawa chief were foiled, and he stood before the commandant and bis officers like one suddenly overcome by a terrible shock."*

Other attempts were made to cany out the nefarious pm-pose. but failed in their execution. Finding that he could not thus succeed, the indiscriminate slaughter of all unprotected English in the vicinity was the order of the day, and was literally carried out. Maj. Campbell was one of the victims, being massacred while on a mission of peace to the Indian camp. Subsequently, an attack was made on the fort with renewed vigor, but again failed for the time only. "On the 16th of May, Sanduskj' fell; on the 1st of June, Ouiatenon was cajitiu'ed; Jlichilimackinack on the 12th, and Preque Isle on the loth of June, also fell into the hands of the wild conspirators. After Presque Isle was taken, runs the narration of Parkman, the neighboring little posts of Le Boet and Venango shared its fate, while fmiher southward, at the forks of the Ohio, a host of Delaware and Shawanoe wan'iors were gathering around Fort Pitt, and blood and havoc reigned along the whole frontier."

Next, the fates decreed that Fort Miami, at the junction of the Maumee and St. Joseph's, should fall, and again strategy was brought into requisition, and was applied with better efl'ect than the instance cited at Deti-oit.

This post was then under command of Ensign Holmes, who, siispecting, fi'om the movements of the Indians in the neighborhood, that some ]ilot was waiting for a favorable opportunity to be executed, had exercised the most vigilant cai'e in his observa- tions of their condiict, more especially after the discovery of the bloody belt before referred to. Savage ingenuity and deception, however, were striving hard, and Holmes seemed destined to fall a victim to the perfidy of the conspirators, white and red, prowling about the villages and neighborhood. The 27th of May had been designated for the execution of the scheme, as villainous as it was perfidious. In the meantime, the details of the plan were perfected, and only recjuired the apjiroach of that day to consiuumate the act. The innocent agent in the perpetration of this deed of blood and phinder was an Indian girl, with whom Holmes, it seems, had been for a long time on intimate terms. This circumstance, being known to the consjiirators, was utilized by compelling her, imder the confidential relations existing between her and the commandant. Holmes, to betray that confidence by acting as a decoy. Accordingly, on the appointed day, the girl entered the fort and told Holmes that there was a sick squaw lying in a wigwam near by, expressing a desire that he should go and see her. " Unsuspectingly, and with a view to serve and perhaps relieve the supposed sick squaw (knowing, perhaps, something of medicine, for it would seem, had there been a sm'geon in the fort, he would have been more likely called on by the Ensign than for Holmes to have gone himself), preceded by the Indian girl, he was soon without the inclosiire of the gan-ison, and advancing with cautious steps in the direction of the hut wherein lay the object of his philanthropic mission. Neai-ing a cluster of huts, which are described to have been situated at the edge of an open space, ' hidden from view by an intervening spur of woodland,' the squaw directed him to the hut wherein lay the supposed invalid. Another instant - a few more paces - and the sudden crack of two rifles from behind the wigwam in view felled Holmes to the earth, and echoed over the little gan-ison, startling the guards and inmates into momentary surprise and wonder. Amid the confusion the Sergeant iinthoughtedly passed without the fort to ascertain the cause of the rifle shots. But a few paces were gained when, with loud, triumphant shouts, he was sprung upon by the savages and made a captive, which, in turn, brought the soldiers within, about nine in all, to the palisades of the gan'ison, who clambered up to see the movement without, when a- Canadian of the name of Godfi-oi (or Godfri ), accompanied by two other white men, stepped defiantly forth and demanded a siuTender of the fort, with the assiu'ance to the soldiers that, if at once complied with, their lives would be spai'ed, but, refusing, they should all be killed without mercy.

" The aspect before them was now sadly embarrassing. Without a commander, without hope, and full of fear, to hesitate seemed only to make death the more certain, and the garrison gate soon swung back upon its hinges; the sm'render was complete, and the English rule at this point, for a time at least, had ceased to exercise its power."*

The Miamis at this time were deeply embroiled in the great conspiracy, and were the inunediate agents, with the Pottawatomies and Ojibways residing in the vicinity, who were chiefly instrumental in the transactions resulting in the final drama, to which attention has just been directed.

In the latter part of September, 1704, when it had become apparent that the English gan'ison at Detroit was likely to receive large re-enforcements, and the allies of the great conspirator began gi-adnally to weaken in their adherence to his cause, and to make overtm-es for peace, on the ground, perhajjs, that a treaty of peace had been then recently established between the French and En- glish Kings, and tlijit they were not likely to receive fm-ther aid from their French father, Pontiac, with a number of his princi- (lal chiefs, repaired to the River Maumee, with the design of stirring up the Indians in that quarter and renewing hostilities in the spring. The succeeding winter, however, proved a severe one. and much suffering among the Indians was the consequence. In addition to this, also, the siege had exhausted their ammunition: the fur trade had been interfered with, or the sources of profit from it had been broken up ; they were left greatly in want. In the meantime, the opportunity of Sir William -fohnson, in the Indian department of the English provincial government, to utilize his Indian policy, had come, and accordingly he had dispatched messengers to many of the tribes, inviting them to a great peace council at Niagara, which was producing the desired effect in allaying their hostile feelings. All these things had a tendency to relax the sinews of war on the part of Pontiac's confederates.

At this timo. sullen and intractable, Pontiac and such of ' his followers as still adhered to him, had left Detroit and taken up their abode, for the time being, on the Maamee, a few miles below Fort Wayne.

Not long after this. Capt. Morris and a number of Canadians had started on a mission of peace to the Illinois Indians. Ascending the Maumee in a canoe, he was approaching the encampment of Pontiac, when he was met by a party of about two hundred Indians, a part of Pontiac's bs(nd, who treated him with great violence, while the Canadians were treated respectfully. After many demonstrations of hostile intentions, however, he was perniitt.Ml ti, depart Poling his way up the river, he arrived with lii^ ])urty. iju the seventh day after their departure, and made a lauding within sight of Fort Miami (Ke-ki-ong-a), which, from the time of its oaptm-e the year previous, had been without a garrison. On the opposite side of the river, covered by an intervening strip of woods, were the Miami villages. Here he met with further opposition from the Miamis, who gave him a hostile reception, with the intention of completing their work by bm-ning him at the stake, from the execution of which pm'pose they were only prevented by the interjaosition of some of the chiefs less hostile than the rest. Here, from the continued manifestations of a determination on the part of the Kickapoos and Shawanoes, and many (jf the Miamis, he was dissuaded from proceeding on his mission to the Illinois. With this conclusion, he returned by the same route to Detroit, reacbino- thiMi' S.'ptember 17.

In the summer and fall of r.r.r,. m cxi.cuting the mission proposed by Sir William Johnsmi tn imliirc a pacification of the hostile tribes, G-eorge Croghan visitetl various points on the Wabash. On the 1 7th of August, as shown by his journal, he approached the village of the Miamis, in reference to which he makes the f"ll'iwing e.utry: '"The Twigtwee (Twightwee) village is sitii;itril I'll liuth sides of a river called the St. Joseph's. This river, whiTc it falls into the Miami (Maumee) River, about a quarter of a milo from this place, is 100 yards wide, on the east side of which stands a stockade fort, somewhat I'uinous." This is the English Fort (Miami), so called, better known, perhaps, as Holmes Foi-t, from its having been under his command at the time of his asaa-ssination two years before, in contradistinction to the French fort on the south side of the St. Mary's, which, in 1697. and in-obably before, as it was in 1704 and 1705, commanded l)y Sieur de Vinsienne, and later by Sieur Dubuisson. Then he^made the following additional entry concerning this place:

"The Indian village consists of about forty or fifty cabins, besides nine or ten French houses - a runaway colony from Detroit during the late Indian war : they were concerned in it, and, being afraid of punishment, came to this point, where, ever since, they have spirited iip the Indians against the English. * * * * * The country is pleasant, the soil is rich and well watered. After several conferences with these Indians, and their delivering me up of all the English prisoners they had, on the 0th of August we set out for Detroit, down the Miamis Rivei-, in a canoe."

In the spring of 1766, Pontiac, true to his promise, left his encampment on the Maumee for Oswego, " accompanied by his chiefs, and by an Englishman named Crawford, a man of vigor and resolution, who had been appointed by the Superintendent to the troublesome office of attending the Indian deputation and supplying their wants." Reaching Oswego, where the gi-eat council was held, he made his great peace speech, and "sealed his submission to the English " l)y acknowledging allegiance to them forever. When the treaty was concluded, loaded with the presents received, he is said to have returned again to the Maumee. where he spent the winter of 1760-67, living in the forest, with his wives and children, and hunting like an ordinary

Toward the close of the Revolutionary war, in the month of January, 1778, insti-uetions were issued by Patrick Henry, Governor of Virginia, to Lieut. Col. George Rogers Clark, of Albemarle County, " to raise, with all convenient speed, seven companies of soldiers, to consist of fifty men each, officered in the usual manner, and armed most properly for the enterprise, and with that force to attack the British fort at Kaskaskia, and for the subjugation of the allied British and Indians on the Wabash, if need be, and protect the frontier settlements fi-om their ravages."

Having, in pursuance of orders, attacked and reduced the British fort at Kaskaskia, and appointed a conuuandant over it, he proceeded to Post Vincennes, which smTendered to him on the 25th of February, 1 779. This put him in possession of all the lower portion of the West until the close of the Revolution. The Upper Wabash, in the vicinity of the lakes, was still in the hands of the British. It was his purpose to have visited and taken forcible possession of these points, also, but his attention for the time being was directed to other fields.

The capture of the British post at Kekionga. however, was an enterprise contemplated b_\' another than Gen. Clai-k. Late in the year 1780, a Frenchman at Kaskaskia, named La Balme, conceived the idea of its reduction, and formed a plan for that purpose. Accordingly, he induced a number of persons at Kaskaskia. and others at Vincennes. to join him in the expedition. The result was not what had been anticipated, but, on the contrary, wat; so great a disaster that few, if any, were left to tell the melau choly story. No official account of it has ajipeared. Yet. from a somewhat laborious collection of facts and incidents, and unconnected details, with, jierchance, some plausible traditions, arranged by Mr. Charles B. Lessello, of Logansport, Ind., than whom, perhaps, there is no one more familiar with the data bearing upon the case, the following brief statement is taken - the most acciu-ate at this time attainable:

Speaking of Ke-ki-ong-a, Mr. Lesselle. in his account, says: "This village was situated on the bank of the St. Jo-sejib's River, commencing about a (juarter of a mile above its confluence with the St. Mary's, which forms the Miami ( Maumee ), and was near the present city of Fort Wayne. It had been a principal town of the Miami Indians for at least sixty years before the Revolution, and had been occupied by the French before the fall of Canada, point of view, and as such, ranked in the Northwest next to Detroit and Vinceunes. It was accordingly occupied as ' a post or seat for an official for Indian affairs by the British in the beginning of the war. Col. Clai-k, on the capture of Vincennes, had meditated an expedition against this place, as well as against Detroit : and. though he seems never to have aliandoned the idea, yet he could not succeed in his aiTangements to attempt its execution. But, while the subject was still fresh in the minds of Clai'k and the inhabitants of the Lower Wabash, another individual made his appearance to undertake what even the daring Clark, with greater resources, did not deem prudent to ventiu'e upon. This was La Balnie. But of him and his expedition it may be here stated, very little information of an entirely authentic shape is within our reach. Excepting about a dozen lines in Mr. Dillon's Historical Notes, no published account whatever of his expedition has ever appeared. Whatever may be given in this brief sketch, has been obtained mostly from some of those who were in part eyewitnesses to the events, and fi'om traditions as handed down by the old inhabitants. La Balme was a native of France, and had come to this country as some kind of an officer, with the French troops, under La Fayette, in 1779. AVe are not apprised whether he came to the West on his own responsibility, or whether he was directed by some authority; but we find him, in the summer of 1780, in Kaskaskia. raising volunteers to form an expedition against the post of Kekionga, with the ulterior view, in case of success, of extending his operations against the fort and towns of Detroit. At Kaskaskia he succeeded in obtaining only between twenty and thirty men. With these he proceeded to Vincennes, where he opened a recruiting establishment for the piu'pose of raising the number necessary for his object But he does not seem to have met here with the favor and encouragement of the principal inhabitants, or to have had much success in his establishment. His expediti-on was looked upon as one of doubtful propriety, both as to its means and objects, and it met with the encoiu-agement, generally, of only the less considerate. Indeed, from the fragments of an old song,* as sung at the time by the maidens of Vincennes on the subject of La Balme and his expedition, preserved by the writer, it would seem that plunder and fame were as much its objects as of conquest for the general good. Injustice may have been done him in this respect: but it is quite certain, from all accounts, that, though a generous and gallant man, well calculated to be of service in his proper sphere, yet he was too reckless and inconsiderate to lead such an expedition. How long he remained at Vincennes we have not now, perhaps, any means of knowing. But some time in the tall of that year (17S0), with, as is supposed, between fifty and sixty men. he proceeded up the Wabash on his adventure.

"He conducted his march with such caution and celerity that he appeared at the village before even the watchful inhabitants had apprehended his approach. The sudden appeiu-ance of a foe. unknown as to character, numbers and designs, threw them into the greatest alaiTu, and they fled on all sides. La Balme took possession of the place without resistance. It was probably his intention, in imitation of Clark's captm-e of Kaskaskia, to take the village and its inhabitants by surprise, and, by acts and professions of kindness and friendship, to win them over to the American cause; but the inhabitants, including some six or eight French traders, totally eluded his grasp. His occupation of the village was not of long dm'atiou. After remaining a short time, and making plunder of the goods of some of the French traders and Indians, he retired to near the Aboite Creek* and encamped. The Indians, having soon ascertained the number and character of La Balme's forces, and learning that they were Frenchmen, were not disposed at first to avenge the attack. But of the traders living there, there were two, named Beaubienf and La Fontaine,^ who, nettled and injured by the invasion and plunder of the place, were not disposed to let the invaders off' without a blow. These men having incited the Indians to follow and attack La Balme, they soon rallied their warriors of the village and the vicinity, under the lead of their war chief, the Little Tiu-tle. and, falling upon them in the night time, massacred the entire party. Not one is said to have survived to relate the sad story of the expedition. Such is a brief and imperfect account of La Balme's expedition, of which so little is known."

Piu-suant to the instructions received by Gov. St. Clair fur the protection of the frontier settlements in the territory northwest of the Ohio, and at tht same time avoid war with the Wabash Indians, " by all means consistently with the security of troops and the national dignity." without which, " in the exercise of the present indiscriminate hostilities, it would be extremely difficult, if not impossible, to say that a war without further measures would be jiist on the part of the United States. But if. after manifesting clearly to the Indians the disposition of the General Government for the preservation of peace, and the extension of a just protection to the said Indians, they should contimie their incursions, the United States will be constrained to punish them with severity." "Maj. Hamti-amck, then commanding at Post Vincennes, on the 15th of April. 1790, dispatched Antoine Gamelin from that point with the speeches of St. Clair to the tribes of the Wabash. Reaching the Indian settlements, Mr. Gamelin delivered the speeches at all the villages bordering this stream, and came as far eastward as the Miami village, opposite the present site of Fort Wayne.'' «

Having proceeded as far as that point, he makes the following statement of his proceedings: The 23d of April, I arrived at the Miami town. The next day, I got the Miami nation, the Shawanoes and Delawares, all assembled. I gave to each nation two bunches of wampum, and began the speeches before the French and English traders, being invited by the chiefs to be present, having told them myself I would be glad to have them present,

I having nothing to say against anybody. After the speech, I showed them the treaty concluded at Muskingum (Fort Harmar), between His Excellency. Gov. St. Clair, and simdi-y nations, which displeased them. I told them the pui-pose of this present time was not to submit them to any condition, but to off'er them the

I peace, which made disappear their displeasure. The great chief told me that he was pleased with the speech; that he would soon give me an answer. In a private discourse with the great chief, he told me not to mind what the Shawanoes would tell me. having a bad heart, and being the pertm-bators of all the nations. He said the Miamis had a bad name, on accoimt of the mischief done on the River Ohio; but he told me it was not occasioned by his young men, but by the Shawanoes. his young men going out onlv for a hunt"

Subsequently, conferences were held witli Blue Jacket, a chief warrior of the Shawanoes; with several Pottawatomies : with Le Gris, of the Miamis ; and with the representatives of several other tribes to whom the speeches were presented, and who gave their views and the sentiments of their respective tribes concerning the questions presented for their consideration. They generally expressed satisfaction, as individuals, but preferred to await fm-ther deliberation on the part of their people. Few were ready to give a definite answer until the matter had been presented to all the confederates, and their xmanimous consent obtained.

On the 2Uthof April, he had a general conference with several of these tribes: the result was not materially different. Immediately thereafter, he left Kekionga and started on his return toip. All these preliminary steps were taken to give the several Indian tribes on the Wabash and adjacent thereto an opportunity to express themselves on the questions submitted, and have grievances if possible, as a means of preserving the peace, before measures were adopted, on the part of the United States, to secure and maintain the rights of the settlers on the Northwestern frontier.