Wayne County, Indiana - Chapter 12: Oliver P. Morton, 1912

BORN AT SALISBURY, OF ENGLISH DESCENT - -EARLY EDUCATION - MARRIAGE - EARLY POLITICAL AFFILIATIONS - NOMINATED FOR GOVERNOR AND DEFEATED IN 1856 - BECOMES GOVERNOR IN I186I - HIS ADMINISTRATION DURING WAR TIMES - ELECTED UNITED STATES SENATOR - PHYSICAL SUFFERING IN LAST YEARS - DEATH.

Upon a backwoods road which leads south from the National Road, in Wayne county, Indiana, is an old building, two-stories high, used as a barn, although the window frames opening through its decaying weatherboards show that it was, in earlier times, a dwelling. Near by it is an old cabin and a clump of trees, west of the house, which marks the site of an old brick building which is also deserted. One would find it hard to imagine that this had once been the prosperous little town of Salisbury, at one time the county seat of Wayne county. But in this little village, on Aug. 4, 1823, there was born a child who was destined to act a very conspicuous part in the history of this State and county, and whose name is now as familiar as household words. This was Oliver Perry Morton, the great senator and war governor of Indiana. Oliver Hazard Perry Throck Morton (for thus the name stands in the family register) was the fourth child of James Throckmorton and Sarah.

Throckmorton is an old English name. In the ship with Roger Williams came John Throckmorton, who settled and lived in Providence, in the house next to Roger Williams, but his sons - John Throckmorton, Jr., and Job - went to New Jersey, where they are recorded among its earliest settlers. Among their descendants were James Throckmorton, who was born in New Jersey, May 4, 1782. It is not known why the family name was changed, but a sufficient reason would be found in the fact that Morton is much more convenient.' But the first syllable of the original name has always been preserved in the family as a middle name, and James

Throckmorton commonly called himself James T. Morton. He was a man of sterling worth, sound sense, excellent judgment, and strict integrity. His wife, Sarah, was a large, robust, fine-looking woman, of strong character, good sense, remarkable memory, and excellent conversational powers. While no doubt Senator Morton inherited something of Puritan sturdiness and patriotic spirit from his father's family, yet his splendid physique, his energy and indomitable will came mostly from his mother's side. She died while Oliver was quiet young, so that he scarcely knew what it was to have a mother's love or care. While the family were in moderately comfortable circumstances, Oliver had none of the aids of wealth or social position in early life. Oliver P. Morton was named after Oliver H. Perry, the naval hero. His full name was, as has been mentioned before, Oliver Hazard Perry Throck Morton, but this was too much of a name for practical use, so the second title was thrown aside, as was also the first syllable of the family name, for convenience, and the name adopted was the one now well known to fame. After the death of his mother his boyhood was passed with his grandparents, in Ohio, and with two widowed aunts in Centerville. His aunts were Presbyterians of the strictest kind and the early impressions received from them influenced his whole life.

When about fourteen years of age he was placed, by his aunts, in the Wayne County Seminary. He was not generally noticed as a boy of extraordinary parts. He was quiet.and undemonstrative, showing few characteristics different from those of the ordinary boy. He was large and sturdy and fond of athletic sports, excelling most of his companions in running, leaping and swimming. Morton's father moved to Centerville when Salisbury fell to decay and lived there until his death. Oliver was put to work in Centerville with his elder half-brother, William F. Morton, to learn the hatter's trade. During the four years spent here his spare hours were spent in reading and he finally quit his trade and entered the little college which bore the pretentious name of "Miami University," at Oxford, Ohio. His splendid physique and his sociable disposition drew to him the regard of that little community. He was a leader in athletic games, and those who saw him in later life, broken down by paralysis, remembered with a pang the days of youthful vigor, when he kicked the football clear over the dormitories at Oxford. But his chief delight was in extemporaneous debate. Caring nothing for literary display, his aim was to make his thoughts clear, impressive and forcible. During his stay here he achieved the reputation of being the best debater in college. He left college because of financial affairs and immediately began the study of law in the office of Hon. John S. Newman, at Centerville.

He formed 'the acquaintance of a young lady, Lucinda S. Burbank, at Oxford. She had a brother who was a student there and who was a close friend of Morton's. At the end of the first year she went with a party of young women to attend commencement. Morton fell desperately in love with her and on May 15 they were married. The marriage proved a very happy one and the gentle lady with whom he thus became united exercised a most gracious influence over his subsequent life. He repaid her devotion with tender affection. Her presence and care were a necessity to him. At this period of his life it is not probable that Mr. Morton had any political aspirations or indeed any plans beyond acquiring a knowledge of law and taking a proper position at the bar. His two years of college experience had taught him how to study and he gtappled with the intricacies of law like one who both intended to master them and was conscious of his ability to do so. He was very young and his practice was of quite recent growth, yet he is spoken of in high terms as a judge. He was never a man of many words, but what he said went to the core of things. As one attor- _ ney - B. R. Sulgrove, of Marion county - said, "His first words laid hold of the 'nub' of the case and all that followed peeled off the husk and he was done." He advanced steadily in practice and soon came to be regarded as a rising lawyer. So successful was he that in five years after his admission to the bar he was appointed, by the governor as Circuit Judge. He served as a judge about a year, but preferred the bar to the bench. After his term expired he went to the Cincinnati Law School and took a six months' course. After six months of close study -he returned to his profession and devoted himself to his practice with an assiduity and zeal that won new success. During the next few years he accumulated enough money to buy a few acres of land and to build a neat little dwell- - ing west of Centerville.

During the first ten years of Mr. Morton's adult life' he was a Democrat. On the day of the Presidential election a young man of: large frame, with high forehead, dark 'eyes, and with clothes that fitted him none too well, rode into Centerville upon a gray horse, bespattered: with mud. It was "Ob" Morton, then a student at Miami University, who had come home from Oxford, twenty- eight miles away, to cast his first vote for James K., Polk, the candidate of the Democratic party. For ten years after that he continued to act with the Democracy, but be it said to his credit that he was among the first to discern the dangerous tendencies of that party and to rebel against the haughty dictation of the slave power. He left the Democracy, but did not join any party then. The Presidential campaign was now approaching. The supporters of the Free Soil movement, who in most of the Northern States now bore the name of Republicans, had as yet*no national organization. After much hesitation and correspondence a preliminary convention was announced to meet at Pittsburgh. Wayne county took an active part in this movement and a meeting of the citizens was held at Richmond, Feb. 18, at which resolutions were made appointing Oliver P. Morton as a delegate to the convention. So Morton was present at the birth of the Republican party.

On May 1, 1856, the Republicans met at Indianapolis to nominate candidates for State officers. The Hon. Henry S. Lane, then, as now, honored by the Republicans of Indiana, was president and inspired the body with his lofty enthusiasm. A delegate moved that Oliver P. Morton be nominated by accclamation for Governor. The motion was received and carried amid deafening and long continued cheers.* In a brief address accepting the nomination, Mr. Morton defined his position on the public questions of the day, avowed his unalterable opposition to the extension of.slavery, denounced the outrage of attempting to force the institution upon Kansas, and declared his intention of meeting his opponent before the people and upholding these principles. Mr. Morton accepted this nomination with a full consciousness that there was little or no chance of his election and that he was expected to make a thorough canvass of the State, but he had embarked in the new movement and his heart was in the cause, His opponent in the contest was Ashbel P. Willard, a very able and one of the most brilliant speakers of his day. He represented an old, compact, and powerful political organization, strengthened by the prestige of time and past successes, while Mr. Morton appeared as the champion of a new party, comparatively weak in members and organization, but strong in the consciousness of right principles. Willard was sort of a party pet, a fluent speaker, ready in debate and widely known throughout the State, with an established reputation as an orator. Morton was at that time comparatively unknown to the people of the State at large and had his reputation as a political speaker to make. Willard indulged much in ridicule, invective, and personality. Morton abstained from these. Willard was impetuous and violent; Morton always slower, always self-contained, and had greater reserve power. An arrangement for a joint canvass hetween the two candidates was gladly entered into by the Democrats, who thought their eloquent champion would easily dispose of his comparatively unknown antagonist. But the canvass had not progressed far before Mr. Morton showed himself to be greatly: the superior of Governor Willard in political information, force of argument, and all the essential elements of political oratory.

From that time forward he was the recognized leader of the Republican party in Indiana. The campaign ended as he probably expected it would, in his defeat, but the foundations of the Republican party had been laid broad and deep in the minds of the people. At that time the Republicans of Indiana considered his defeat a great misfortune, but in the light of subsequent history it cannot be so regarded. "There is a divinity which shapes our ends." He was reserved for greater things. Had he been elected, he could not have been our great War Governor. What changes might have happened, not only to the State but to the fortunes of the Union arms had Morton in his first campaign obtained the object of his desires.

After the unsuccessful campaign of 1856, Mr. Morton resumed the practice of law. His advice was constantly sought for in party affairs and he had already come to be recognized as by far the best political organizer and director in the State. In 1860 the Republican party stood before the country with a complete organization prepared to dispute the field with the Democracy in every Northern State, with fair prospects of success. In this year the Republicans again demanded the services of Mr. Morton, nominating him for lieutenant-governor, with the Hon. Henry S. Lane for governor, with the distinct understanding that if the party was successful Mr. Lane should go to the United States Senate and Mr. Morton become governor. Again, as in 1856, the latter threw aside private and professional business at the call of the party which he honestly believed represented the salvation of the country and prepared for another thorough canvass of the State. His splendid physical health at that time, his tireless energy and devotion to the cause, pointed to him as the principal worker in the campaign. Commencing at Terre Haute, he traversed the entire State and delivered many masterly speeches. His speech at Terre Haute was logical and argumentative and was a triumphant defense of the Republican principles. There were other workers in the good cause, but perhaps not another so earnest and effective as Mr. Mor- ton. The election resulted in the success of the whole Republican ticket by about 10,000 majority. Immediately upon the convening of the legislature, Gov. Henry S. Lane was elected by the Republicans as United States Senator, and on Jan. 16, 1861, Oliver P. Morton became Governor of Indiana. The office had in store for him such labors and responsibilities as seldom fall to the lot of any man and was destined to bring him a corresponding amount of honorable fame.

On Nov. 22, 1860, a Republican mass meeting was called in Indiana to ratify the election of Lincoln and to present their views on the political situation. After a speech by Governor Lane Morton followed with a speech. After a glowing eulogium upon the Union and the advantages and necessity of its preservation, he declared that if the issue were disunion or war, he, and as he believed, the Republican party, was for war. The audience knew he was a strong and bold man and they expected strong and bold words, but their hearts leaped with joy when they heard these sentiments. Then and there, for the first time by any leading man, was the duty of the government in the pending crisis clearly and boldly asserted. The grandeur and glory of the Union were set forth in eloquent words and the power of the government to coerce a seceding State was asserted in the strongest terms. These sentiments were rapturously applauded, and when the speaker closed the whole audience was in a state of patriotic excitement. It went to the popular heart like a bullet to its mark. Mr. Lincoln said: "It covers the whole situation and declares the whole policy of the government. It is the policy I shall pursue from the first." This speech was the keynote of Morton's subsequent career.

Governor Morton was a man of affairs and took hold of the business of the office as one who knew there was work to do. His first attention was turned toward reforming the civil administration of the State. The financial affairs of the State were in great confusion and embarrassment. In spite of the immense labors devolved upon him, he was able to accomplish wonders in the way of placing the finances of the State on solid basis. Meanwhile, the storm clouds were gathering in the South. Governor Morton foresaw the coming storm and was one of the most active in preparing to meet it. At this period events follow each other in rapid succession and culminated in the firing on Fort Sumter and the surrender of that post to the Confederates. On April 15, 1861, President Lincoln issued his proclamation calling for 75,000 men, and before the proclamation was received in Indianapolis, Governor

Morton had telegraphed as follows: "On behalf of the State of Indiana, I tender to you for the defense of the Nation and to uphold the authority of the Government, 10,000 men." Six additional regiments were soon ready to be put into the field, and thus at the very threshold of the conflict he showed an appreciation of its probable magnitude and an energy in preparing for it not evinced by the governor of any other Northern State. At the beginning of the war, the attitude of Kentucky was a constant source of alarm along the border. Her governor, Benale Magoffin, had refused, with insult, the call of the President for troops. The Unionists of that State began to call Morton, "the Governor of Indiana and Kentucky," and their affection for him was unabounded. Morton's great services in protecting the State were fully appreciated at the time and are still remembered by the Union men of Kentucky. In acknowledging his services after one of the invasions, the Louisville Journal, of whom George D. Prentice was editor, said: "He has been emphatically Kentucky's guardian spirit from the very commencement of the dangers that threatened her existence. Kentucky and the whole country owe him a large debt of gratitude." Governor Morton has been called "the Soldier's Friend," and he fairly earned the title by his indefatigable efforts in their behalf. These efforts were directed not only towards securing for the Indiana soldiers the best of everything in the way of arms, thus adding to their efficiency and safety in the field, but to seeing that they were well supplied with every comfort that could possibly be supplied in time of war. He issued a proclamation to the women of Indiana, asking for articles of clothing which they could make themselves. In response to this, an immense quantity of clothing was forwarded to the soldiers.

As the summer went on, the victories gained by the Union arms were followed by reverses. Lincoln was fearful lest a public call for troops would lead to a panic, and he therefore, on June 30, addressed to Morton, as well as to other governors of loyal States, a letter asking for 150,000 men. Morton's response was prompt and satisfactory and Stanton sent to Morton the laconic congratulations, "Well done, Indiana." A serious difficulty in forwarding these troops was found in the absence of money for bounties and advance pay. Many of the men had left their homes suddenly, without providing for their families. Morton's action in this emergency was characteristic. He telegraphed to Mark E. Reeves, a merchant in Cincinnati, asking that $100,000 be sent that evening to'pay the troops. By the 19th it is said that Morton had borrowed

Before the legislature met there were hints of the misuse of public money by the Governor. There was a resolution introduced that there should be a statement of all expenditures presented. The very next day the Governor sent the statement to the legislature. His critics could find nothing to object to, so nothing more was heard of it. Nothing could be found wrong in any place, and thus the threatened exposures ended in disappointment. Meanwhile, the General Assembly went on with its consideration of war. The soldiers proposed that the legislature pledge itself by appropriate resolutions to preserve the Union, to prosecute the war, to sustain the State and National authorities with money and supplies, and they tendered to Governor Morton the thanks of his grateful friends in the army for his extraordinary efforts in their behalf, and assured him that neither time nor the corrupting influence of party spirit should ever estrange the soldiers from the "soldier's friend." The successful establishment of a Home for Disabled Soldiers and afterwards a Home for Soldiers' Orphans, upon his recommendation and plans, added in no small degree to the glory of Indiana's war record. In recommending, in his last message to the legislature, the erection of a State monument in honor of all her brave soldiers who perished in the war, he was actuated by the same tender appreciation and solicitude for their memory which characterized his. whole life. Thus, while giving the General Government a powerful support in the work of putting down the insurrection, and while looking vigilantly after the interests of Indiana soldiers in the field, he was still able to administer the domestic affairs of the State with unequaled ability, and to give her a much higher rank in the sisterhood of State than she had ever held before; and he converted the name of Hoosier from one of ridicule to one of honor.

Therefore, when the Republican convention met at Indianapolis, Feb. 22, 1864, to nominate a State ticket, he was unanimously nominated for re-election. In accepting the nomination he made one of the ablest speeches of his life, reviewing the whole administration, the measures he had taken to uphold the honor and preserve the peace of the State, pointing out the perils of the Government and the duty of the times. His opponent for the governorship was Hon. Joseph E. McDonald. A joint canvass of the State was arranged for and the opening debate was appointed to take place at Laporte. The character of the occasion and the import- ance of the issues involyed drew an immense crowd, being estimated at not less than 20,000. His competitor was ten years his senior, a skilled debater and a strong man. Although politically opposed, they were really friends, and the contest between them was conducted in a fair and dignified manner. Governor Morton's speech at Laporte was pronounced by all who heard it a great and convincing one. The result of the opening debate was a decided victory for Morton, and from that moment his friends confidently predicted his election. After a thorough campaign he was reelected governor by over 20,000 majority and the Republicans gained a majority in the Senate.

Governor Morton then entered upon his second term. He was now forty-two years old and in the prime of his physical and mental strength. His energy, patriotism, executive ability, and fertility of resources, were a theme of general comment. His services to the State and Nation were known and honored everywhere. At this time there were secret societies formed all over the State. The "Knights of the Golden Circle" was organized before the war and had members in Indiana at the outbreak of the struggle. About the first of December it was discovered that the order of the "Golden Circle" had been introduced into the Federal camp at Indianapolis. This created much anxiety and vigorous measures were taken to eradicate the order from the army. The Governor received information that many of the Knights were armed and were plotting mischief. A project for the assassination of Morton was also conceived. The Governor received letters of warning, one insisting that he change his sleeping room, as the conspirators knew the exact arrangement of his house. One night when he was out late a shot was actually fired at him and the ball whistled close to his head. No clew was ever found to the man guilty of this cowardly act.

The war was now rapidly drawing to a close. It was just after the re-election of Lincoln that Sherman started upon his march to the sea. Lincoln began his second term by the inaugural containing the words, "With malice toward none, with charity for all." Grant was tightening his relentless grasp upon Petersburg and the Confederate capital. The final blow was delivered at Five Forks and on April 9, Lee's army surrendered at Appomattox. This event was celebrated with great rejoicing. The war was over. Every face was radiant with the hope of coming peace. At 2 o'clock on the night of April 14, Morton was awakened from his sleep to receive the fateful telegram. Before he opened it he had a foreboding of a danger which had been often before his eyes.

He said, "Lincoln is killed," and so it was. The hearts which had been beating high with enthusiasm were now crushed with sorrow. The blow fell with crushing weight upon the whole country, and amid a Nation of mourners no man felt it more keenly than Governor Morton, the trusted friend, counsellor, and co-laborer of the martyred President. The Governor and his staff met. the funeral cortege at the Ohio line, the body lay in state at the Capitol during Sunday, and at night it was sent westward to its final resting place.

About the first of June the veterans began to come home, and many regiments, one after another, passed through Indianapolis. Morton determined that not one of them should be without its public reception. On each of these occasions the gun was fired at 8 o'clock in the morning, the ladies of the city prepared breakfast at the Soldiers' Home, and the veterans then marched to the state house, where there was a speech by the Governor, or by some one in authority. During this time it became evident that Morton's health was seriously impaired. He came often to the reception of the veteran regiment, so haggard and careworn that he could hardly deliver the speech of welcome expected of him, and sometimes he had to stay away. Thus came the disease which afflicted him during the remainder of his life. He was immediately placed under medical treatment, and, after a few months, little or no benefit being gained, he was advised to visit Europe and place himself in the hands of an eminent physician at Paris. The scene in the hall of the house of representatives-on the occasion of his formal leave-taking was impressive and affecting. At this time party jealousies and party strifes were forgotten and the better instincts of men were permitted their natural action. Resolutions complimenting the Governor in the highest terms and expressing deep sympathy with him in his affliction were drawn up and adopted by the general assembly without a dissenting voice. The indifference of friends, the prejudices of enemies, now gave place to a profound realization of his talents, his patriotism, and his labor. Early in December, 1865, Governor Morton sailed from New York, accompanied by his wife, his son, and a friend, and proceeded with as little delay as possible to Paris. He remained in that city under medical treatment about six weeks. Then, hoping to get some benefit by change of climate, he traveled through portions of Italy and Switzerland. He received little or no benefit, either from the treatment or travel, and returned home in March, 1866.

by the State legislature that, if the Republicans carried the State, Governor Morton was to be elected United States Senator. The Republican campaign opened at Indianapolis, June 20, Governor Morton being announced as speaker. The largest hall in the city was densely crowded with an audience anxious to see him once more. He was received with a storm of applause, the audience rising to their feet and cheering for several minutes. He spoke sitting, but through his physical helplessness the power of his mind gleamed more brightly than ever. His speech was powerful and eloquent. Now the war was over, the question was whether the fruits of victory should be preserved or surrendered. The latter portion of it was terribly severe. He dwelt upon the course of the Democracy during the war and recalled their countless acts of disloyalty. He hurled facts and history at them with fatal precision and effect. Nearly every sentence was received with-cheers by the audience and the applause seemed to inspire the speaker. There had been no such enthusiasm in Indianapolis since the surrender of Lee at Appomattox. The speech was regarded by the Republicans of Indiana and other States as a powerful campaign document and nearly 3,000,000 copies of it were circulated in different States of the Union. The election resulted in a sweeping Republican victory. The legislature elected Morton United States Senator. His political record and services were known to the Senate as they were throughout the Nation and he was at once welcomed into the fullest political confidence by the other Senators.

The great question before Congress and the country when Senator Morton entered the Senate was that of the reconstruction of Southern States. The great question was just how far the government could safely go in restoring the late Confederates to their political rights. On this question Senator Morton had well settled views. He held that treason was a crime and that those who had engaged in it should be made to realize the tact. He desired to accord them all civil and political rights as soon as it was safe to do so, but he also wished to have the future peace and security of the Union "so imbedded in the imperishable bulwarks of the Constitution that the waves of secession might dash against it in vain." His first speech in the Senate was upon this subject: When he began the Senators conducted. themselves in the manner usual during a long speech, but after a few sentences the newspapers were dropped, the writing of letters was abandoned, and every Senator gave his attention to the speaker. Morton spoke for one hour and twenty minutes. His sentences fell like sledge- hammer blows. Every word was weighty. He had made no preparation, excepting a few notes, to which he seldom referred. At the conclusion of his argument the senators flocked around him to congratulate him.. It was intended that some Democrat should answer it, but there was no one found willing to undertake the task without future preparation. Two hundred thousand copies of it were printed in Washington and 2,000,000 copies were distributed during the following campaign.

Morton, himself, regarded it as the best argument he had ever made. It was translated into German, French, Spanish and Italian, and Morton received 600 letters of congratulations in regard to it. To no one person, living or dead, is the credit for the adoption of the Fifteenth amendment to the Constitution so largely due as to Senator Morton. He championed the measure from the beginning and was ably seconded by other Republican senators. Another Presidential election was approaching. There was some little opposition to Grant, made public by some of the newspapers. Oliver P. Morton attended the convention at Philadelphia, June 5, and in a speech before that body indulged in sarcastic allusions to the dissatisfied Republicans. Grant was nominated without a dissenting vote. In Indiana, Morton had to make his fight for re-election to the Senate. He realized that it was a doubtful and bitter struggle and his whole strength was thrown into the contest. He made a thorough canvass through the State and on Nov. 26 Morton was elected.

In the second term his work was as admirable as in the first term. He led in. the great debates.on the Ku-Klux-Klan in the South, the Louisiana case, the Mississippi election, and other questions which have passed into political history. He wished to base the reconstruction of the South on enduring principles and to rear the temple of peace, not on a foundation of shifting sand, but upon the solid rock. Andrew Johnson had come back to the Senate with a heart filled with bitterness against many of the Republicans who had turned upon him during his administration. He died on July 30, 1875. In spite of their political differences, Morton always had a feeling of personal friendship and a certain admiration for the old Military Governor of Tennessee and he paid a sincere tribute to Johnson's memory with much depth of feeling. During the whole of General Grant's two administrations Senator Morton was his trusted friend and counsellor. He offered him two or three high positions, which Morton rejected with logical reasons. Morton was also a great aid to President Hayes in making his cabinet ap- pointments. Hayes was determined to withdraw the Federal troops from the South and Morton gave his reluctant approval. Indeed his one great aim throughout his career in the Senate was to keep the Republican party whole and sound.

After he had come from Washington to Indianapolis, he took a suite of rooms at the Remy Hotel, where his callers numbered thirty or forty every day. Men from every State sought his influence, and his daily mail was enormous. He seldom threw a letter into the waste basket. That Governor Morton should have been able, in his condition of health, partially paralyzed and seriously enfeebled, to hold during nearly ten years the position of acknowledged leader of the Senate and the greatest political organizer of his time, is a striking proof of his wonderful energy and will power. In the spring of 1877, the Senate ordered an investigation into the case of Senator Grover, of Oregon, who was charged with having procured his election corruptly. This duty was referred to Senators Morton, Saulsbury, and McMillan. The last public appearance of Senator Morton in Indiana was on Decoration Day, at Crown Hill Cemetery, Indianapolis, in honor of the memory of the soldiers buried there. Thus his last public utterance in the State was in connection with the brave patriots for whom he cared so tenderly in life. He was in poor health when he started for Oregon, but thought the journey would do him good. By the time he reached Portland, Ore., he was apparently in fine health and ready for any amount of hard work. At the conclusion of the investigation he addressed a public meeting at Salem in a speech of considerable length, which the Oregon papers pronounced the best ever heard in the State. Leaving Oregon, accompanied by his wife and youngest son, he reached San Francisco early in August. On the 6th, after an entertainment in which he had eaten heartily, he found he had less command of his limbs than usual and noticed a numbness on his left side. By morning his entire left side had become paralyzed. As soon as he knew his condition he was determined at once to start for Indiana. A special car was prepared for him and he was accompanied by his wife and son, brother-inlaw, and physician. His home in Indianapolis was not in condition to receive him, so he was taken to Mrs. Burbanks', his wife's mother, at Richmond.

On Sept. 13, the President of the United States visited Richmond for the express purpose of calling upon the sick Senator. On Oct. 15, his health was so much improved that he was taken to his own home at Indianapolis. The short trip seemed to do him good and the hope of his recovery was strengthened.

All this time he took a lively interest in current affairs and especially in what was passing in the political world. He wanted those around him to read to him constantly, which they did. His mind continued active and clear, and when friends visited his bedside he would welcome them with a pleasant smile and grasp of the hand. Thursday, Nov. 1, was dark and gloomy. It was evident that Morton had not many hours to live. During the day he lay very quietly, speaking only to make known his wants. Shortly before 5 o'clock he had a paroxysm of pain and appeared to be dying, though he still gave signs of recognition. He said, "I am dying; I am worn out." These were his last words; then he ceased to move and at twenty-eight minutes past 5 o'clock the vital spark went out and the great and illustrious life had reached its end.

The news of Senator Morton's death caused a profound sensation throughout the country. Although the event had been anticipated for several days, it came as a shock at last and created a sorrow so deep and widespread that it could only be compared to that caused by the tragic death of Abraham Lincoln. Flags were displayed at half-mast and bells were tolled throughout the land. His remains lay in state at the court house during Sunday and. part of Monday, and were reviewed by many thousands of persons who came from far and near to take a last look at one who had filled so large a place in the history of the country. After solemn ceremonies at the church the procession formed, by far the largest ever seen in Indiana, and the remains of the dead Governor and Senator were borne to Crown Hill Cemetery and there laid to rest, close to the graves of the soldiers for whom he had so tenderly cared. He was at the time of his death but fifty-four years of age. Indiana lost in him her most eminent statesman, the country one of its wisest counsellors, and the Republican party oi our State its greatest leader. His services to his State and his Nation will live forever in history, while the enmities which he engendered have already been buried. He was possessed of an intense nature and human ambitions, but he was a man of powerful convictions. The world loves to honor those lofty spirits, whose life powers were dedicated to the cause of human liberty. Morton was a giant, physically, morally, and intellectually, and was led only by an overmastering sense of duty. A high forehead, large head, black hair, dark, 'searching eyes, a huge, well. proportioned body and broad shoulders, and a commanding presence, were the physical manifestations of Morton's indomitable will and the plain and simple strength of his intellect and character. He was the greatest debater of his time - intense, logical and profound; bold, manly and energetic. The thought was so prominent that it stood boldly to the front and the words seemed massed behind it, crowding irresistibly upon his auditors.

Senator Booth has said: "As a debater, he was an athlete, trained down to pure muscle. In speech, he was careless of the graces of oratory and polish of style; his earnestness enchained attention, his directness carried conviction, and there was a natural symmetry in the strength of his statements above the reach of art." There were probably no other men of his time who could 'hold so many thousands in silence before him for so many hours. In the early part of his career his splendid physical presence added much to the effect he produced, and later, when crippled with disease he spoke from his seat (Sitting Bull, his enemies called him), his oratory lost nothing by the infirmity. His friendship for the soldiers did not proceed from mere desire for popularity. At any hour, no matter how imperative the demands upon his time, he gave away to their appeals and became as tender as a woman in his sympathy. Thousands of hearts were cheered and saved by his timely succor. Nor did he forget the widowed and the fatherless. Indiana soldiers came to know this stern, unyielding man was as gentle as a woman and as tender as an angel of mercy when he looked upon their wounds and beheld their suffering.

Morton's home life was ideal. The wish of one was the desire of all. Never cloud shadowed it nor frown chilled it. The peace, the love, good-night kisses, and the happy morning greetings were always present. Those who gained admission to his home circle could not fail to observe the spirit of love and confidence that prevailed. Morton belonged to no church. He seldom spoke of religion. Yet, although he cared little for theology, he was by no means without religious feeling. Morton expressed his faith in immortality and his belief in a religion of love that discarded the "dry husks of creeds" and planted itself in the broadest philanthrophy and tolerance. The kindliness of his character, the unselfishness of his disposition, was manifested in his consideration of the needs of others, and the honesty of his purpose in rendering every possible aid to all, constituted the strength of his character. "Grit is the grain of character. It may generally be described as heroism materialized - spirit and will thrust into heart, brain and backbone, so as to form part of the physical substance of the man." The writer of that truth might well have had Oliver P. Morton in mind. Time has cast no cloud upon his memory nor darkened a single spot upon his record. Linking his destiny with that of the Union, he became the rivet which made secure the position of his State, and earned in full measure the honor his State accords him.

The world is so much better than it was before. Men's minds as well as bodies everywhere are free. Slavery is gone forever, and on the seat of independence, dignity, and power, free labor sits enthroned. Liberty at last is dwelling among the sons of men. All this we owe to the heroes of the people, those minds of light and lion hearts and wills imperial, who voiced the people's thoughts, led the people's cause to victory, and enshrined the people's rights in the people's imperishable nation; and among them stands our Morton, immortal with the immortality of deeds.