Wayne County, Indiana - Chapter 11: Newport in Anti-Slavery Times, 1912

LOCATION - -NAME CHANGED: TO FOUNTAIN CITY - EARLY INDUSTRIES - EDUCATION AND RELIGION - IMMIGRATION OF FRIENDS - ANTISLAVERY SENTIMENT - ANTI-SLAVERY NEWSPAPER - LEVI COFFIN AND THE UNDERGROUND RAILROAD - ELIZA HARRIS AND OTHERS RECEIVE ASSISTANCE - DIVISION IN THE FRIENDS' CHURCH - ANTISALOON SENTIMENT IN THE VILLAGE. .

Newport, as our fathers like to call it, is located on the west bank of Noland's Fork, in the south central part of New Garden township, Wayne county, in the State of Indiana. In 1818 the town was laid out, by Solon Thomas and Reden Chance, on the forty acres owned by George Shugart, who lived about a mile east of what is now Fountain City. At this time the northern boundary was a tiny stream called "The Branch"; the eastern the creek; the southern, the south limit of the present park; and the western, what is now Green street.

Since there was another Newport, in Vermillion county, a letter had to be addressed, Newport, Wayne county, Indiana, to reach its proper destination. However, this was not always done and the mail was continually being missent. To make matters more complicated the express office* was calléd Newport. Whether, the Postoffice Department or the express company asked for the changing of the name or not the citizens of Newport agreed to change it. Some suggested the name Fountain City, but others said they would be laughed at, for it was only a town and not a city. Then Fountain Town was suggested, but they found that there was also another Fountain Town in the State. At last it was decided to call this town Fountain City, and all residents who had received letters at that office should be legal voters in making this change. This was one time when women and boys were regarded as legal voters.

Not only the name of the town but that of the postoffice and express office were changed to Fountain City. This change was made and the town incorporated in 1879. The "History of Wayne County," published in 1884, differs somewhat from the above statement and says that "It [the town] was first known as New Garden, became New Port in 1834 and Fountain City in 1878;" but the evidence is against the latter statement. No doubt the sulphur fountains* found in the various parts of the town suggested the name of Fountain City.

It was only to avoid a great amount of trouble that the citizens of Newport consented to the changing of its name. To this day many of the older men and women, who knew the town so well, in speaking of Fountain City call it Newport. It is not an uncommon thing to hear them say they wish it had been possible to have the old name retained; that there is so much more meaning in the name Newport than Fountain City.

Shortly after the platting of Newport Edward Kent laid off a town on the farm now owned by John Townsend and then by Israel Hough. New Liberty, as it was called, was from one-half to three-quarters of a mile southwest of what is now Fountain 'City. Here John Hough worked at clock making and Kent started a tannery. Newport's rival was very short lived, although it too had the advantages of being located near the same creek. This creek was the principal feature in making Newport the industrial center that it was during anti-slavery times. Quite an interesting chapter could be written on Newport as an industrial center, but that is not our purpose, so we will merely make mention of the different industries. There was a saw mill, grist mill, linseed oil mill, a.carding factory, a hat shop, a tanyard, some potteries, and other industries. The saw mill was owned by Billy Hough, as he was called; it was located just across the creek east, on his farm, now the Elwood Boren home. Here they used the vertical saw which did. not necessitate the hustling, as the same kind of work does to-day. All that remains is the grass covered banks of the race. The grist mill stood about half way between where the Friends' church and the bridge now stands. People came from all around, even from Portland, to get their milling done here. Daniel

*The following story of a traveling man is from a reliable source: It was before the railroad was built and traveling was done in covered wagons. The traveler had reached the tavern late in the evening; after supper they fell to talking about the town and then the fountains. Soniehow, the poor stranger conceived the idea that it was hollow underneath and probably the town would sink before morning. Immediately he had his horses and wagon brought and started on for a safer resting place.

Puckett had a grist mill in 1824. It was used principally for grinding corn. When wheat was ground it had to be sifted by hand before it was ready for use.

Levi Coffin began the manufacturing of linseed oil in 1836. He also made different colored paints, which many bought to paint their wagons. They would use two or three different colors on one vehicle. The Friends became very-much concerned and appointed a committee to labor with him and persuade him to leave off such sinful work.

A steam grist mill and woolen factory was started east of the town, about 1836, by Eli Osborn and Isaac and Jesse Reynolds. Also, Nathan Smith had a carding mill in town which was among the first industries. It was run by horse power.

Robert Green and George Hurt had a hat shop at the northwest corner of Cross Main. They made the hats from beaver, which they got from Cincinnati, Ohio. This came in large sheets, the natural color being white, but they were able to color the beaver black when they were in need of that kind. The old men wore the plain white hats. They never had to trouble themselves about the "latest style," for the style was always the same - that of round crowns and broad rims. The crowns had to be made on a block. The cost was at least ten dollars a hat. When buying a hat for a boy they would get it large enough to last until he was grown. Each man and boy had what they called a Sunday hat and an everyday hat. Samuel Keller, John Hunt, and Thomas Clayton also worked at this trade.

There was a tanyard along the creek, a little to the southeast of where the Friends' meeting house now stands. Vats were placed in the ground, four or five feet deep. Here the hides were soaked in water poured over tan bark. This served the purpose of loosening the hair and toughening the hides. When the hair became loose the hides were taken out and stretched in the sun to dry.

One of the potteries was owned and run by Robert Bailey, one square south and one square east from Cross Main, in the southeast corner of the square. Mr. Bailey hauled his wares to all the small towns around. Sometimes he would take a load to Cincinnati and bring back a load of fugitive slaves. Abner Dalbey also had a potter shop, one square south and one square west from Cross Main, in the northwest part of the next square, south.

"The old process of making crocks, as it was called, is extremely interesting. The clay bank being selected, the clay was brought to the shop and ground in a mill, operated by horse power. The clay was then made into cubes and pressed through screens to free it of stones and roots. Water was then mixed with it to bring it to the proper workable consistency. The clay was then weighed out into parts of the proper amount to the vessel desired, after which it was formed into round flat loaves, then placed on the wheel.

"This wheel, on which the crocks were turned, was made up of a stationary table, with a shaft pivoted in the floor, and extending up through the table a crank was attached to the lower part of the shaft, and connected to a pedal, by which the operator could stand on one foot, lean back against a cushioned seat, and with the other foot he was able to operate the pedal and thus revolve the shaft at a high rate of speed, there being a fly wheel connected to the shaft near the floor. A flat wooden head was attached to the upper end of the shaft, revolvable just above the surface of the table. The operator then took one of the carefully prepared loaves of clay, lifted it above his head, and then spat it down solidly on the center of the revolving head. After wetting his hand in a vessel of water near by he grasps the revolving loaf, which slides around and round in his hands. Now, by grasping the loaf with his thumbs in the center and fingers on the periphery, he is able to control the formation of the clay as he likes, drawing it up into a vertical or flaring wall or turning the top inward to form a jug. A tool similar to a scraper could be used for smoothing the straight parts of the interior or exterior. After the vessel is formed it is separated from the head by a fine wire drawn between the vessel and head, after which it is set on a board to dry. After being dried the vessel was dipped in a glazing composition which, by the application of great heat, forms a hard enamel. After being glazed the crocks are again dried and then, when a large quantity was prepared, they were put in a large kiln. When it was full it was sealed up and fire applied, the heat being increased daily for three or four days; by this time all the crocks were heated to a white heat. The kiln was then allowed to cool very gradually; then, after a week or ten days it was ready to be opened and the crocks found to be burned quite hard. By reason of the glazing they will be glassy or enamaled and impervious to moisture."

Hiram Huff owned a tinshop, which stood where Clement's drygoods store now stands. This was in the '50s. The pork packing industry was carried on by Levi Coffin, on the southeast corner of Cross Main, where Thomas & Clements have their store. Wagonload after wagonload of dressed pork was hauled from here to Cincinnati, and on return the haulers would bring either groceries, drygoods, or slaves, and often some of each.

Old Billy Bush, a runaway slave, had a blacksmith shop one square and a half north of the center of the town, on the west side. Robert Burrill, another colored man, had his barber shop three or four doors south of the southwest corner of Cross Main; he did hait cutting while his wife managed a bake shop. A cabinet shop was located a little south of the Friends' church. Here Harvey Davis made caskets for all that part of the country. A casket was not made until it was needed, and then it was made of plain white boards, not even stained or painted. If an order came for one to be ready on Monday, the work had to be done on the Sabbath. Harvey Davis learned the trade of Solomon Thomas. The foundry establishment was east of town, and was run by Job Reynolds and Hiram and Israel Hough. The principal feature was the making of stoves and castings.

Levi Coffin began the mercantile business in 1826, at the northwest corner of Cross Main. Those following later were Eliezier Hiatt, Caleb Cowgill, Samuel Pritchard, Robert Green, and Joel Parker.

Newport did not develop along the line of industry alone, but with the seed of industry was sown that of education. The first school was a private school and next was the first township or public school. A log building was put up, in 1820-21, on the southeast corner of the lot now owned by Lindin Osborn. The teacher's pay was determined by the number of pupils he had. The requirement on the part of the teacher was to familiarize himself 'with the "Three R's." He who could cipher through the "Double Rule of Three" was considered a brilliant student. The first teacher was Henry Way, who later became a leading physician. He was a man ahead of his times. He made an attempt to introduce Physiology into his school by means of an Indian skeleton, which he found and prepared. The Friends were horrified at the thought of having the bones of a human being in the school room, and a committee was appointed to wait upon him to persuade him to leave off this unpardonable sin. The first township or public school building also was log and stood just south of where the Methodist Episcopal church now stands. The name of this teacher is unknown. It seems that the public schools were very irregular on account of the difficulty of getting funds to pay the teachers. Later, a second township school was started and about 1840 a third. One subscription school is also mentioned, and in 1845 the town and township joined forces and started a school. The second township school building was a small one, which stood just east of where the butcher shop now stands. Griffin Davis was the first teacher there. The third building was placed on Water street, just southwest of where the Friends' church now stands. Here Levi Jessup taught several years. George Bowls also taught here about 1846.

Lizzie Hooker taught the subscription school in the building now used as a woodshed by Lindin Osborn. The joint town and township school was held in a small frame building, located where the high school building now stands, and the first teacher was Stephen Venard. Mr. Venard made an overland trip to California, in 1850, and gained for himself national fame by killing the famous gang of stage robbers in California. About 1853 the first township library was established. This building was located where the bank now stands. This township library was part of the State Library System. For further information on this subject see the "Reports of the Public Library Commission."

The industrial and educational features were quite marked, but Newport will be remembered longer as a religious center. The strongest element that settled in and around the town was that freedom loving class - i. e., freedom from war and slavery - that came from the Carolinas and Virginia. They were a positive, determined class, who in the main defended and maintained the right. They were intensely temperate and no saloon for the sale of liquor ever found an abiding place among them. Their feelings against slavery were very strong, "hence, with unfaltering zeal and earnestness, they denounced it and refused to give, by word or act, the accursed institution directly or indirectly any aid or com fort." element of the Carolinas and Virginia. Going back some generations, this Quaker element came largely from New Jersey and Pennsylvania to North Carolina, and thence here. Early in the history of the Nation (1750-1760) the Friends were agitating the question of war, their early impressions being influenced by George Fox's teaching. They often had to suffer for this, either by fines or imprisonment,! and during the Revolution their peace policy caused them to be regarded by many as hostile to American Independence, which was a drawback to America but a help to England.

As to slavery, the Friends first engaged in the importation of slaves, but early in their history a few became opposed to the practice. Many early slave holders were honest in believing that it. was a Christian act to bring the colored people from their regions. (Africa) of ignorance and superstition to those (America) of intelligence. The Friends had the feeling that they could better care for the slaves, and that their buying them would bring them under better influence. For further light on this subject see a paper written by Professor Hodgin, of Earlham College, entitled, "The Moral Influence of Friends on American Slavery."

One of the few who probably did more than any other man was John Woolman." It is said of him that after drawing up a bill of sale of a colored man his conscience smote him and ever after he refused to engage in the slave trade. He then took up a persistent struggle against it, but in a wise, tactful, loving sort of way. His argument was that all nations are of one blood, quoting Gen. 3: 20. His opponents admitted this, but contended that they (the white people) were in a "higher station and enjoyed greater favors. than they" (the colored ones). Then he said that the Father intended that these favors should be used to uplift humanity. He told them to put themselves in the place of the colored people. He admitted that some fell into good hands, but these were few compared with the many who were ill treated. He said they did not come here of their own accord, but were brought here and that we were responsible for them. It is our duty to do by them as we would be done by. "Sincerity of heart and upright walking before God and freely submitting to his Providence is the most sure remedy."? This spirit of agitation was deeply rooted by the time of his death, 1772. The Society of Friends became united in forbidding the practice of holding slaves by the members. A query required to be answered at that time (between 1750-1800) was: "Are Friends clear of purchasing, disposing of, or holding mankind as slaves?" (See "The Furnas Family in America," written by Eli Jay, 1901.)

As this Quaker element against slavery in Carolina and Virginia became stronger and stronger, so the element favoring it became stronger and stronger, and gradually came to look upon the Quakers with suspicion, also refused them a part in the governmental affairs, and later inflicted punishments upon them. This state of affairs was not to be and could not be continued.

How fortunate for them that there was a way to escape. In 1787 the Northwest Territory was to be opened up and invited settlement. This proved the place of refuge for the persecuted Friends in the South. They began leaving, a few at a time, and settled in what are now the States of the Northwest Territory, particularly Ohio and Indiana. We are just now concerned only with those settling in and around Newport. We have an account of some coming as early as 1811. Jonathan Hough (grandfather of Angie Hough White, deceased) married a Virginia woman, came from North Carolina to what is now the Marquis Thomas home, in that year. They camped at the roadside until they could get their log cabin built. The Indians were still near. For further account see Angie White's Paper which was read before the Wayne County Historical Society, entitled."My Two Grandfathers."

The following are names of members who brought their right of membership from some Monthly Meeting in North Carolina to New Garden Monthly Meeting, located about a mile south of Newport, or Fountain City: From Alexandria Monthly Meeting, to New Garden, 1833-39, Myers, Janney, and Davis; from Core Sound Monthly Meeting, 1832, Davis, Harris, Hubbard, Perisho, Wilson, Macy, and Fodra; from Contentnea Monthly Meeting, 1822-32, Arnold, Fulghum, Horn, Woodard, Barker, Bogue, Hall, and Harris; from New Garden, N. C., 1820-55, Jessup, Baldwin, Evans, White, Coffin, Unthank, Clayton, and Wilson; from Dover Monthly Meeting, 1831-38, Meredith, Evans, Gurley, and Horney ; from Westfield Monthly Meeting, 1819-20, Puckett and Jackson. Some came in 1806, and others in 1816 to 1819. "After the agitation and settling of the Missouri Compromise, thousands left the State (North Carolina), a very large per cent. being Quakers.

Again, as a result of the South Carolina Nullification frolic, other thousands left; then, when the legislature disfranchised the free colored men (by revision of the State Constitution in 1835) and forbade masters from educating their slaves (law of 1830-31) the tide of emigration increased and flowed without ceasing till the Rebellion."

New Garden, Ind., indulged meeting (given permission to hold meetings) in I8II; preparative meeting in 1814, and Monthly Meeting in 1815. The following meetings are the Monthly Meetings making up the Newport Anti-Slavery Yearly Meeting: Newport, Springfield, Cherrygrove, Dunkirk, Duck Creek, Westfield, Salem, Elk, Deer Creek, Prairie.

Most of the immigrants came from North Carolina and the largest number came between the year 1815 and 1860. However, they continued to come until after the war. With the above facts in mind it is not difficult to understand why Newport became such a prominent place during the anti-slavery times.

Some Friends believed in the immediate and unconditional emancipation, while others believed in a gradual emancipation or colonization. However, they were agreed on one thing, and that was, that the negro should be freed.

It is interesting to observe the different ways different individuals went about to accomplish their purpose. Some went about organizing societies; others worked through the press, while a third class presented their ideas from the platform. There was in the East an organization known as the Anti-Slavery Society. Friends at Newport felt the need of something of this kind. In 1838 they held a conference arid decided to organize an Anti- Slavery Library Society. All the books, tracts, and other publications on the subject were to be collected and distributed among the people. At that time there was a depository of anti-slavery publications at Cincinnati and $25 were subscribed with which to purchase some of these publications. Levi Coffin was appointed to get the needed copies. Afterwards, he bought others with his own money and kept up the supply. These were not sold, but were given away and loaned until worn out. They often held library meetings, as they called them, for in those days they did not dare to call themselves "Abolitionists" or speak of "abolition societies." It was about this time (1838) that a number of Friends who were in favor of immediate and unconditional emancipation joined with others in the formation of the State Anti- Slavery Society of Indiana, which was organized at Milton, Wayne county. See "Reminiscences of Levi Coffin," p. 226.

"Tt tried a man's soul to be an Abolitionist in those days, when brickbats, stones and rotten eggs were some of the arguments we had to meet."! It was during such times that Arnold Buffum made his first visit to Newport. His lectures set the people thinking and reflecting more on this subject of "slavery" than they had ever done before. Buffum was followed by Lewis Hicklin, of Madison, Ind., a Methodist minister, who also lectured on the same subject, but went a step farther and organized several antislavery societies. Later, a State anti-slavery convention was held here and resulted in stirring things up generally. Charles Burley and Frederick Douglass were the speakers from the East, while the politicians and other pro-slavery men were the opposing force. This gave the mob spirit a better working basis. Newport was known by the pro-slavery element as the "hot bed of abolition." The anti-slavery sentiment steadily grew throughout the Nation, but the pro-slavery element or rather party still held the reins of government.

There was an organization of young men, "who obligated themselves for certain duties in aid of the colored people. They sometimes would hire speakers. Another duty, which must have required much fortitude, was to take regular turns and ride to the "settlement" beyond Spartanburg to teach in the Sabbath school. Among their number were Zeri and Moses Hough, Daniel and Jesse Hill, Thomas and Isaac Woodard, Ira Marine, Calvin Thomas, Daniel Thomas, and others.'

Another means of getting the people to see the evils of slavery was, as stated before, through the press. In 1841 a press was established, issuing a weekly paper known as the "Protectionist." This was the organ of the Liberty party and the advocate of peaceable abolition of slavery, which was the doctrine of the party. This paper favored high tariff. In 1843 the "Free Labor Advocate," was established, with Benjamin Stanton as the editor. This paper advocated free labor and was published for years, until the tide of public sentiment changed and the editor died.

From Volume 1, No. 1, of a bound copy of the "Protectionist," bearing the 'name of Billy Willcuts, and now the property of the Wayne County Historical Society, it is learned that the nature of that paper was first "to awaken * * * the slave holding States to a sense of their danger, and of the necessity for a remedy; to exhibit the progressive infringements of the slave power upon our rights, our liberties, and our prosperity ; to demonstrate that slavery and liberty, being diametrically opposed to each other, can never harmonize or long co-exist under the same government; and finally, to show the abomination of the sin of slavery, and that in all its features it is opposite to that of righteousness which exalteth a Nation. Second, to give brief sketches of the most interesting foreign and domestic intelligence, together with extracts and essays on subjects of a moral and religious nature. In short, it is intended to make the 'Protectionist' a welcome visitor to every family where human liberty is regarded as the unalienable right of man; and that its columns shall be exclusively occupied with such matter as is useful to those who are desirous of walking in the ways of wisdom and truth.

"The character of the paper will be essentially different from that of any now published; its first object being the vindication of the rights of the people of the non-slaveholding States to PROTECTION against the possibility under any circumstances of being claimed by mortal men as an article of property - PROTECTION against every encroachment of that spirit of despotism which naturally springs up and is fostered to giant growth in a slaveholding community. * * *

"This Journal will vindicate the cause of the people, whose rights have been basely surrendered by political demagogues to the domination of the aristocracy of the South. It will plead the rights of the people, North and South, East and West, to be equally protected in all their natural rights, by wholesome, just and efficient lawseie F171 FoF

"In the next number (No. 2) we intend publishing our political creed, which we trust will commend itself to the common sense of every intelligent mind."

Under the heading, "Convention at Economy," the announcement is made that "The first District Convention of Indiana Abolitionists held its adjourned meeting in the Friends Meeting House, near Economy, on the gth and toth days of the 11th month, 1840."

2. These two quotations are taken from a paper written for the Wayne County Historical Society, 1905, entitled the "Unnamed Anti-Slavery Heroes of Old Newport," by Dr. O. N. Huff, of Fountain City.

"The Anniversary meeting of the State Society will be held at New Garden (one mile south of Newport), Wayne county, on 2nd day of the eigthh and second month (February), 1841, at 10 o'clock A. M."

"A general convention of Friends of Indiana Yearly Meeting, who are favorable to the formation of Anti-Slavery Societies, to be conducted in all respects in accordance with the peculiar principles and testimonies of Friends, will be held at New Garden, Wayne county, on 2nd day after the second 7th day in the Ist month, 1841."

Under the heading, "Books," it is stated that "An assortment of the most interesting Anti-Slavery publications have just been received from New York - for sale at the New York prices, at the office of the 'Protectionist,' over Levi Coffin's store, by Arnold Buffum."

In No. 4 of the "Protectionist," under the heading of "Jubilee," is found this statement: "The Newport Anti-Slavery Tract Society issued the first number of a periodical by the above title. It is published monthly at twenty-five cents per annum and will contain a selection of the choicest articles from all the anti-slavery publications in the world. Anti-slavery societies and individuals engaged in the cause can be supplied with any quantity, either by the year or in single numbers, at two dollars a hundred, always in advance,"

"In pursuance of the provisions of a deed of trust, executed by James M. Garnet to subscribers, on the 2oth of February, 18309, and duly recorded in the clerk's office of Essex county, to secure a debt due to Robert P. Waring, we shall proceed to offer at public sale, at Loretto, in the County of Essex, on Thursday, the 17th day of December next, if fair, or on the day thereafter, for cash, the following slaves to-wit: Henry, Harry, Sally, Hannah, Eliza, Jack, Billy, Ben, in which the said James M. Garnet holds an estate for his life only ; together with the increase of the females, or so many of the said slaves as shall be necessary for the purpose of said deed of trust." Signed by Robert W. Latane and Robert M. T. Hunter, trustees.

"Holds an estate for his life only; together with the increase of the females! What a thought! Here is offered for sale a title to the unborn children of the wretched victims of slavery. The woman is not only offered for sale, but the vender offers to give a title to her unborn, yea, unconceived offspring. This looks like claiming and selling God's rational creatures before his hand had made them."

In issue No. 7 of the "Protectionist" is found the following, under the head of "Constitution," which was printed in large, bold, black letters:

"Art. 2nd. - The object of this Association is to promote the diffusion of correct information among our fellow citizens in relation to slavery, showing its repugnance to the principles of justice and religion, and to the happiness and prosperity of the American people.

"Art. 3d. - The design of communicating such information is that the free citizens of the Republic may be influenced by the power of truth, brought to bear upon the understanding and conscience, to abolish that iniquitous institution which they are now leagued together in upholding.

"Art. 4th - The officers of this Society shall be a President, Vice-President, Corresponding and Recording Secretary and Treasurer, who, with twelve other persons, shall constitute a Board of Managers.

"Art. 5th. - It shall be the duty of the Board of Managers to meet on the 3d Second day in each month. They shall devise and execute such plans as to them shall seem best adapted to promote the object of the Society, and make an annual report of their doings.

"Art. 6th_ - There shall be a meeting of the Society on the first Second day, in the Second month, annually, for the election of officers; hearing the report of the Managers; and for transacting such other business as may come before it.

"Art. 8th_ - The treasurer shall receive all donations, gifts, and legacies and hold the same, subject to the order of the Board of Managers, and shall render an account of receipts and disbursements at each annual meeting.

Art. 11th - Any Female approving of our object may become a member of this Society by signing the constitution and complying with its requisitions."

The following names are found in the paper entitled, "Underground Railroad," written by Maj. M. M. Lacey, as members of the Women's Anti-Slavery Society, which probably is the same as the Female Anti-Slavery Society: Beulah Puckett, Elizabeth Stanton, Rachel Green, Mary Hockett, Edith Osborn, Elizabeth Lacy, Ann Reynolds, Kezeah Hough, Jane Porch, Achsah Thomas, Mary Parker, Mrs. Henry Way, and Cathrine Coffin. These good women nearly all had daughters who assisted in the work. In the same paper is found where this society had joined a like one at Salem, Ind., in giving a fair. The fair lasted two days; the forenoons were given over to speeches on anti-slavery subjects and the afternoons and evenings to the sale of goods. A handsome sum was realized and the Newport women returned home much encouraged. The society also spun and wove a great deal. "The members would be hurriedly notified to meet at some one of their homes and garments would be cut out and made for one or maybe half a dozen fugitives who had been hauled into the neighborhood and must be spirited on as soon as the friendly shades of night would permit. These things had to be done in a quiet way, as there were those who did not view these things with a very friendly eye."

"An independent press has been established at New Garden, in this county, from which are issued the 'Protectionist,' the 'Free Labor Advocate and Anti-Slavery Chronicle,' and the 'Jubilee'."

"Notice. - The New Garden Young Men's Anti-Slavery Society will be held on 2nd day, 24th, instant, at 10 o'clock a. m., in Friends' School House at Concord, Wayne county, Ind. A general attendance of both male and female is requested. Daniel Hill, Sec."

In issue No. 13 is found the following Liberty ticket for Wayne county: For Senators - Silas H. Bunson, of Franklin, and Pusey Graves, of Richmond. For Representatives - Josiah Bell, Newport; Samuel Johnson, Williamsburg; Daniel Winder, Centerville.

"Steam Mill For Sale - Notice is hereby given that on the 7th day (Saturday), the 7th of next month, the undersigned will expose to public sale the undivided half of the Steam Mill at Newport, Wayne Co., Ind., consisting of two runs of stone, two doublecarding machines and double-falling mill. All in good repair and in full operation; also one or two adjoining lots, with good dwelling houses on them; also some other property. A liberal credit will be given." Signed David Willcutts, trustee.

No. 17 is found quite an article concerning the condition of affairs as regards slavery in the Methodist church. Here they succeeded in getting the pro-slavery element at the head of affairs, i. ¢., the bishops, elders, and ministers were from this class. It is probable that the Methodist church at Newport also divided on the question of slavery. The Wesleyan church was also agitating this great question. In the same number, under the heading, "Indiana State Wesleyan Anti-Slavery Society," is found this: "There will be a meeting of the above named society held in the town of Newport, Wayne Co., on Wednesday, the 29th of September next. Services to commence at 11 o'clock a. m. for the purpose of appointing a delegation to attend the great Western Convention, to be holden at Cincinnati on the third Wednesday in October next, and to transact such other business as may come before the society. A general attendance is requested." Dated August the 18th, 1841, and signed, John A. Morman, Recording Secretary.

This was a day of public speakers as well as writers. Men were feeling deeply and a few of them were able to present their thoughts in a very forceful way to others.

Some of the public speakers came from a distance and others were home men. Probably the first was Arnold Buffum, who was the first president of the Anti-Slavery Organization Society. His home was in the East, but he had started West on a lecturing tour and, finding Newport very fertile soil, tarried awhile to sow his seed of abolition. He lectured a great deal through this part of the country. This course of lectures on slavery stirred all the political parties to a white heat. Buffum was followed by Louis Hicklin, also mentioned above, who also lectured and then formed anti-

Doctor Bennett, a citizen of Newport, sustained.Buffum in his work. Not only did Mr. Bennett lecture at home but "gave up his profession to accept the position of lecturer for the first antislavery society formed in the State, at a salary of $500 a year. He was an excellent speaker, traveled over a large territory, and like all speakers against slavery, suffered much persecution and opposition."!

Daniel Worth,? a prominent Wesleyan minister, was a very active member of the Anti-Slavery Society. He was at one time the president of the State Anti-Slavery Society, several conventions of which were held at' Newport.

In 1843 C. C. Busley lectured through this part of the country, and in 1844 Henry Clay lectured at Richmond (eight miles south of Newport), giving his famous Mendenhall speech, which caused much excitement at Newport. The famous Fred Douglass* lectured at Newport in 1844. He, too, stirred things to a white heat. Mrs. Price, Dr. Bennett's daughter, says that once, when there was an Abolition convention held where the city building now stands at Richmond, Ind., Dr. and Mrs. Bennett, with Fred Douglass, started down the street to this convention, but the Doctor forgot some of his papers and had to go back for them while Mrs. Bennett walked on with Mr. Douglass. Mrs. Bennett was afterwards greatly scandalized for this act. Fred Douglass spoke at Fountain City twenty or twenty-five years ago. Although he had not seen Mrs. Price since she was a little girl he recognized her at this time.

In the book entitled 'Reminiscences of Levi Coffin," is found the account of Sam, the Eloquent. This is the way the story goes: Sam was making for freedom and was captured, but made a second attempt. This time he reached Newport. He was staying with Levi Coffin. While there the time for the monthly prayer meeting, held at the Wesleyan Chapel, came round. It was with a great

: 2. sor a full account of his life see a paper written for the Wayne County Historical Society by Sol. Woody, a former citizen of Fountain City, now deceased.

deal of difficulty that Levi persuaded Sam to go with him to meeting, because he had at a previous time been captured by being enticed into jail, Finally he consented, and during the meeting he was prevailed upon to relate the account of his life, which was very interesting to the people.

Later it was decided to have him repeat this story at a public meeting so others might hear him. When the friends came to. get his consent, again he thought they were enticing him into a trap, but again he was convinced of their sincerity. This time the house was crowded and again he held the audience spellbound. The people were much amazed at his eloquent language, but they understood when they learned that his master was very lenient with him and often, when Sam was at Lexington, he went to hear the public speakers.

The feeling that it was wrong to use anything that had come in contact with slave labor was continually growing stronger. One of the strongest forces to bring such feelings to a focus was Levi Coffin. He says: "About the year 1844 I became so strongly impressed with the horrors of slavery and its results, which were before me, that I was lead to reflect more deeply on the subject than I had done before and to view it in all its practical bearings. I read the testimony of John Woolman and other writers and became convinced that it was wrong to use the product of slave labor." He felt that to condemn the slaveholder and then to use the fruits of his slave's labor was inconsistent. "The Free States furnished a good market for the products of the South and made slave labor valuable to the master." "Levi Coffin finally decided to buy and sell, as far as possible, nothing but free labor goods. This meant that prices would be somewhat higher, that the variety of goods would be diminished, and that many of his customers would prefer the slave labor goods; but he was willing to sacrifice all this for what he felt was the right. Such goods, he learned, were being manufactured by associations in Philadelphia and New York. He decided to go to these two cities to find out how this work was carried on and to see whether or not the goods purchased were really the products of free labor.

Of this visit Levi Coffin says: 'When I arrived at Philadelphia and made inquiries I found that the business was conducted by such men as Enoch Lewis, Abraham L. Pennock, Samuel Rhodes, George W. Taylor, James Mott, James Miller McKim, Charles Wise, and others. These were all prominent Abolitionists and well known as conscientious men of high reputation; many of them were leading members of the religious Society of Friends. The cotton they were using came from Friends' settlements in North Carolina. Nathan Thomas (a brother of Eli and Axie Thomas), a Newport Friend, traveled in the South collecting cotton that was grown by free labor, and sent it to Philadelphia, to George W. Taylor, to have it manufactured." Levi says that after he was satisfied that there was no deception connected with this work he purchased as good*an sssortment of cotton goods as he could obtain. He then went to New York and found the business there conducted by such men as Robert Lindley Murray, Lindley M. Hoag, and other equally religious and conscientious men. Their line was free labor groceries. He purchased some of these and shipped them to Newport.

Theré were many away from here who were glad to get free labor goods. Caroline Edgarton says that when a little girl she used to go all the way from Economy to Newport to buy a spool of free labor thread. She was not the only one who came here to buy the same kind of goods, but for miles around others came for the same purpose. This growing demand for free labor goods, and the difficulty in purchasing them, made it necessary to bring about a better state of affairs. As a result, a Union convention was held in the Friends' Meeting House at Salem, Union county, Indiana. It was largely attended by prominent men of Ohio and Indiana. "From Cincinnati came Dr. Brisbane, John Joliff, Edward Harwood, Thomas Franklin and others." The convention continued for two days and "a resolution was passed to raise a fund of $3,000 to loan for five years, without interest, to some suitable person for the purpose of enabling him to open a wholesale depository of free labor goods at. Cincinnati." -It was with great difficulty that they succeeded in getting Levi Coffin to take this place. In 1847 he, with his wife, moved to Cincinnati to engage in this wholesale store of free labor goods. Joel Parker, an active anti-slavery man, took charge of the store formerly run by Levi Coffin. Professor Hodgin, of the History Department of Earlham College, when a boy of thirteen clerked in this store. Customers, when looking at goods they wished to buy, would say: "Is thee sure this is free labor goods?" He would answer that it was. After the opening of this wholesale House in Cincinnati, Newport got her goods from there. There are many interesting stories told of how different men from Newport hauled their produce to Cincinnati and brought back a load of free labor goods, or rather a part of a load of goods with the other part filled with fugitive slaves, seeking freedom.

There were still some in the South who held that slavery was wrong and felt justified in helping the slaves to get away from their bondage. It was usually the most intelligent class of slaves that wished their freedom. The method adopted was to wait for a favorable opportunity, then at dark slip away and,get as far as possible before the dawn. They had to be very cautious in choosing a hiding place for the day. While south of the Ohio river, thickets, cornfields, ravines, and such served as the best hiding places; but usually when north of the Ohio they were able to find either colored or white families who were friendly toward them, and who were able to direct them on to some other friendly family.

Siebert's "History of the Underground Railroad" contains a map with red lines indicating the routes traveled by the fugitive slaves. There is simply a net work of these lines, but the only ones that concern us at present are those leading into and out of Newport. Three lines converged at Levi Coffin's house. There was one from Cincinnati, one from Madison, Ind., and one from Jeffersonville, Ind. "The roads were always in running order, the connections were always good, the conductors active and zealous, and there was no lack of passengers;" and almost every week brought some of them. A light tap at the door almost any time of night "was the signal announcing the arrival of a train of the Underground Railroad, for the locomotive did not whistle nor make any unnecessary noise." A train was made up of one or more of the covered wagons used in those days in traveling. Since there was a continuous stream of immigration from the South to the North, transportation in this way was very safe and easy. The number varied from two or three to seventeen. Aunt Katie, as they called Levi Coffin's wife, always got up and prepared food and beds for them, no matter what time of night it was. The Coffins continued this work all the time they lived at Newport, which was about twenty years. The annual average was more than too. Generally the fugitive slaves were destitute of clothing and often barefooted. Clothing had to be collected and money raised to buy shoes and to purchase goods to make clothing for the women and children. The length of time that the fugitive slaves remained at Newport depended upon the danger in which they were. If hotly pursued they were hurried on, and if not some remained two or three months. The method of hiding through the day and traveling at night was in use long before it was given a name.

ground, but this was not the case. John Wright Johnson, a nephew of Levi Coffin, gives the following circumstance as the origin of the name, "Underground Railroad": Seventeen slaves, valued at $1,000 each, escaped from the South and had gotten as far north as William Beard's, in Union county, Indiana. William brought them on to Levi Coffin's. Knowing that they were valuable slaves and that their masters would soon be on the track of them, Levi sent them as promptly as possible to Canada, via Adrian and Detroit, Mich. There were fifteen on the hunt of them. When the hunters reached Richmond, Ind., they divided into three parties, putting five in each one. One party was to take the route east of Newport, i. e., the Ripley-Sandusky line; a second leading through Newport, and a third going through Economy, Cabin Creek, Muncie and on north. John Wright Johnson said they were to meet at Detroit, but in his book Levi Coffin says Winchester. However, when they returned to Richmond and were comparing notes, so to speak, the party passing through Newport were the only ones who had gotten any clue of the runaways. While in Newport they pretended to be hunting fine horses and cattle. One day one of them asked a little boy, whom they had met on the street, if he had seen anything of some runaway slaves? He answered that there had been seventeen at Levi Coffin's, but that was all they were able to find out about them. After relating their experience, one of the Newport party said he did not see what had become of them, but he believed they had been sent on by an underground railroad, and that Levi Coffin must be president*of the road. This expression was overheard by a bystander and then published in the papers. Ever afterwards, Levi Coffin was known as the president of the Underground Railroad. It is said of him that while at Newport and Cincinnati, oVer 3,000 fugitive slaves were under his protection, and none were ever captured while under his care, although frequently the slaves and masters were in Newport at the same time.

Space will permit the insertion of only a few of the many, many interesting stories that were told of the escape and struggle of those poor fugitive slaves for freedom. All are familiar with the book, "Uncle Tom's Cabin," but probably all are not familiar with the fact that the good Simeon and Rachel Holliday, spoken of in Chapter XIII, were Levi and Catherine Coffin, and that Eliza and her little boy spent two weeks with them at Newport. Eliza's home, it is understood, was about twenty or thirty miles south of Ripley, Ohio. Her master was very kind to her, but had gotten into financial difficulties and was going to sell her little son, two years old. The mother, having lost her other two children, could not bear the thought of parting with this one. She decided to risk her chance of escape. When she reached the Ohio river she found the ice was melting and went back to a house that was a short distance from the bank. Later she saw the master close on her track. She rushed to the river bank, stepped on a large block of slowly floating ice, and went from block to block, often sinking almost out of sight; but she preferred death in this way to parting with her child. After some time of desperate struggling she succeeded in reaching the northern bank with her child; both mother and child were soaked with the ice cold water and nearly frozen. She was assisted up the bank by William Lacey! and directed to the "white house on the hill," where she was well cared for and later sent to Newport, thence on to Canada. Eliza reached the land of freedom in safety, and some years later was visited by Levi and Aunt Katie. We must remember that the Ohio was not bridged then, as now, and that each hour the river was becoming more dangerous, which prevented the master from making further advance.

Another story is that of two colored girls who ran away from their master and succeeded in getting as far north as their grandmother's, at Cabin Creek, about twenty miles northwest of Fountain City. There were many colored people in this settlement. They had some sort of signal to give when any one was in need of help. The grandmother lived in a small cabin, having only one door. When the master and guides? were seen coming, the signal was given and in a short time a great crowd, mostly black, had gathered at the grandmother's cabin. The uncle of the girls was fairly well educated, and when the master presented his search warrant, he (the uncle) picked every possible flaw he could imagine in it, taking up as much time doing so as he possibly could. Finally he told the master if he would give the girls a fair trial at Winchester, Ind., he might search the house. While the uncle was carrying out his part the grandmother was standing in the door with a very sharp corn cutter in her hand, threatening the life of the first stranger who crossed her threshold. In the meanwhile several colored people had been passing in and out of the cabin. Many of the outsiders expected to hear the screams and pleadings.of the girls when the master entered, but none were to be heard, for there were no girls within. The master was even more bewildered than the crowd. The girls had put on boys' clothes -and slouch hats, passed out of the door by their master, gone into a nearby thicket, mounted swift horses, and were taken in hot haste to Newport. It was a hard journey and the girls were very tired, for they had been closely pursued. When they reached Levi Coffin's, Aunt Katie conceived the idea of concealing them in one of her beds. They were placed between the straw and feather ticks and the bed was made up as usual. The thought of how they had evaded their master, and that of being made up in the bed, set them to giggling and Aunt Katie had to separate them. At first they were placed in the south room, upstairs.

In the summer of 1907 a visit was made with John Wright Johnson to the old Levi Coffin home, known as the grand central station of the Underground Railroad. There was but one hiding place in this house, that being in the garret, off the upstairs room, over the dining room. The front part of the house is two-stories, with gables to the north and south. There is an east wing, the north side of which is two-stories, but sloping down to one on the south side. In this wing was the basement kitchen, with a large fireplace in the east end and a milk room off to the south, where there was an everflowing fountain. Above this is the dining room, where several hundred fugitive slaves were fed at different times. There is a stairway at the west end of this roonr leading to the one above, which was always known as the hired girl's room. Since they usually kept two or more hired girls there were necessarily two beds in the room. This is the room with the shed roof. There was a south partition in this room at the place where the roof was about three or four feet from the floor. There is a small door in this partition, but the bed the farthest to the west stood with the head against this small door, completely hiding it from view. When it was necessary to put the slaves in hiding they often resorted to this place. The bed was pulled away and the door was opened, but the fugitives had to stoop to enter. However, they were perfectly willing to do so, and the door was then closed and the bed put to its proper place. This house stands at the southeast corner of North Main and what was then Mill street. There is another house at Fountain City, then old Newport, which at times also served asa station. This one is across the creek east, now the Elwood Boren home. This house has been changed somewhat. The west part of the two stories is new and in its place was a one-story kitchen, a large attic above with a roof shedding to the west. In the southwest corner, on the second floor of the old part, is a closet under a stairway leading to the attic above. This closet is ceiled, and in the west wall is a door which to the causal observer would escape notice. This door leads into the attic above the one-story kitchen. This was the William (or "Billy" as they called him) Hough home during anti-slavery times. Levi Coffin spoke of it as a "noted stopping place on the Underground Railroad." The following is taken from a paper written by Dr. O. N. Huff, in 1905, entitled "The Unnamed Anti-Slavery Heroes of Old Newport":

"His (William Hough's) daughter, Mary H. Goggard, late of Muncie, speaks of the time when a number of Kentuckians came with a search warrant to search her father's house. 'It was a bright, moonlight night,' she says, 'and they could be seen very plainly. The man with the search warrant read it aloud. We listened and heard father say, "Now I tell thee, thee will not find thy darkey, for he is not in my house, but thee may look all thee wants to." So then, brother Daniel went with the old man all over the house, carrying the light. When they came to the attic over the old kitchen, my brother opened the little attic door and said, "Here is where we keep our runaway darkies, but there is none there tonight." Then the old gentleman put his head in and looked all round. When they came to our bed room door he was going to come in, but brother Daniel said, "This is my mother's bed room, you cannot go in there," and the old man replied: "Maybe he is under the old lady's bed." This was the last of the search warrant and father again said to him: "Didn't I tell thee he was not there."' Mrs. Goddard says they were in search at this time of the famous Louis Talbert, the slave who escaped from the South and afterwards made a number of trips back to the South and piloted many from the land of bondage to freedom."

Later he was captured at-Indianapolis, while on his way back to lead others from bondage. His old master was glad to capture him and declared he would make an example of him, for, he said "Talbert had led away $37,000 worth of slave property." However, he let him off by selling him farther south, since his mistress had pleaded so earnestly for him. "On the way down the Mississippi he leaped from the boat and made his escape in the darkness, and after many trials and hardships again came in the night to William Hough's." They never heard from him but once afterwards, and therefore came to the conclusion that he had been caught and either killed: or sold.

Daniel Hough, a son of William Hough, says, in a letter written in 1874: "One time I conducted, on a very rainy day, sixteen runaway slaves to Winchester and out to William Rinehard's." Mrs. Goddard says she remembers the old slave woman who slept with the hogs to keep from freezing and later came to her father's house for aid.

Major Lacey, in a paper entitled "The Underground Railroad," says Richard Haworth and Stephen Gardner, of Union county, came to William Hough's one morning just before daybreak with twenty-one fugitive slaves. They found William's house full of the same kind of tourists and were directed to Benjamin Thomas's house, a mile east of the town, and the following night were forwarded to John and Levi Bond's near Farmland, Randolph county, which was the next station. The following are of Mr. Lacey's boyhood experience: It was one day, in 1843, when he was playing in the barn on the hay, that he became frightened. Once, when he jumped, he lit upon a mass of moving hay, under which he found a number of black faces and shining eyes. It was then that his mother took him into her confidence and related to him the awfulness of slavery, and with it gave him the injunction to keep quiet and tell no one at any time about the fugitive slaves who might chance to come, and especially to beware of strangers who might by chance be passing. This same day he was brought to the test. While playing along the road some strange men came riding by. They tarried awhile and asked him some questions, one of which was whether he had seen any "niggers" up that way. When one of the men noticed that he hestitated he pulled out a roll of bills and offered him $100 if he would tell them about the "niggers." But he remembered his mother's warning and finally they passed on. Afterward he found out that one of the negroes who had been in the hay was viewing the scene from a crack in the barn and recognized one of the men as his master. Much cooking had been going on in the house that day, and at nightfall the covered wagon was made ready and fourteen negroes were safely transported to Levi Bond's, at Cabin Creek.

Another experience was that of the coming of four men, a woman and an infant. The wife and mother, who was much whiter than the husband and father, who was only half colored, had overheard her master talking. He was going to sell her husband because he was too intelligent. She told her husband of their condition, so they, with the child and three men, made ready to escape. They were hotly pursued, but hid in the thicket about 400 rods from the house! and escaped being captured. It seemed strange to the Lacey family that the little one was never heard to cry, but it seemed to understand.

George Unthank? tells of his father keeping a store in Newport and how the children were cautioned to keep perfectly quiet about the runaway slaves they kept. He tells of one time when a colored woman was concealed in the ceNar. "The word came that the crowd was after her. Some one rapped on the window and said she must be hidden. The crowd was there immediately. She was brought up from the cellar under a feather bed and put in bed with mother. While the house was being searched mother could hear her praying to herself, 'O Lord have mercy, © Lord don't let them get me.' The crowd did not find her and she escaped to Canada. She came back and was married in Ohio. Once she came on horseback to see mother. Her name was 'Aunt Mellie.' "

It must be remembered that not all the people of Newport were Abolitionists, and when a load of slaves was brought to the town or neighborhood it was kept very quiet, except to those most interested. There were also many who believed in helping the slaves to freedom, and they would help haul, feed and clothe them, but were afraid to conceal them in their homes. Besides those already mentioned in giving special aid to the slaves were Dr. Henry Way, old "Billy Bush" (colored), Harvey Davis, Robert Green, Samuel Clark, Harmon Clark, William R. Williams, Robert Bailey, and many others.

All who were the driving force in the anti-slavery cause believed in an unconditional emancipation. There were others who believed in freeing the slaves by the colonization method. These two opinions were apparent for years and each became stronger as time went on, until finally a clash came. In 1842 the "Meeting for Sufferings,"? in the Indiana Yearly Meeting, held at Richmond, reported to the Yearly Meeting that Charles Osborn, Jacob Graves, William Lock and Benjamin Stanton, members of the "Meetings for Sufferings," were no longer qualified for service in that body. The Yearly Meeting then removed them from this body, which was very humiliating to those removed and to those in sympathy with them. The anti-slavery faction immediately proceeded to

1. Mr. Lacey's home was about two miles north of Newport. 2. Taken from a paper written by Prof. Walter S. Davis, of the Richmond High School, 1902, for the Wayne County Historical Society. _8. For explanation of the term "Meeting for Suffering," see Permanent Board, in the new Discipline.

hold a conference in the Yearly Meeting House at the close of that session, which was near the close of the Yearly Meeting. They were ordered to disband or leave the house. Here they quickly decided to adjourn to meet at 9 o'clock next morning at Newport. Only those who were present ever realized what a meeting that first one was at Newport. Their feelings were those of disgrace and shame and yet those of joy and peace, because they had done what they felt was their duty. They were not able now to come to any definite decision as to what action they would take, i. ¢., whether they should separate from the Yearly Meeting or give up the work that lay so close to their hearts. They adjourned to meet early the next year for further decision. This meeting took the form of a convention and assembled Second month, 6th, 1843, with Henry H. Way appointed to serve as clerk. "After a free and full expression of sentiment on the subject of the call for Convention," a committee was appointed "to take the whole subject, in all its bearings, under solid consideration and report the result of their deliberations to a later sitting of this convention." They then adjourned to meet the next day at 10 o'clock. The following is a report of this committee:

"The committee appointed yesterday to take into consideration the subject for which this convention was called reports that, after mature and solid deliberation, we agree in judgment that it would be right for this convention not to proceed to recognize Indiana Yearly Meeting on the true principles of the Society of Friends; that a committee be appointed to afford such assistance as they may be enabled to give, in reorganizing and maintaining Quarterly, Monthly and Preparative Meetings; that a time and place be appointed to hold a Yearly Meeting, to which those subordinate meetings may report, and that this body take such other measures as may be necessary for the advancement of the cause of truth." Signed on behalf of the committee by Benjamin Stanton and Phebe Macy.

"Friends then proceeded to the transaction of business in the capacity of a Yearly Meeting. The following are the minutes of its proceedings," or rather their substance:

"We therefore, now, the 7th day of Second month, 1843, associate ourselves together as a religious society in the capacity of a Yearly Meeting, under the title of Indiana Yearly Meeting of Anti- Slavery Friends, embracing in its limits all those meetings which adhere to the genuine principles of the Society residing in the district described in the discipline of the Yearly Meeting, from which we now separate ourselves." Walter Edgarton was appointed clerk and Newton Stubbs assistant.

A committee was then appointed to meet with a similiar committee from the women's meeting, "to draft an instrument declaratory of the causes which have rendered it necessary for us as members of Indiana Yearly Meeting of Friends to adopt the course we are now pursuing in regard to'our present organization." The following committees were appointed:

2d. One "to propose to a future sitting the names of Friends to constitute a committee to have the care of the concerns of the people of color."

The following quotation will give some idea as to the nature of the Declaration they drew up: "We wish it distinctly understood that we have adopted no new do¢trine nor any new system of church government; that we claim to be in the strictest sense of the word a Society of Friends, with no other nominal distinctions in the title which we have adopted than that which is necessary to distinguish us from those from whom we have separated, and to express our adherence to our well known testimony against slavery.

One argument they put up was that Friends had almost done away with slavery until the invention of the cotton gin, and then they took it up-again, simply for the gain they were able to receive. Friends desired that their members "abstain from mixing with others in benevolent associations," etc. Here the anti-slavery faction disagreed. They said that "ever since the issuing of the advices repudiating the colonization scheme there were some of their prominent members, Friends, open advocates of that institution, who appeared to have been fired with indignation at the expression of such sentiments, evidently entertaining a settled purpose to prostrate the anti-slavery cause and its advocates in the society, if ever a favorable opportunity should present."

"In 1811 the opposition became very emboldened, it was again repeated, and confined to anti-slavery societies altogether ; and even the use of our meeting houses was refused to such societies for their accommodation in the transaction of their business."

It seems that a committee had been appointed by the Yearly Meeting to determine the propriety of using slave labor products, and when one branch of the committee reported the "impropriety and inconsistency of Friends sustaining a market for such productions, they (the Yearly Meeting) spurned it and rejected it with manifest contempt and bitterness," and prohibited the subject "being introduced again into the committee upon the allegation that it was foreign to the subject."

When Henry Clay was making his electioneering speech at Richmond, it was announced that he was going to attend one of the public sessions which was in session at that time. At this meeting he was presented with a petition which had "near 2,000 signatures appended, requesting him to give liberty to those of his fellow beings whom he had long deprived of their just and inalienable rights." He said in reply: "I own about fifty slaves; I consider them my property. We have an idea that whatever the law secures as property is property." * * * He owned that slavery was an evil but, said he, "the slaves must be prepared for freedom before they can receive that great boon; they must have moral cultivation. The Society of Friends take the right stand in relation to this subject." After this a few Friends in behalf of those who desired to "retain their place and influence,' took an opportunity to inform him that the Society had no hand in the getting up of this petition; they had no unity with its presentation; it was the work of a few Abolitionists, or words to that effect. And then they told how the clerk took him in his carriage to the meeting and "took care to seat him in the most conspicuous place in the house, and then, after meeting, how they all gathered around him to shake hands." Farther on they said: "In order properly to estimate the whole of this transaction, it would be remembered that Henry Clay was only a private man." He was not an office holder, simply an office seeker, and they were under no obligation to him as a ruler.

The Declaration goes on to say how during the "Yearly Meeting in 1841 Charles C. Burleigh, an eminent philanthropist from the East, came to Richmond, Ind., on a mission to plead the cause of equal and impartial justice - to plead the cause of millions of our innocent suffering brethren and sisters in bonds, who were not permitted to plead for themselves." But he was treated with contempt and forbidden to speak, both in the meeting house and the public houses of the town, although he was a man of irreproachable character.

One argument against the anti-slavery societies was that the South universally hated them, and as a result Friends' ministers could have no influence with the slaveholders, and it was very probable that their lives would be in danger.

In speaking of the four members who were dismissed from the Meeting for Sufferings, they simply said that they were disqualified for service in that body. "The discipline authorized this meeting or body to suggest the removal of members of that body, only in consequence of their declining or greatly neglecting the attendance of said meeting; and as the members alluded to were among the most regular attendants thereof we cannot but regard these proceedings as altogether arbitrary," etc. * * * "Can we then abandon the cause and be clear of our brother's blood? We cannot."

"This question being decided, the next is, is it better for us to suffer ourselves to be separated, disowned, and scattered abroad; to be deprived of the comforts, consolations, and preserving influences of the church fellowship, or to avail ourselves of our undisputable right to form a religious society in which we can enjoy these privileges?" It was only after much deliberation that they decided to separate.

It must be remembered that this is only one side of the question. The Friends who opposed the action of the anti-slavery members were just as conscientious in their judgment as the other side had been. Many of the members of the Yearly Meeting were Southerners and were still unable to. put themselves on a level with the negroes; however, they tried very hard to persuade these members to remain in the Yearly Meeting. As has been stated before, most Friends believed in freeing the slaves, but could not agree to the method used by the anti-slavery element, since they did not believe in entering into any kind of excitement, but in a quiet, deliberate sort of way. The joining of any kind of a society, such as the temperance, anti-slavery, or peace, was a step towards excitement. Another thing that lead to great excitement was the hearing of public speeches. And as a result they thought it wrong to have their churches used for such, no matter what the sentiment of the lecture was. Here again the anti-slavery element had stepped beyond their bounds, for they had been guilty of such.

Now we will try to see the other side of the question more fully. The following is taken from the "Review of the Declaration of a Meeting of Anti-Slavery Friends," which is an answer to the Declaration issued by them. This is their opinion of the Abolition Society:

"The modern Abolition societies took their rise as lately as 1832 and do not agree, in practice nor throughout in principles, with the worthy individuals whom they name. It is very apparent that the seceders are anxious to identify themselves, if possible, with these worthy predecessors, by claiming them as fellow operators in the anti-slavery cause; whereas the society they have left hold and endeavor to put in practice the views of Woolman and others in regard to slavery; yet they so far differ that they proceed to separate. Would it not be more honorable in them to take their own stand; to assert their own origin in 1832 and not inconsistently claim our folks and reject us?"

In answering the statement about the cotton gin they said: "Ts not the whole of this an assumption without proof? Does it not sound like matter proceeding from an excited lecturer, who is endeavoring to make capital whereon to base his discourse? The cotton gin is a labor saving machine, not calculated, one would think, to increase but to lessen the demand for human labor."

Then, in reference to Henry Clay's intention to attend a public session of the Indiana Yearly Meeting, they answered: "Who gave out such word, and where was it given out?" And then in reference to the petition they answered: "It is well known that this petition was gotten up merely for effect. It is said it was signed by men, women and children, and persons of color, and that many of Henry Clay's political enemies signed it who probably cared nothing about Abolitionism, but liked well enough to do something that would gall him." He was informed that Friends were not back of this petition. They say that it was "very proper information and such was due Henry Clay and the Society of Friends, more particularly as the petition had been presented by a person who had been taken for a Friend. But the Friends who gave Henry Clay this information did it on behalf of themselves and are persons responsible for all they said; they were not delegates." Then, as to the way they made over him they said: "What was wrong with this? A distinguished stranger visits our neighborhood on meeting day; he tells a member whom he meets that he is inclined to go to our meeting. Shall we do less than show him the way and to find a seat when he gets there? Would it not be a great and reprehensible violation of all good breeding and duty to disrespect such an intimation?" Friends said that the antislavery element "overstrained" it when they told how every man, woman and child made over him.

Friends answered, "a great flourish this, when the words 'abolition lecturer' would have expressed the whole affair. Then, as to the way he was treated, they said this was 'not by Friends, however, as is insinuated.' * * * No application was made to the Trustees, in his behalf, for the use of the house to appoint meetings; hence it must be incorrect to say that the doors were closed against him, even though they know that Friends are not in the practice of opening their meeting house for the lectures of strangers. If the doors of the public houses in town were not open to him, it was because the house had been previously filled, as is frequently the case in time of Yearly Meeting."

The following is quoted from "An Exposition to Those Who Have Lately Seceded From the Religious Society of Friends," written by George Evans, First month, 1844. In speaking of the "advices," he said: "If any of its members were so regardless of the advices of the body as to be engaged in endeavoring to throw discouragements in the way of such out of the pale of our religious society as were honestly laboring on Gospel principles for the abolition of slavery, by telling them and the slaveholders that the Society of Friends, who had heretofore been distinguished for their zeal in promoting the cause of the abolition of slavery, were now throwing their weight and influence in the pro-slavery scale, and were now actively engaged in endeavoring to put down the cause of emancipation, would such be suitable to fill important stations in the Society?" In reference to their cause for secedirig, he said: "Do you own that you seceded because you could not be appointed to some station that you desired? If not, why do you give it as a cause for separation?' He thought this was probably true from what, he learned, took place at a Caucus Meeting at Newport, during the Yearly Meeting of 1842. "The object of this Meeting appeared to be to endeavor to devise means to secure your standing in the Society, this showing that your desire for appointment was so great that you would even hold meetings to endeavor to secure them."

The anti-slavery people objected because no causes were given for the removal of some of their members. It seems that causes in those days were not given and that it was not the thing for them to ask for reasons, because it was not according to the discipline to bring such before the business meeting, but leave it in the hands of the Overseers, etc. Then he goes on to say how he heard Charles Osborn caution Friends to dwell among themselves as much as possible, and that he was trying to abide by this advice. Then, to

In advising the anti-slavery element to consider carefully the stand they had taken, Charles Osborn said: "Unless the character of that paper [the one published at Newport, name not given] is changed and made what it professes to be, an anti-slavery paper, instead of an anti-Quaker one, vain will be our attempt to give the subject an impartial examination, while you believe its version of affairs. It is true that sometimes there are anti-slavery pieces in it, but they are few and far between." In regard to Henry Clay he said: "I wish it distinctly understood that I do not blame them or any body else for shaking hands with Henry Clay or any other man, provided it be done in a friendly and becoming manner; but that to which I call your attention is the construction you put upon it.' In conclusion he said: "Be assured that, notwithstanding the unmerited abuse that some of you have poured upon us, we would rejoice at your return; believing that many of you have been drawn away by being made to believe that you had no other alternative but to forsake the cause of the slave or our religious society."

On Ninth month, 4th, 1843, the Indiana Yearly Meeting of Anti-Slavery Friends opened at Newport. This yearly meeting took up the same line of work that the old yearly meeting was doing and both carried on their work very much the same way.

It is an interesting fact to note that the Anti-Slavery Friends! built to the old Friends Meeting House, but a door was left between the two parts. Jeremiah Hubbard was head .of the West End Meeting and Daniel Puckett was head of the East End Meeting, which was the anti-slavery side. The west end had their entrance from the west and the east end had theirs from the south. A fence also divided the yard and the Friends on either side would not speak to those on the other side. Things went on this way for about fourteen or fifteen years, and finally, without any demonstrations or public announcement, the Anti-Slavery Friends disbanded and went back to the old Yearly Meeting. One soon learns that the dividing lines in history are not sharp and distinct, but rather a continuous flow of events. As far as is known there was no decided change at Newport after the Anti-Slavery Friends went back to the old Yearly Meeting, but things went on much as before.

In the meantime, Levi Coffin had moved to Cincinnati, but other Friends took up the work and carried it on. Still fugitive slaves came there and still they were cared for in very much the same way as before, but the entire country was being aroused as to the awfulness of slavery. At first there were only faint whispers of war and then they became louder and more distinct, but the full force of it was not felt in the North because it was fought on Southern soil. The awfulness of the war was only realized by those whose loved ones left the home ties, many never to be reunited in this life. To others only the high prices imdicated that war was in progress. Time dragged on for four long years, but with the end of the war came the end of slavery. Then it was no longer necessary for individuals and societies to protect fugitive slaves, for now they had National protection. Here was probably one of the sharpest dividing lines in history, for one day found them slaves and the next found them free, yes free.

Here we have seen Newport, first, as merely a part of a farm; then how it grew to be quite an industrial, educational, and most of all, a religious center. The very nature of the people determined the course of action they took toward slavery. Some believed in an unconditional emancipation, while others believed in the colonization method; and how these ideas gradually grew. Some of the first work of the former element, generally known as the anti-slavery element, was the taking up of the different free labor movements, 7. e., the different societies formed, the press, the platform and the free labor goods. And, all along, the work of the Underground Railroad was going on quietly. And then the separation in the church as a result of the conflict of the two forces mentioned above; and lastly, the end of slavery. However wrong the method of the anti-slavery people was, the motive back of it all was right; and this strong desire for the right will have its influence upon the people for generations to come.

The following is an account of the temperance movement at Newport during anti-slavery times, taken altogether from the book entitled, "Reminiscences of Levi Coffin," pp. 129-138:

In 1826 there were only about twenty families in Newport. Among the other industries here were two dram shops where liquor was sold in small quantities. With the increase in population came the increase in the demand for liquor. It was not until 1830 that the struggle began. "It was no uncommon thing to see a drinking, swearing gang of rowdies about the places of dissipation, or to hear them quarreling or fighting among themselves." Saturday seems to have been a good day for the rowdies from the surrounding neighborhoods to visit the village. The time had come for something to be done. Friends became very much disturbed over such conduct and often labored with the liquor sellers, but accomplished nothing. Finally, Levi Coffin, Henry H. Way, and Daniel Puckett, held a conference regarding this evil. The first thing for them to do was to arouse public sentiment against it. They thought to organize a temperance society, but there was no such organization west of the mountains. They knew that the Friends opposed the unnecessary use of liquor, but thought they would probably differ as to its necessary use: All Friends were not total abstainers, so they had to have the support of the Methodists to carry out their plans. Three from each denomination had a meeting, called at the town school-house for the purpose of organizing a temperance society.

After much discussion the organization was completed under the name of the "Newport Temperance Society," with twelve signers to the constitution and pledge. The meeting adjourned to meet in one week from that time in the same place. "We knew that no church could be obtained for the purpose of holding such an incendiary meeting, as it was termed." The opposition was still noticeable at the next meeting and all sorts of flimsy arguments were brought up against the organization. For example, they said they were taking away the liberties of the citizens, also wishing to connect church and State. However, forty names were added to the roll. The women then began to take a decided stand, which always means strength and encouragement. The better the people understood the situation the more excited they became. Some said, "Our liberties are endangered by these fanatics at Newport; they are turning the world up-side-down in their fanatical zeal," etc. Among others to be alarmed were the liquor dealers, not only of Newport but of the surrounding country. At Williamsburg, a village four miles west, a council was held, which resulted in challenging Newport for a debate. Williamsburg chose John Hough, E. Lee, and Joseph Lomax, while Newport chose Dr. Henry H. Way, Willis Davis, and Abel Lomax, for their side. It was decided to hold this debate at the Newport school-house and to begin at 2 o'clock in the afternoon. One can get some idea of the debate when they learn that it continued till midnight. The negative debated fiercely, but were answered in a gentle way by the affirmative, and victory was gained for temperance. This organization met with decided opposition, even on the part of professors of religion, but amid such opposition the number reached between 300 and 400 signers of the pledge within a year.

lage. It was not long before a man was looked upon with disgrace who would enter a saloon. Several of the saloon dealers were starved out for want of customers. As a result, they closed their doors and moved out of town when their licenses expired. Many of the rowdies moved away to more congenial quarters. Finally, all the shops, with the exception of one, was closed.' This dealer had repeatedly promised to close his doors, but he did not until it was forced upon him. Later, a man by the name of Mann, almost a stranger in the town, rented the house, under the pretense of setting up a grocery, but a remonstrance was gotten up against him and the license was not granted. But Mann was not to be outdone; he employed a lawyer and with his help succeeded in getting his license. It was not until a pistol was fired in his saloon, the ball entering the head of the bed of a nearby neighbor, that the citizens were able to arrest him and thereby were able to close his doors. He was placed in jail to await his trial, which was to take place some time later, and he was finally bailed out. He then left the country and was never heard of again. "Squire Curtis, a strong temperance man, was sent to the legislature, and through him the town succeeded in obtaining a special Act (under the old constitution of the State) passed. This act provided that no liquor should be sold in the corporated limits of Newport for any purpose, without permit from the trustees of the town. It was thought best by some to keep spirits in the town for medical purposes; so Levi Coffin was chosen to have charge of them. Later, a drug store was set up by Dr. Henry H. Way, who was given charge of the liquor, greatly to the satisfaction of Levi Coffin.