Fillmore County, Minnesota - Chapter 30, 1882

Treaties With Sioux Indians From 1812 To

IN 1680 - CAPTAIN JONATHAN CARVER VISITS THE COUNTRY IN 1766 - THE NAMES OP THE TRIBES - TREATIES WITH SIOUX INDIANS FROM 1812 TO 1859 - THEIR RESERVATIONS - ClVTIilZATION EFFORTS - SBTTLBMBNT8 OP THE WHITES CONTIGUOUS TO THE RESERVATIONS.

The first authentic knowledge of the country upon the waters of the Upper Mississippi and its tributaries, was given to the world by Louis Hennepin, a native of France. In 1680 he visited the Falls of St. Anthony, and gave them the name of his patron saint, the name they still bear.

Hennepin found the country occupied by wild tribes of Indians, by whom he and his companions were detained as prisoners, but kindly treated, and finally released.

In 1766, this same country was again visited by a white man, this time by Jonathan Carver, a British subject, and an officer in the British army. Jonathan Carver spent some three years among different tribes of Indians in the Upper Mississippi country. He knew the Sioux or Dakota Indians as the Naudowessies, who were then occupying the country along the Mississippi, from Iowa to the Falls of St. Anthony, and along the Minnesota river, then called St. Peter's, from its source to its mouth at Mendota. To the north of these tribes the country was then occupied by the Ojibwas, commonly called Chippewas, the hereditary enemies of the Sioux.

Carver found these Indian nations at war, and by his commanding influence finally succeeded in making peace between them. As a reward for his good offices in this regard, it is claimed that two chiefs of the Naudowessies, acting for their nation, at a council held with Carver, at the groat cave, now in the corporate limits of St. Paul, deeded to Carver a vast tract of land on the Mississippi river, extending from the Falls of St. Anthony to the foot of Lake Pepin, on the Mississippi; thence east one hundred English miles; thence north one hundred and twenty miles; thence west to the place of beginning. But this pretended grant has been examined by our government and entirely ignored as a pure invention of parties in interest, after Carver^s death, to profit by his Indian service in Minnesota.

There can be no doubt that these same Indians, known to Captain Carver as the Naudowessies, in 17G7, were the same who inhabited the country upon the Upper Mississippi and its tributaries when the treaty of Traverse des Sioux was made, in 1851, between the United States and the Sisseton and Wapaton bands of Dakota or Sioux Indians. The name Sioux is said to have been bestowed upon these tribes by the French; and that it is a corruption of the last syllable of their more ancient name, which in the peculiar guttural of the Dakota tongue, has the sound of the last syllable of the old name Naudowes«tW, Sioux.

The tribes inhabiting the Territory of Minnesota at the date of the massacre, 1862, were the following: Medawakontons (or Village of the Spirit Lake); Wapatons (or Village of the Leaves); Sissetons (or Village of the Marsh): and Wapakutas (or Leaf Shooters). All these were Sioux Indians, connected intimately with other wild bands scattered over a vast region of country, including Dakota Territory, and the country west of the Missouri, even to the base of the Rocky Mountains. Over all this vast region roamed these wild bands of Dakotas, a powerful and warlike nation, holding by their tenure the country north to the British Possessions.

The Sissetons had a hereditary chief, Ta-tanka Mazin, or Standing Buffalo; and at the date of the massacre his father, "Star Face," or the "Orphan," was yet alive, but superannuated, and all the daties of the chief were vested in the son, Standing Buffalo, who remained friendly to the whites and took no part in the terrible massacre on our border in 1862.

The four tribes named, the Medawakontons, Wapatons, Sissetons and Wapakutas, comprised the entire ^*annuUy Sioux" of Minnesota; and in 1862 these tribes numbered about six thousand and two hundred persons. All these Indians had from time to time, from the 19th day of July, 1815, to the date of the massacre of 1862, received presents from the Government, by virtue of various treaties of amity and friendship between us and their accredited chiefs and heads of tribes.

Soon after the close of the last war with Great Britain, on the first day of June, 1816, a treaty was concluded at St. Louis between the United States and the chiefs and warriors representing eight bands of the Sioux, composing the three tribes then called the "Sioux of the Leaf," the "Sioux of the Broad Leaf,'* and the "Sioux who Shoot in the Pine Tops," by the terms of which these tribes confirmed to the United States all cessions or grants of lands previously made by them to the British, French, or Spanish governments, within the limits of the United States or its Territories. For these cessions no annuities were paid, for the reason that they were mere confirmations of grants made by them to powers from whom we had acquired the territory.

From the treaty of St. Louis, in 1816, to the treaty ratified by the United States Senate in 1859, these tribes had remained friendly to the whites, and had by treaty stipulations parted with all the lands to which they claimed title in Iowa; all on the east side of the Mississippi river, and all on the Minnesota river, in Minnesota Territory, except certain reservations. One of these reservations lay upon both sides of the Minnesota, ten miles on either side of that stream, from Hawk river on the north, and Yellow Medicine river on the south side, thence westerly to the head of Big Stone Lake and Lake Traverse, a distance of about one hundred miles. Another of these reservations commenced at Little Rock river on the east, and a line running due south from opposite its mouth, and extending up the river westerly to the easterly line of the first-named reservation, at

The Indians west of the Missouri, in referring to those of their nation east of the river, called them Isanties, which seems to have been applied to them from the fact that, at some remote period, they had lived at Isantamde, or "Knife Lake," one of the Mille Laos, in Minnesota.

These Indian treaties inaugurated and contributed greatly to strengthen a custom of granting, to the pretended owners of lands occupied for purposes of hunting the wild game thereon, and living upon the natural products thereof, a consideration for the cession of their lands to the Government o( the United States. This custom culminated in a vast annuity fund, in the aggregate to over three million dollars, owing to these tribes, before named, in Minnesota. This annuity system was one of the causes of the massacre of 1862.

Indian Life. - ^Before the whites came in contact with the natives, they dressed in the skins o* animals which they killed for food, such as the buffalo, wolf, elk, deer, beaver, otter, as well as the small fur-bearing animals, which they trapped on lakes and streams. In later years, as the settlements of the white race approached their borders, they exchanged these peltries and furs for blankets, cloths, and other articles of necessity or ornament The Sioux of the plains, those who inhabited the Coteau and beyond, and, indeed, some of the Sisseton tribes, dress in skins to this day. Even among those who are now called "civilized,*' the style of costume is often unique. It is no picture of the imagination to portray to the reader a "staii- WABT Indian" in breech-cloth and leggins, witb a calico shirt, all "fluttering in the wind," and his head surmounted with a stove-pipe hat of most surprising altitude, carrying in his hand a pipe of exquisite workmanship, on a stem not unlike a cane, sported as an ornament by some city dandy. His appearance is somewhat varied, as the seasons come and go. He may be seen in summer or in winter dressed in a heavy cloth coat of coarse fabric, often turned inside out with all his civilized and savage toggery, from head to foot, in the most bewildering juxtaposition. On beholding him, the dullest imagination cannot refrain from the poetic exclamtion of Alexander Pope,

Efforts Of Civiltzatton

Efforts to Civilize these Annuity Indians. - The treaty of 1858, made at Washington, elaborated a scheme for the civilization of these annuity Indians. A civilization fund was provided, to be taken from their annuities, and expended in improvements on the lands of such of them as should abandon their tribal relations, and a(lopt the habits and modes of life of the white race. To all such, lands were to be assigned in severalty, eighty acres to each head of a family. On these farms were to be erected the necessary farm-buildings, and farming implements and cattle were to be furnished them.

In addition to these favors the government offered them pay for such labors of value as were performed, in addition to the crops they raised. Indian farmers now augmented rapidily, until the appalling outbreak in 1862, at which time about one hundred and sixty had taken advantage of the munificent provisions of the treaty. A number of farms, some 160, had good, snug brick houses erected upon tliem. Among these civilized savages was Little Crow, and many of these farmer-Indians belonged to his own band.

The Indians disliked the idea of taking any portion of the general fund belonging to the tribe for the purpose of carrying out the civilization scheme" Thos^ Indians who retained the "blanket," and henoe caUed "blanket Indians," denounced the measure as a fraud upon their rights. The chase 'was then a God-given right; this scheme forfeited that ancient natural right, as it pointed unmistakably to the destruction of the chase.

But to the friends of Indian races, the course inaugurated seemed to be, step by step, lifting these rude children of the plains to a higher level. This scheme, however, was to a great degree thwarted by the helpless condition of the "blanket Indians" during a great portion of the year, and their persistent determination to remain followers of the chase, and a desire to continue on the warpath.

When the chase fails, the "blanket Indians'' resort to their relatives, the farmers, pitch their tepees around their houses, and then commence the process of eating them out of house and home. When the ruin is complete, the farmer Indians, driven by the law of self-preservation, with their wives and children, leave their homes to seek such subsistence as the uncertain fortunes of the chase may yield.

In the absence of the family from the house and fields, thus deserted, the wandering "blanket Indians" commit whatever destruction of fences or tenements their desires or necessities may suggest. This perennial process goos on; so that in the spring when the disheartened farmer Indian returns to his desolate home, to prepare again for another crop, he looks forward with no different results for the coming winter.

It will bo seen, from this one illustration, drawn from the actual results of the civilizing process, how hopeless y^BB the prospect of elevating one class of related savages without at the same time protecting them from the incursions of their own relatives, against whom the class attempted to be favored, had no redress. In this attempt to civilize these Dakota Indians the forty years, less or more, of missionary and other efforts have been measurably lost, and the money spent in that direction, if not wasted, sadly misapplied.

The treaty of 1858 had opened for settlement a vast frontier country of the most attractive character, in the Valley of the Minnesota, and tlie streams putting into the Minnesota, on either side, such as Beaver creek. Sacred Heart, Hawk and Chippewa rivers and some other small streams, were flourishing settlements of white famihes. Within this ceded tract, ten miles wide, were the scattered settlements of Birch Coolie, Patterson Rapids, on the Sacred Heart, and others as far up as the Up])er Agency at Yellow Medicine, in Renville county. The county of Brown adjoined the reservation, and was, at the time of which we are now writing, settled mostly by Germans. In this county was the flourishing town of New Ulm, and a thriving settlement on the Big Cottonwood and Watonwan, consisting of German and American pioneers, who had selected this lovely and fertile valley for their future homes.

Other counties. Blue Earth, Nicollet, Sibley, Meeker, McLeod, Kandiyohi, Monongalia and Murray, were all situated in the finest portions of the state. Some of the valleys along the streams, such as Butternut valley and others of similar character, were lovely as Wyoming and as fertile as the Garden of Eden. These counties, with others somewhat removed from the direct attack of the Indians in the massacre, as Wright, Steams and Jackson, and even reaching on the north to Fort Abercrombie, thus extending from Iowa to the Valley of the Red River of the North, were severally involved in the consequences of the war- fare of 1862. This extended area had at the time a population of over fifty thousand people, principally in the pursuit of agriculture; and although the settlements were in their infancy, the people were happy and contented, and as prosperous as any similar community in any new country on the American continent, since the landing of the Pilgrim Fathers.

We have in short, traced the Dakota tribes of Minnesota from an early day, when the white man first visited and explored these then unknown regions, to the time of the massacre. We have also given a synopsis of all the most important treaties between them and the government, with an allusion to the country adjacent to the reservations, and the probable number of people residing in the portions of the state ravaged by the savages.

Sioux Indians in Minnesota, and their relation to the white settlements on the western border of the state. It is now proposed to state in brief some of the antecedents of the massacre.

1. By the treaty of Traverse des Sioux, dated July 23, 1851, between the United States and the Sissetons and Wapatons, $275,000 were to be paid their chiefs, and a further sum of $30,000 was to be expended for their benefit in In<Jian improvements. By the treaty of Mendota, dated August 5, 1851, the Medawakantons and Wapakutas were to receive the sum of $200,000, to be paid to their chief, and- for an improvement fund the further sum of $30,000. These several sums, amounting in the aggregate to $655,000, these Indians, to whom they were payable, claim they were never paid, except, perhaps, a small portion expended in improvements on the reservations. Thej became di s satisfied, and expressed their views in council freely with the agent of the government.

In 1857, the Indian department at Washington sent out Major Kintzing Prichette, a man of great experience, to inquire into the cause of this disaffection towards the government In his report of that year, made to the Indian department, Major Prichette says:

"The complaint which runs through all their oonncils points to the imperfect performance, or non-fulfillment of treaty stipulations. Whether these were well or ill founded, it is not my promise to discuss. That such a belief prevails among them, impairing their confidence and good faith in the government, cannot be questioned."

In one of these councils Jagmani said: "The Indians sold their lands at Traverse des Sioux. I say what we were told. For fifty years they were to be paid $50,000 per annum. We were also promised $300,000, and that we have not seen."

"At the treaty of Traverse des Sioux, $275,000 were to be paid them when they came upon their reservation; they desired to know what had become of it. Every white man knows that they have been five years upon their reservation, and have yet heard nothing of it."

In this abridged form we can only refer in brief to these complaints; but the history would seem to lack completeness without the presentation of this feature. As the fact of the dissatisfaction existed, the government thought it worth while to appoint J udge Young to investigate the charges made against the governor, of the then Minnesota territory, then acting, ex-officio, as superintendent of Indian affairs for that locaUty. Some short extracts from Judge Young's report are here presented:

"The governor is next charged with having paid over the greater part of the money, appropriated under the fourth article of the treaty of July 23 and August 5, 1851, to one Hugh Tyler, for payment or distribution to the ^traders' and 'halfbreeds,' contrary to the wishes and remonstrances of the Indians, and in violation of law and the stipulations contained in said treaties; and also in violation of his own solemn pledgee, personally made to them, in regard to said payments.

"Of $275,000 stipulated to be paid under the first clause of the fourth article of the treaty of Traverse des Sioux, of July 24, 1851, the sum of $250,000, was delivered over to Hugh Tyler, by the governor, for distribution omong the 'traders' and *half-breeds,' according to the arrangement made by the schedule of the Traders^ -P^i^r, dated at Traverse des Sioux, July 23, 1851."

"For this large sum of money, Hugh Tyler executed two receipts to the Gk>vemor, as the attorney for the 'traders' and *half breeds;' the one for $210,000 on account of the 'traders,' and the other for $40,000 on account of the 'half-breeds;' the first dated at St. Paul, December 8, 1852, and the second at Mendota, December 11, 1852."

"And of the sum of 8110,000, stipulated to be paid to the Medawakantons, un^er the fourth article of the treaty of August 5, 1851, the sum of 870,000 was in like manner paid over to the snid Tyler, on a power of attorney executed to him by the traders and claimants, under the said treaty, on December 11, 1852. The receipts of the said Tyler to the Governor for this money, $70,000, is dated at St. Paul, December 13, 1852, making together the sum of $320,000. This has been shown to have been contrary to the wishes and remonstrances of a large majority of the Indians." And Judge Toxmg adds: "It is also believed to be in violation of the treaty stipulations, as well as the law making the appropriations under them."

These several sums of money were to be paid to these Indians in open coimcil, and soon after they were on their reservations provided for them by the treaties. In these matters the report shows they were not consulted at all, in open council; but on the contrary, that arbitrary divisions and distributions were made of the entire fund, and their right denied to direct the manner in which they should be appropriated. See Acta of Gongres8, August 30, 1852.

The Indians claimed, also, that the third section of the act was violated, as by that section the appropriations therein referred to, should, in every instance, be paid directly to the Indians themselves, to whom it should be due, or to the tribe, or part of the tribe, per capita^ " unless otherwise the imperious interest of the Indians or some treaty stipulation should require the payment to be made otherwise, under the direction of the president." This money was never so paid. The report further states that a large sum, " $55,000, was deducted by Hugh Tyler by way of discount and percentage on gross amount of payments, and that these exactions were made both from traders and half-breeds, without any previous agreement, in many instances, and in such a way, in some, as to make the impression that unless they were submitted to, no payments would be made to ' such claimants at all."

And, finally the report says, that from tho testimony it was evident that the money was not paid to the chiefs, either to the SLsseton, Wapaton, or Medawakanton bands, as they in open council requested; but that they were compelled to submit to this mode of payment to the traders, otherwise no payment would be made, and the money would be returned to Washington; so that in violation of law they were compelled to comply with the Gt)veraor's terms of payment, according to Hugh Tyler's power of attorney.

The examination of this complaint, on the part of the Indians, by the Senate of the United States, resulted in exculpating the Governor of Minnesota (Governor Ramsey) from any censure, yet the Indians were not satisfied with the treatment they had received in this matter by the accredited agents of the Government.

2. Another cause of irritation among these Indians arose out of the massacre of 1857, at Spirit Lake, kno^vn as the Inkpaduta massacre. Inkpaduta was an outlaw of the Wapakuta band of Sioux Indians, and his acts in the murders at Spirit Lake were entirely disclaimed by the "annuity Sioux."* He had slain Tasagi, a Wapakuta chief, and several of his relatives, some twenty years previous, and had thereafter led a wandering and marauding life about the head waters of the Des Moines river.

Inkpaduta was connected with several of the bands of annuity Sioux Indians, and similar relations with other bands existed among his followers. These ties extended even to the Yanktons west of the James river, and even over the Missouri. He was himself an outlaw for the murder of Tasagi and others as stated, and followed a predatory and lawless life in the neighborhood of his related tribes, for which the Sioux were themselves blamed.

The depredations of these Indians becoming insufferable, and the settlers finding themselves sufficiently strong, deprived them of their gims and drove them from the neighborhood. Recovering some of their guns, or, by other accounts, digging up a few old ones which they had buried, they proceeded to the settlement of Spirit Lake and demanded food. This appears to have been given to a portion of the band which had first arrived, to the extent of the means of those applied to. Soon after, Inkpaduta, with the remainder of his followers, who, in all, numbered twelve men and two boys, with some women who had lingered behind, came in and demanded food also. The settler gave him to understand that he had no more to give; whereupon Inkpaduta spoke tb his eldest son to the feffect that it was disgraceful to ask these people for food which they ought to take themselves, and not to have it thrown to them like dogs. Thus assured, the son immediately shot the man, and the murder of the whole family followed. From thence they proceeded from house to house, until every family in the settlement, without warning of those previously slain, were all massacred, except four women, whom they bore away prisoners, and afterward violated, with circumstances of brutality so abhorrent as to find no parallel in the annals of savage barbarity, unless we except the massacre of 1862, which occurred a few years later.

From Spirit Lake the murderers proceeded to Springfield, at the outlet of Shetek, or Pelican lake, near the head waters of the Des Moines river; where they remained encamped for some days, trading with Mr. William Wood from Mankato, and his brothers. Here they succeeded in killing seventeen, including the Woods, making, in all, forty-seven persons, when the men rallied, and firing upon them, they retreated itnd deserted that part of the country. Of the four women taken captives by Inkpaduta, Mrs. Stevens and Mrs. Noble were killed by the Indians, and Mrs. Marble and Miss Gardner were rescued by the Wapaton Sioux, under a promise of reward from the Government, and for which the three Indians who brought in these captives received each one thousand dollars.

The Government had required of the Sioux the delivery of Inkpaduta and his band as the condition for the payment of their annuities. This was regarded by certain of the bands as a great wrong visited upon the innocent for the crimes of the guilty. One of their speakers (Mazakuti Mani), in a council held with the Sissetons and Wapatons, A.ugust 10, 1857, at Yellow Medicine, said:

**The soldiers have appointed me to speak for them. The men who killed the white people did not belong to us, and we did not expect to be called upon to account for the deeds of another band. We have always tried to do as our Great Father teUs us. One of our young men brought in a captive woman. I went out and brought in the other. The soldiers came up here and our men assisted to kill one of Inkpaduta's sons at this place. The lower Indians did not get up the warparty for you; it was our Indians, the Wapatons and Sissetons. The soldiers here say that they were told by you that a thousand dollars would be paid for killing each of the murderers. We^ with the men who went out, want to be paid for what we have done. Three men were killed, aa we know. ***** All of us want our money very much. A man of another band has done wrong, and we are to suffer for it. Our old women and children are hungry for this. I have seen $10,000 senf here to pay for our going out I wish our soldiers were paid for it. I suppose our Great Father has more money than this."

Major Pritchette, the special government agent, thought it necessary to answer some points made by Mazakuti Mani, and spoke, in council, as follows:

"Your Great Father has sent me to see Superintendent Cullen, and to say to him he was well satisfied with his conduct, because he had acted according to his instructions. Your Great Father had heard that some of his white children had been cruelly and brutally murdered by some of the Sioux nation. The news was sent on the wings of the lightning, from the extreme north to the land of eternal summer, throughout which his children dwell. His young men wished to make war on the whole Sioux nation, and revenge the deaths of their brethren. But your Great Father is a just father and wishes to treat all his children alike with justice. He wants no innocent man punished for the guilty. He punishes the guilty alone. He expects that those missionaries who have been here teaching you the laws of the Great Spirit had tanght you this. Whenever a Sioux is injured by a white man your Great Father will punish him, and expects from the chiefs and warriors of the great Sioux nation that they will punish those Indians who injure the whites. He considers the Sioux as a part of his family; and as friends and brothers he expects them to do as the whites do to them. He knows that the Sioux nation is divided into bands; but he knows also how they can all band together for common protection. He expects the nation to punish these murderers, or to deliver them up. He expects this because they are his friends. As long as these murderers remain unpunished or not deiivered up, they are not acting as friends of their Great Father. It is for this reason that he has witheld the annuity. Your Great Father will have his white children protected; and all who have told you that your Great Father is not able to punish those who injure them will find themselves bitterly mistaken. Your

Report Of Special Agent

Great Father desireB to do good to all his children and will do all in his power to accomplish it; but he is firmly resolved to punish all who do wrong."

After this, another similar council, September 1, 1857, was held with the Sisseton and Wapaton band of Upper Sioux at Yellow Medicine. Agent Flandrau, in the meantime, had succeeded in organizing a band of warriors, made up of all the "annuity" bands, under Little Crow. This expedition numbered altogether one hundred and six, besides four half-breeds. This party went out after Inkpaduta on the 22d of July, 1857, starting from Yellow Medicine.

On the 5th of August Major Pritchette reported to the Commissioner of Indian Affairs, "That the party of Indians, representing the entire Sioux nation, under the nominal head of Little Crow, returned yesterday from the expedition in search of Inkpaduta and his band," after an absence of thirteen days.

As this outlaw, Inkpaduta, has achieved an immortality of infamy, it may be allowable in the historian to record the names of his followers. Inkpaduta (Scarlet Point) heads the list, and the names of the eleven men are given by the wife of Tateyahe, who was killed by the party of Sioux under Little Crow, thus: Tateyahe (Shifting Wind); Makpeahoteman (Roaring Cloud), son of Inkpaduta, killed at Yellow Medicine; Makpiopeta (Fire Cloud), twin brother of Makpeohotoman; Tawachshawakan (His Mysterious Feather), killed in the late expedition; Bahata (Old Man); Kechomon (Putting on as He Walks); Huhsan (One Leg); Eahadai (Rattling), son-in-law of Inkpaduta; Fetoa-tanka (Big Face); Tatelidashinkshamani (One who Makes Crooked Wind as He Walks); Tachanchegahota (His Qreat Gun), and the two boys, children of Inkpaduta, not named.

After the band had been pursued by Little Crow into Lake Chouptijatanka (Big Dry Wood), distant twenty miles in a northwestern direction from Skunk Lake, and three of them killed outright, wounding one, taking two women and a little child prisoners, the Indians argued that they had done sufficient to merit the payment of their annuities; and on the 18th of August, 1854, Maj. Cullen telegraphed the following to the Hon. J. W. Denver, commissioner of Indian affairs :

"If the department concurs, I am of the opinion that the Sioux of the Mississippi, having done all in their power to punish or surrender Inkpaduta and his band, their annuities may with propriety be paid, as a signal to the military movements from Forts Ridgely and Randall. The special agent from the department waits an answer to this dispatch at Dunleith, and for instructions in the premises."

In this opinion Major Pritchette, in a letter of the same date, concurred, for reasons therein stated, and transmitted to the department. In this letter, among other things, the writer says:

"No encouragement was given to them that such a request would be granted. It is the opinion, however, of Superintendent Cullen, the late agent. Judge Flandrau, Governor Medary, and the general intelligent sentiment, that the annuities may now with propriety, be paid, without a violation of the spirit of the expressed determination of the department to withhold them until the murderers of Spirit Lake should be surrendered or punished. It is argued that the present friendly disposition of the Indians is manifest, and should not be endangered by subjecting them to the wants incident to their condition during the coming winter, and the consequent temptation to depredation, to which the withholding their money would leave them .exposed."

"If not improper for me to express an opinion, I am satisfied that, without chastising the whole Sioux nation, it is impossible to enforce the surrender of Inkpaduta and the remainder of his band." * * * "Nothing less than the entire extirpation of Inkpaduta's murderous outlaws will satisfy the justice and dignity of the government, and vindicate outraged humanity."

We here leave the Inkpaduta massacre, remarking only that the government paid the Indians their annuities, and made no further effort to bring to condign punishment the remnant who had escaped alive from the pursuit of Little Crow and his soldiers. This was a great error on the part of our government. The Indians construed it either as an evidence of weakness, or that the whites were afraid to pursue the matter further, lest it might terminate in still more disastrous results to the infant settlement of the state bordering upon the Indian country. The result was, the Indians became more insolent than ever before. Little Crow and his adherents had found capital out of which to foment future difficulties in which the two races should become involved. And it is now beheved, and subsequent circum- stances have greatly strengthened that belief, that Little Crow, from the time the government ceased its efforts to punish Inkpaduta, began to agitate his great scheme of driving the whites from the state of Minnesota; a scheme which finally culminated in the ever-to-be-remembered massacre of August, A. D. 1862.

The antecedent exciting causes of this massacre are numerous. The displaced agents and traders find the cause in the erroneous action of the Government, resulting in their removal from office. The statesman and the philosopher may unite in tracing the cause to improper theories as to the mode of acquiring the right to Indian lands. The former may locate the evil in our system of treaties, and the latter in our theories of government. The philanthropist may find the cause in the absence of justice which we exhibit in all our intercourse with the Indian races. The poet and the lovers of romance in human character find the true cause, as they believe, in the total absence of all appreciation of the noble, generous, confiding traits peculiar to the native Indian. The Christian teacher finds apologies for acts of Indian atrocities in the deficient systems of mental and moral culture. Each of these different classes are satisfied that the great massacre of August, 1862, had its origin in some way intimately connected with his favorite theory.

Let us, for a moment, look at the facts, in relation to the two races who had come into close contact with each other, and in the light of these facts, judge of the probable cause of this fearful collision. The white race, some two hundred years ago, had entered upon the material conquest of the American continent, armed with all the appliances for its complete subjugation. On the shores of this prolific continent these new elements came in contact with a race of savages with many of the traits peculiar to a common humanity, yet, with these, exhibiting all, or nearly all, the vices of the most barbarous of savage races. The period of occupancy of this broad, fertile land was lost in the depths of a remote antiquity. The culture of the soil, if ever understood, had jbeen long neglected by this race, and the chase was their principal mode of gaining a scanty subsistence. It had lost all that ennobled man, and was alive only to all his degradations. The white man was at once acknowledged, the Indian being judge, superior to the savage race with which he had come in contact.

Here, then, is the first cause, in accordance with a universal principle, in which the conflict of the two races had its origin. It was a conflict of knowledge with ignorance, of right with wrong. If this conflict were only mental, and the weapons of death had never been resorted to in a single instance, the result would have been the same. The inferior race must either recede before the superior, or sink into the common mass, and, like the raindrops falling upon the bosom of the ocean, lose all traces of distinction. This warfare takes place the world over, on the principle of mental and material progress. The presence of the superior light eclipses the inferior, and causes it to retire. Mind makes aggression upon mind, and the superior, sooner or later, overwhelms the inferior. This process may go on, with or without the conflict of physical organisms. The final result will be the same. »

Again, we come to the great law of right. The white race stood upon this undeveloped continent ready and willing to execute the Divine injunction, to replenisli the earth and subdue it. On the one side stood the white race armed with his law; on the other the savage, resisting the execution of that law. The result could not be evaded by any human device. In the case before us, the Indian races were in the wrongful possession of a continent required by the superior right of the white man. This right, founded in the wisdom of God, eliminated by the ever-operative laws of progress, will continue to assert its dominion, with varying success, contingent on the use of means employed, until all opposition is hushed in the perfect reign of the superior aggressive principle.

With these seemingly necessary reflections, we introduce the remarks of the Sioux agent touching the antecedents of the great massacre, unparalleled in the history of the conflict of the races. The agent gives his peculiar views, and they are worthy of careful consideration.

" The radical, moving cause of the outbreak is, I am satisfied, the ingrained and fixed hostility of the savage barbarian to reform and civib'zatiou. As in all barbarous communities, in the history of the world, the same people have, for the most part, resisted the encroachments of civilization upon their ancient customs; so it is in the case before us. Nor does it matter materially in what shape civilization makes its attack. Hostile, opposing forces meet in conflict, and a war of social elements is the result - civilization is aggressive, and bar- ^ barism stubbornly resistant. Sometimes, indeed, civilization has achieved a bloodless victory, but generally it has been otherwise. Christianity, itself, the true basiis of civilization, has, in most instances, waded to success through seas of blood. * * Having stated thus much, I state as a settled fact in my mind, that the encroachments of Christianity, and its handmaid, civilization, upon the habits and customs of the Sioux Indians, is the cause of the late terrible Sioux outljreak. There were, it is true, many immediate inciting causes, which will be alluded to and stated hereafter, but they are subsidiary to, and developments of, or incident to, the great cause set forth. * * * But that the recent Sioux outbreak would have happened at any rate, as a result, a fair consequence of the cause here stated, I have no more doubt than I doubt that the great rebellion to overthrow our Government would have occurred had Mr. Lincoln never been elected President of the United States.

" Now as to the existing or immediate causes of the outbreak: By my predecessor a new and radical system was inaugurated, practically, and, in its inauguration, he was aided by the Christian missionaries and by the Government. The treaties of 1858 were ostensibly made to carry this new system into effect. The theory, in substance, 'otas to break up the community -ay stem which prevailed among the Sioux; weaken and destroy their tribal relations, and individualize them, by giving them each a separate home. * * Qn the 1st day of June, A. D. 1861, when I entered upon the duties of my office, I found that the system had just'been inaugurated. Some hundred families of the Annuity Sioux had become novitiates, and their relatives and friends seemed to be favorably disposed to the new order of things. But I also found that, against these, were arrayed over five thousand "Annuity Sioux," besides at least three thousand Yanktonais, all inflamed by the most bitter, relentless, and devilish hostility.

I saw, to some extent, the difficulty of the situation, but I determined to continue, if in my power, the civilization system. To favor it, to aid and build it up by every fair means, I advised, encouraged, and assisted the farmer novitiates; in short, I sustained the policy inaugurated by my predecessor, and sustained and recommended by the Government. I soon discovered that the system could not be successful without a sufficient force

"During my term, and up to the time of the outbreak, about one hundred and seventy-five had their hair cut and had adopted the habits and customs of white men.

" For a time, indeed, my hopes were strong that civilization would soon be in the ascendant. But the increase of tlie civilization party and their evident prosperity, only tended to exasperate the Indians of the ^ancient customs,' and to widen the breach. But while these are to be enumerated, it may be permitted me to hope that the radical cause will not be forgotten or overlooked; and I am bold to express this desire, because, ever since the outbreak, the public journals of the country, religious and secular, have teemed with editorials by and communications from 'reliable individuals,' politicians, philanthropists, philosophers and hired ^penny-a-liners,' mostly mistaken and sometimes willfully and grossly false, giving the cause of the Indian raid."

Major Galbraith enumerates a variety of other exciting causes of the massacre, which our limit will not allow us to insert in this volume. Among other causes, * * that the United States was itself at war, and that Washington was taken by the negroes. * * But none of these were, in his opinion, the cause of the outbreak, . The Major then adds:

"Grievances such as have been related, and numberless others akin to them, were spoken of, recited, and chanted at their councils, dances, and feasts, to such an extent that, in their excitement, in June, 1862, a secret organization known as the 'Soldier's Lodge,' was founded by the young men and soldiers of the Lower Sioux, with the object, as far as I was able to learn through spies and informers, of preventing the ^traders' from going to the pay-tables, as had been their custom. Since the outbreak I have become satisfied that the real object of this 'Lodge' was to adopt measures to 'clean out' all the white people at the end of the payment."

Whatever may have been the cause of the fearful and bloody tragedy, it is certain that the manner of the execution of the infernal deed was a deep-laid conspiracy, long cherished by Little Crow, taking form under the guise of the " Soldiers' Lodge," and matured in secret Indian councils. In all these secret movements Little Crow was the moving spirit.

Iiistort Of The Sioux Massacre

Now the opportune moment seemed to have come. Only thirty soldiers were stationed at Fort Ridgely. Some thirty were all that Fort Ripley oould muster, and at Fort Abercrombie one company, under Captain Van Der Hork, was all the whites could depend upon to repel any attack in that quarter. The whole effective force for the defense of the entire frontier, from Pembina to the Iowa line, did not exceed two hundred men. The annuity money was daily expected, and no troops except about one hundred men at Yellow Medicine, had been detailed, as usual, to attend the anticipated payment. Here was a glittering prize to be paraded before the minds of the excited savages. The whites were weak; they were engaged in a terrible war among themselves; their attention was now directed toward the great struggle in the South. At such a time, offering so many chances for rapine and plunder, it would be easy to unite, at least, all the annuity Indians in one common movement Little Crow knew full well that the Indians could easily be made to believe that now was a favorable time to make a grand attack upon the border settlements. In view of all the favorable auspices now concurring, a famous Indian council was called, which was fully attended by the " Soldiers' Lodge." Rev. S. R RiggB, in his late work, 1880, ("Mary and T'), referring to the outbreak, says:

"On August 17th, the outbreak was commenced in the border white settlements at Acton, Minnesota. That night the news was carried to the Lower Sioux Agency, and a council of war was called." * * -Something of the kind had been meditated and talked of, and prepared for undoubtedly. Some time before this, they had formed the Tee-yo-tee-pee, or Soldiers* Lodge."

A memorable council, convened at Little Crow's village, near the Lower Agency, on- Sunday night previous to the attack on Fort Ridgely, and precisely two weeks before the first massacres at Acton. Little Crow was at this council, and he was not wanting in ability to meet the greatness of the occasion. The proceedings of this council, of course, were secret. Some of the results arrived at, however, have since come to the writer of these pages. The council matured the details of a conspiracy, which for atrocity has hitherto never found a place in recorded history, not excepting that of Cawnpore.

the infamous council. Comparing the statement of the narrative with the known occurrences of the times, that council preceded the attack on the Government stores at the Upper Agency, and was convened on Sunday night; the attack on the Upper Agency took place the next day, Monday, the 4th of August; and on the same day, an attempt was made to take Fort Ridgely by strategy. Not the slightest danger was anticipated. Only thirty soldiers occupied the post at Fort Ridgely and this was deemed amply sufficient in times of peace. But we will not longer detain the reader f roni the denouement of this horrible plot.

"I was looking toward the Agency and saw a large body of men coming toward the fort, and supposed them soldiers returning from the payment at Yellow Medicine. On a second look, I observed they were mounted, and knowing, at this time, that they must be Indians, was surprised at seeing so large a body, as they were not expected. I resolved to go into the garrison to see what it meant, having, at the time, not the least suspicion that the Indians intended any hostile demonstration. When I arrived at the garrison, I found Sergeant Jones at the entrance with a mounted howitzer, charged with shell and canister-shot, pointed towards the Indians, who were removed but a short distance from the guard- house. I inquired of the sergeant what it meant? whether any danger was apprehended? He replied indifferently, "No, but that he thought it a good rule to observe that a soldier should always be ready for any emergency."

These Indians had requested the privilege to dance in the inclosure. surrounding the fort. On this occasion that request was refused them. But I saw that, about sixty yards west of the guard house, the Indians were making the necessary preparations for a dance. I thought nothing of it as they had frequently done the same thing, but a little further removed from the fort, under somewhat different circumstances. I considered it a singular exhibition of Indian foolishness, and, at the solicitation of a few ladies, went out and was myself a spectator of the dance.

"When the dance was concluded, the Indians sought and obtained peimission to encamp on some rising ground about a quarter of a mile west of the garrison. To this ground they soon repaired, and encamped for the night The next mo.-aing, by 10 o'clock, all had left the vicinity of the garrison, departing in the direction of the Lower Agency. This whole matter of the dance was so conducted as to lead most, if not all, the residents of the garrison to believe that the Indians had paid them that visit for the purpose of dancing and obtaining provisions for a feast.

"Some things were observable that were unusual. The visitors were all warriors, ninety -six in number, all in undress, except a very few who^wore calico shirts; and, in addition to this, they all carried arms, guns and tomahawks, with ammunition pouches suspended around their shoulders. Previous to the dance, the war implements were deposited some two hundred yards distant, where they had left their ponies. But even this circumstance, so far as it was then known, excited no suspicion of danger or hostilities in the minds of the residents of the garrison. These residents were thirty-five men; thirty soldiers and five citizens, with a few women and children. The guard that day consisted of three soldiers; one was walking leisurely to and fro in front of the guardhouse; the other two were oflf duty, passing about an "" taking their rest; and all entirely without apprehension of danger from Indians or any other foe. As the Indians left the garrison without doing any mischief, most of us supposed that no evil was meditated by them. But there was one man who acted on the supposition that there was always danger surrounding a garrison when visited by savages; tliat man was Sergeant Jones. From the time he took his position at the gun he never left it, but acted as he said he believed it best to do, that was to be always ready. He not only remained at the gun himself, but retained two other men, whom he had previously trained as assistants to work the piece.

"Shortly before dark, without disclosing his intentions. Sergeant Jones said to his wife: »I have a little business to attend to to-night; at bed-time I wish you to retire, and not to wait for me.* As he had frequently done this before, to discharge some official duty at the quartermaster's office, she thought it not singular, but did as he had requested, and retired at the usual hour. On awakening in the morning, however, she was surprised at finding that he was not there, and had not been in bed. In truth, this faithful soldier had stood by his gun throughout the entire night, ready to fire, if occasion required, at any moment during that time; nor could he be persuaded to leave thnt

"Some two weeks after this time, those same Indians, with others, attacked Fort Bidgely and, after some ten days^ siege, the garrison was relieved by the arrival of soldiers under Ck^lonel H. H Sibley. The second day after Colonel Sibley arrived, a Frenchman of pure or mixed blood appeared before Sergeant Jones, in a very agitated manner, and intimated that he had some disclosures to make to him; but no sooner had he made this intimation than he became extremely and violently agitated, and seemed to be in a perfect agony of mental perturbation. Sergeant Jones said to him, *If you have anything to disclose, you ought, at once, to make it known.' The man repeated that he had disclosures to make, but that he did not dare to make them; and although Sergeant Jones urged him by every consideration in his power to tell what he knew, the man seemed to be so completely under the dominion of terror, that he was unable to divulge the great secret. *Why,' said he, they will kill me; they will kill my wife and children.' Saying which he turned and walked away.

"Shortly after the first interview, this man returned to Sergeant Jones, when again the Sergeant urged him to disclose what he knew; and promised him that if he would do so, he would keep his name a profound secret forever; that if the information which he should disclose should lead to the detection and punishment of the gnilty^ the name of the informant should never be made known. Being thus assured, the Frenchman soon became more calm. Hesitating a moment, he inquired of Sergeant Jones if he remembered that, some two weeks ago, a party of Indians came down to the fort to have a dance? Sergeant Jones replied that he did. *Why,' said the French- . man, *do you know that these Indians were all warriors of Little Crow, or some of the other lower bands? Sir, these Indians had all been selected for the purpose, and came down to Fort Bidgely by the express command of Little Crow and the other chiefs, to get permission to dance; and wlien all suspicion should be completely lulled, in the midst of the dance, to seize their weapons, kill every person in the fort, seize the big guns, open the magazine, and Secure the ammunition, when they should be joined by all the remaining warriors of the lower bands. Thus armed, and increased by numbers, they were to proceed together down the valley of the Minnesota. With this force and these weapons they were assured they oonld drive every white man beyond the MississippL'

"All this, the Frenchman informed Sergeant Jones, he had learned by being present at a council, and from conversations had with other Indians, who had told him that th«y had gone to the garrison for that very purpose. When he had concluded this revelation, Sergeant Jones inquired, *Why did they not execute their purpose? Why did they not take the fort?' The Frenchman rephed: -Because they saw, during all their dance, and then stay at the fort, that big gun constantly pointed at them.' "

Interpreter Quinu, now dead, told the narrator of the foregoing incidents that Little Crow had said, repeatedly, in their councils, that the Indians could kill all the white men in the Minnesota Valley. In this way, he said, we can get all our lands back; that the whites would again want these lands, and that they could get double annuities. Some of the councils at which these suggestions of Little Crow were made, dated, he said, as far back as tlie summer of 1857, immediately after the Inkpaduta war.

On the 17th day of August, 1862, Little Crow, Inkpaduta, and Little Priest, the latter one of the Winnebago chiefs, attended church at the Lower Agency, and seemed to listen attentively to the services, conducted by the Rev. J. D. Hinman. On the afternoon of that day Little Crow invited these Indians to his house, a short distance above the Agency. On the same day an Indian council was held at Rice Creek, sixteen miles above the Lower Agency, attended by the Soldiers' Lodge. Inkpaduta, it is believed, and Little Priest, with some thirteen Winnebago warriors, attended this council. Why this council was held, and what was its object, can easily be imagined. The decrees of the one held two weeks before had not been executed. The reason why the fort was not taken has been narrated. The other part of the eame scheme, the taking of the agency at the Yellow Medicine, on the same day the fort was to have fallen, will be alluded to in another cliapter. It then became necessary for the conspirators to hold another council, to devise new plans for the execution of their nefarious designs npon the whites.

The Acton tragedy, forty miles distant, had taken place but a few hours before this council was convened. On Monday, the 18th of August, these

Acton murderers were seen at the mill on Crow river, six miles from Hutchinson, with the team taken from Acton; so that these Indians did not go to the Lower Agency, but remained in th( coimtry about Hutchinson. One of the number only returned to the Agency by the next morning after the council at Rice Creek had been held. All that followed in the bloody drama, originated at this council of Death, over which Little Crow presided, on Sunday afternoon, the 17th day of August, 1862, on the evening of the same day of the Acton murders. The general massacre of all white men was by order of this council, to commence at the Agency, on the morning of the 18th, and at as many other points, simultaneously, as could be reached by the dawn of day, ladiating from that point as a center. The advantage gained by the suddenness of the attack, and the known pauic that would result, was to be followed up until every settlement was massacred, Fort Ridgely taken, both Agencies burned. New Ulm, Mankato, St. Peter, and all the towns on the river destroyed, the whole country plundered and devastated, and as many of the inhabitants as were left alive were to be driven beyond the Mississippi river. The decree of this savage council, matured on a Christian Sabbath, by Indians, who were supposed to be civilized, so immediately after attentively listening to the gospel of peace, filled the measure of the long-cherished conspiracy matured by Little Crow, until it was full of the most hopeful results to his polluted and brutal nature. ^^Once an Indian, always an Indian," seems in this instance to have been horribly demonstrated.