Freeborn County, Minnesota - Chapter with an unread heading (no. 23 of those read), 1882

Chapter with an unread heading (no. 23 of those read)

Change of Indian officials - patsient of 1861 - bepokt or agent galbbaith - tjppeb and lower bands - supplies attack on the warehouse renville kangeks return to fort

The change in the administration of the Grovernment in 1861, resulting, as it did, in a general change in the minor offices throughout the country, carried into retirement Major William J. Cullen. Superintendent ot Indian Affairs for the Northern Superintendency, and Major Joseph K. Brown, Agent for the Sioux, whose places were filled respectively by Colonel Clark W. Thompson and Major Thomas J. Galbraith. Colonel

Major Galbraitws Report

Thompson entered upon the duties of his office in May of that year, and Major Galbraith on the first day of June. In that month the new agent and many of the new employes, with their families, took up their residence on the reservations.

These employes, save a few young men who were employed as laborers, were, with two exceptions, men of families, it being the policy of the agent to employ among the Indians as few unmarried men as possible.

During that year nothing occurred on the reservations of an unusual character more than the trouble with which the Agents had always to deal at every semi-annual gathering at the Agencies. We say "semi-annual," because they came in the summer to draw their annuities, and again in the autumn tor their winter supply of goods.

It has been usual at the payment of annuities to have a small force of troops to guard against any xintoward event which might otherwise occur. The payment to the lower bands, in 1861, was made in the latter part of June, and to the upper bands about the middle of July. These payments were made by Superintendent Thompson in person.

The Sisseton bands came down to the Agency at a very early day, as had always been their habit, long before the arrival of the money, bringing with them a large body of Yanktonais (not annuity Sioux), who always came to the payments, claiming a right to a share of the an nuities issued to the Indians,

These wild hunters of the plains were an unfailing element of trouble at the payments to the upper bands. At this last payment they were in force, and by their troublesome conduct, caused a delay of some days in the making of the payments. Tlus was, however, no unusual occurrence, as they always came with a budget of grievances, upon which they were wont to dilate in council. This remark is equally true of the annuity Indians. Indeed, it would be very strange if a payment could be made without a demand, on the part of the "yoimg men," for three or four times the amount of their annual dues.

These demands were usually accompanied by overt acts of violence; yet the j^aymentwas made; and this time, after the payment, all departed to their village at Big Stone Laka They came again in the fall, drew their supply of goods, and went quietly away.

"The autumn of 1861 closed upon us rather unfavorably. The crojjs were light; especially was this the case with the Upper Sioux ; they had little or nothing. As heretofore communicated to the Department, the cut-worms destroyed aU the Sisetons, and greatly injured the crop of the Wapatons, Medawakantons, Wapakutas. For these latter I purchased on credit, in anticipation of the Agricultural and Civilization Funds, large quantities of pork and flour, ut current rates, to support them during the winter.

"Early in the autumn, in view of the necessitous situation of the Sisetons, I made a requisition on the department for the sum of $5,000, out of the special fund for the relief of 'poor and destitute Indians;' and, in anticipation of receiving this money, made arrangements to fe:d the old and infirm men, and the women and children of these people. I directed the Rev. S. R. Riggs to make the selection, and furnish me a list.

"He carefully did this, and we fed, in an economical, yea, even parsimonious way, about 1,500 of these people from the middle of December until nearly the first of April. We had hoped to get them off on their spring hunt earlier, but a tremendous and unprecedented snow-storm during the last days of February prevented.

"In response to my requisition, I received $3,000, and expended very nearly $5,000, leaving a deficiency not properly chargable to the regular funds, of about $2,000. '

"These people, it is believed, must have perished had it not been for this scanty assistance. In addition to this, the regular issues were made

"In the month of August, 1861, the superintendents of farms were directed to have ploughed 'in the fall,' in the old public and neglected private fields, a sufficient quantity of land to provide 'plantings' for such Indians as could not be provided with oxen and implements. In jmrsuance of this direction, there were ploughed, at rates ranging from $1.50 to $2,00 per acre, according to the nature of the work, by teams and men hired for the purpose, for the Lower Sioux, about 500 acres, and for the Upper Sioux, about 475 acres. There were, also, at the same time, ploughed by the farmer Indians and the department teams, about 250 acres for the Lower, and nbout 325 acres for the Upper Sioux. This fall ploughing was continued until the frost prevented its further prosecution. It was done to facilitate the work of the agrionltural department, and to kill the worms which had proved so injurious the previous year. * * *

"The carp?nter-shops at both Agencies were Bupphed with lumber for the manufacture and repair of sleds, wagons, and other farming utensils. Sheds were erected for the ])rotectioii of the cattle and utensils of the depertment, and the farmer Indians, assisted by the department carpenters, erected stables, pens, and out-houses for the protection of their catt-'e, hoi-ses and utensils. * '' Hay, grain, and other supplies were provided, and, in short, every thing was done which the means at command of the agent would justify.

"The work of the autiunn bc>ing thus closed, I set about making preparations for the work of the next spring and summer, and in du'ectiug the work of the winter. I made calculations to erect, during the summer and autumn of 1862, at least lit'ty dwelling-houses for Indian families, at an estimated average cost of S'300 each; and also to aid the farmer Indians in erecting as many additional dwellings as possible, not to exceed thirty or forty; and to have planted for the Lower Sioux, at least 1,200 acres, and for the Upper Sioux, at least 1 ,300 acres of crops, and to have all the land planted, exsept that at Big Stone L;ike, inclosed by a fence.

"To carry out these calculations, early in the the winter the superintendents of farms, the blacksmiths, the carpenters, and the superintendents of schools wore directed to furnish estimates for the amount of agricultural implem^nt^, hor.ses, oxen, wagons, carts, bnilJiug material, iron, steel, tools, and supplies needed to carry on successfully their several departments for one year from the opening of navigation in the sjiring of 1SG2.

"These estimates were prepared and furnished me about the 1st of February. In accordance with these estimates, I proceeded to purchase, in open market, the articles and supplies recommended.

"I made the estimates for one year, and purchases accordingly, in order to secure the benefit of transportation by water in the spring, and thus avoid the delays, vexations, and extra expense of transportation by land in the fall. Tlie bulk of purchases were made with the distinct undenstandind that payment would be made out of the funds

"Thus it will be seen that, in the spring of 1862, there was on hand supplies and material sufficient to carry us through the coming year. * * * Thu."!, to all appearance, the spring season opened propitiously. * * * To carry out my original design of having as much as possible planted for the Indians at Big Stone Lake and Lac qui Parle as early in the month of May, 1862, as the condition of the swollen streams would permit, I visited Lac qui Parle and Big Stone Lake, going as far as North Island, in Lake Traverse, having with me Antoine Freniere, United States Interpreter, Dr. J. L. Wakefield, physician of the Upper Sio>ix, and Nelson Givens, assistant Agent. At Lac qui Parle I found the Indians wiDing and anxious to plant. I inquired into their condition and wants, and made arrangements to have them supplied with seeds and imj)lements, and directed Amos W. Huggins, the school teacher there, to aid and instruct them in their work, and to make proper distribulion of the seeds and implements furnished, and placed at his disposal an ox-team and wagon and two breaking-teams, with instructions to devote his whole time and attention to the superintendence and instruction of the resident Indians during the planting season, and until the crops were cultivated and safely harvested.

"I also found the Indians at Big Stone Lake and Lake Traverse very anxious to plant, but without any means whatever so to do. I looked over their tields in order to see what coiild be done. After having inquired into the whole matter, I instructed Mr. Givens to remain at Big Stone Lake and superintend and direct the agricultural operations of the season, and to remain there imtil it was too late to plant any more. I placed at his di'>posal ten double plough teams, with men to operate them, and ordered forward at once one hundred Ijushels of seed corn and five hundred bushels of seed potatoes, with pumpkin, squash, turnip, and other seeds, in reasonable proportion, together with a sufficient supply of ploughs, hoes, and other imj)lemcuts for the Indians, and a blacksmith to repair breakages; and directed him to see tha* every Indian, and every Indian horse or pony, did as much work as was poesible. * * ' "On my way down to the agency, I visited the plantings of Tahampih'da, (Rattling Moccasin), Alazasha, (Bed Iron), Mahpiya Wicasta, (Cloud xMan), and Battling Cloud, and found that the

Superintendent of Farms for the Upper Sioux had, in accordance with my instructions, been faithfully attending to the ivants of these bands. He had supplied them with implements and seeds, and I left them at work. On my arrival at the Agency, I found that the farmer Indians residing thereabouts had, in my absence, been industriously at «ork, and had not only completed their plowing, but had planted very extensively. The next day after my arrival at the Agency, I visited each farmer Indian at the Yellow Medicine, and congratulated him on his prosjject for a good crop, and spoke to him such words of encouragement occurred to me.

"The next day I proceeded to the Lower Agency, and then taking with me Mr. A. H. Wagner, the Suiwrintendent of Farms for the Lower Sioux, I weut around each planting, and, for the second time, visited each farmer Indian, and found that, in general, my instructions had been carried out. The plowing was generally completed in good order, and the planting neai'ly all done, and many of the farmer Indians were engaged in repairing old and making new fences. I was pleased and gratified, and so told the Indians - the prospect was so encouraging.

"About the first of July I visited gll the plantings of both the Upper and Lower Sioux, except those at Big Stone Lake, and found, in nearly every instance, the prospects for good crops very hoj^eful indeed. The superintendents of farms, the male school teachers, and all the employes assisting them, had done their duty. About this time Mr. Givens returned from Big Stone Lake, and reports 1 to me his success there. From all I knew and aU I thus learned, I was led to believe that we would have no 'starving Indians' to feed the next winter, and little did I dream of the unfortunate and terrible outbreak which, m a short time, biirst upon us, * * *

"In the fall of 1861, a good and substantial school- room and dwelling, a store-house and blacksmith-shop, were completed at Lac qui Parle, and, about the first of November, Mr. Amos W. Huggins and his family occupied the dwelling, and, assisted by Miss Julia LaFrambois, prepared the school-room, and devoted their whole time to teaching such Indian children as they could induce to attend the school.

"The storehouse was supplied with provisions, which Mr. Huggins was instructed to issue to the fhildren and their parents at his discretion. Here it may be permitted me to remark to Mr. Huggins, who was born and raised among the Sioux, and Miss LaFrambois, who was a Sioux mixedblood, were two persons entirely capable and in every respect qualified for the discharge of the duties of their situation, than whom the Indians had no more devoted friends. They lived amor,; the Indians of choice, because they thought they could be beneficial to them. Mr. Huggins exercised nothing but kindness toward them. He fed them when hungry, clothed them when naked, attended them when sick, and advised and cheered them in all their difficulties. He was intelligent, entrgetic, industrious, and good, and yet he was one of the first 'victims of the outbreak, shot down like a dog by the very Indians whom he had so long and so well served. * ^ * * * * * "In the month of June, 1862, being well aware of the influence exerted by Little Crow over the blanket Indians, and, by his plausibility, led to believe that he intended to act in good faith, I promised to build him a good brick house provided that he would agree to aid me in bringing around the idle young men to habits of industry and civilization, and that he would abandon the leader.-hip of the blanket Indians and become a 'wliite man.'

"This being well understood, as I thought, I directed Mr. Nairn, the carpenter of the Lower Sioux, to make out the plan and estimates for Crow's house, and to jjroceed at once to make the window and door frames, and to prepare the lumber necessary for the building, and ordered the teamsters to deliver the necessary amount of brick as soon ;.s possible. Little Crow agreed to dig the cellar and haul the necessary lumber, both of which he had commenced. The carpenter had nearly completed his part of the work, and the brick was being promjatly delivered at the time of the outbreak.

"On the 15th of August, only three days previous to the outbreak, I had an interview with Little Crow, and he seemed to be well pleased and satisfied. Little indeed did I susj^ect, at that time, that he would be the leader in the terrible outbreak of the 18th."

There were planted, according to the statement of Agent Galbraith in his report, on the lower reservation, one thousand and twenty-five acres of corn, two hundred and sixty acres of potatoes, sixty acres of turnips and ruta-bagas, and twelve acres of wheat, besides a large quantity of field and garden vegetables. These crops, at a low estimate, would have hai-vested, in the fall, 74,865 bushels. There were, on the lower reservation, less than three thousand Indians, all told. This crop, therefore, would have yielded full twentytive bushels to each man, woman and child, including the blanket as weU as the farmer Indians

There were, also, of growing crops, in fitne condition, on the upper reservation, one thousand one hundred and ten acres of com, three hundred acres of potatoes, ninety acres of turnips and nita-bagas, and twelve acres of wheat, and field and garden vegetables in due proportion. These, at a low estimate, would have harvested 85,740 bushels. There were, on the upper reservation, a little over four thousand annuity Sioux. This crop, therefore, would have harvested them about twenty-one bushels for each man, woman and child, including, also, the blanket Indians.

Thus, under the beneficent workings of the humane policy of the Government inaugurated in 1858, they were fast becoming an independent people. Let it be borne ia mmd, however, that these results, so beneficial to the Indian, were accomplished only through the sleepless vigilance and untiring energy of those who had the welfare of these rude, savage beings in their care.

Major Galbraith, after giving these statistics of the crops on the reservations, and the arrangements made for gathering hay, by the Indians, for their winter's use, says:

"I need hardly say tliat our Lopes were high at the prospects before us, nor need I relate my chagrin and mortification when, in a moment, I found these high hopes blasted forever."

Such, then, was the condition, present and prospective, of the "Annuity Sioux Indians," in the summer of 1862. No equal number of pioneer settlers on the border could, at that time, make a better showing than was exhibited on these reservations. They had in fair prospect a surplus over and above the wants of the entire tribes for the coming year. This had never before occurred in their history.

The sagacity and wise forethought of their agent, and the unusually favorable season, had amply provided against the possibility of recurring want. The coming winter would have found their granaries full to overflowing. Add to this the fact that they had a large cash annuity coming to them from the Government, as well as large amounts of goods, consisting of blankets, cloths.

groceries, flour and meats, powder, shot, lead, etc., and we confidently submit to the enlightened reader the whole question of their alleged grievances, confident that there can be but one verdict at their hands, and that the paternal care of the Government over them was good and just; nay, generous, and that those having the immediate supervision of their interests were perfornung their whole duty, honestly and nobly.

The hopes of the philanthropist and Christian beat high. They believed the day was not far distant when it could be said that the Sioux Indians, as a race, not only could be civilized, but that here were whole tribes who tccrc civilized, and had abandoned the chase and the war-jjuth for the cultivation of the soil and the arts of peace, and that the juggleries and sorcery of the medicine-men had been abandoned ior the milder teachings of the missionaries of the Cross.

How these high hopes were dashed to the earth, extinguished in an ocean of blood, and their own bright prospects utterly destroyed, by their horrible and monstrous perfidy and unheard of atrocities, it will be our work, in these pages, to sliow.

We are now rapidly approaching the fatal and bloody denouement, the terrible 18th of August, the memory of which will linger in the minds of the survivors of its tragic scenes, and the succeeding days and weeks of horror and blood, till reason kindly ceases to perform its oifice, and blots out the fearfiil record in the oblivion of the grave.

"About the 25th of June, 1862, a number of the chiefs and head men of the Sissetons and Wapatons visited the Agency and inquired about the payments; whether they were going to get any ( as they had been told, as they alleged, that they would not be paid,) and if so, how much, and when? I answered them that they woiild certainly be paid; exactly how much I could not say, but that it would be nearly, it not quite, ;i full payment; that I did not know when the payment would be made, but that I felt sure it could not be made befoi-e the 20th of July. I advised them to go home, and admonished them not to come back again until I sent for them. I issued provisions, powder and shot and tobacco to them, and they departed.

" In a few days after I went to the Lower Agency, and sjjoke to the lower Indians in regard to their payments. As thev all lived within a few miks of the Agency, little was said, as, when the money came, (liey could be called together in a day. I remained about one week there, visiting the farms and plantings, and issued to the Indians a good supply of pork, flour, powder, shot, and tobacco, and urged upon them the necessity of cutting and securing hay for the winter, and of watching and keeping the birds from their corn.

" I left them apparently satisfied, and arrived at Yellow Medicine on the 14th of July, and found, to my surprise, that nearly all the Upper Indians had arrived, and were encamped about the Agency. I inquired of them why they had come, and they answered, that they were afraid something was wrong; they feared they would not get their money, because white men had been telling them so. "Being in daily expectation of the arrival of the money, I determined to make the best of it^ and notified the Sujjerintendent of Indian Affairs accordingly.

"How were over 4,000 Annuity, and over 1,000 Tanktonais Sioux, with nothing to eat, and entirely dependent on me for supplies, to be provided for? I supplied them as best I could. Our stock was nearly used iip, and still, on the 1st day of August, no money had come.

" The Indians complained of starvation. I held back, in order to save the provisions to the last moment. On the 4th of August, early in the morning, the young men and soldiers, to the number of not less than four hundred mounted, and one hundred and fifty on foot, surprised and deceived the commander of the troops on guard, and surrounded the camp, and proceeded to the warehouse in a boisterous manner, and in sight of, and within one hundred and fifty yards of one hundred armed men, with two twelve-pound mountain howitzers, out down the door of the warehouse, shot down the American flag, and entered the building, and before they could be stopped had carried over one himdred sacks of flour from the warehouse, and were evidently bent on a general 'clearing out.'

"The soldiers, now recovered from their panic, came gallantly to our aid, entered the warehouse and took possession. The Indians all stood around with their guns loaded, cooked and leveled. I spoke to them, and they consented to a talk. The result was, that they agreed, if I would give them plenty of pork and flour, and issue to them the annuity yoods the next day, they would go .away. I told them to go away with enough to eat for two days, and to send the chiefs and head men for a council the nest day, unarmed and peaceably and I would answer them. They assented and went to their camp. In the meantime I had sent for Captain Blar.sh, the commandant of Fort Eidgely, who promptly arrived early in the morning of the next day.

"I laid the whole case before him, and stated my plan. He agreed with me, and, in the afternoon, the Indians, unarmed, and apparently peaceably disposed, came in, and we had a 'talk,' and, in the presence of Captain Marsh, Eev. Mr. Eiggs and others, I agreed to issue the annuity goods and a Qxed amount of provisions, provided the Indians would go home and watch their corn, and wait for the payment until they were sent for. They assented. I made, on the 6th, 7th and 8th of August the issues as agreed upon, assisted by Captain Marsh, and, on the 9th of August the Indians were all gone, and on the 12th I had definite information that the Sissetons, who had started on the 7th, had all arrived at Big Stone Lake, and that the men were preparing to go on a buffalo hunt, and that the women and children were to stay and guard the crops. Thus this threatening and disagreeable event passed off, but, as usual, without the punishment of a single Indian who had been engaged in the attack on the warehouse. They should have been punished, but they were not, and simply because we had not the power to punish them. And hence we had to adopt the same 'sugar-plum' policy which had been so often adopted before with the Indians, and especially at the time of the Spirit Lake massacre, in 1857."

On the 12th day of August, thirty men enlisted at Yellow Medicine; and, on the 13th, accompanied by the agent, proceeded to the Lower Agency, where, on the 14th, they were joined by twenty more, making about fifty in all. On the afternoon of the 15th they proceeded to Fort Kidgely, where they remained imtil the morning of the 17tb, when, having been furnished by Captain Marsh with transportation, accompanied by Lieutenant N. K. Culver, Sergeant McGrew, and four men of Company B, Fifth Minnesota Volunteers,- they started for Fort Snelling by the way of New Ulm and St. Peter, little dreaming of the terrible message, the news of which would reach them at the latter place next day, and turn them back to the defense of that jaost and the border.

at about 4 o'clock P. M. About 6 o'clock, Mr. J. C. Dickinson arrived from the Lower Agency, bringing the startling news that the Lidians Lad broken out, and, before he left, had conunenced murdering the whites.

They at once set about making preparations to return. There were in St. Peter some fifty old Harper's Ferry muskets ; these they obtained, and, ])rocuring ammunition, set about preparing cartridges, at which many of them worked all night, and, at sunrise on Tuesday morning were on their way back, with heavy hearts and dark forebodings, toward the scene of trouble.

In the night Sergeant Sturgis, of Captain Marsh's company, had arrived, on his way to St. Paul, with dispatches to Governor Ramsey, from Lieutenant Thomas Gere, then in command of Fort Ridgely, bringing the sad news of the destruction of Captain Marsh and the most of his command at the ferry, at the Lower Agency, on Monday afternoon. Tbey had but a slender chance of reaching the fort in safety, and still less of saving it from destruction, for they knew that there were not over twentj--five men left in it, Lieutenant Sheehan, with his company, having left for Fort Eipley on the 17th, at the same time that the "Kenville Rangers" (the company from the Agencies) left for Fort Snelling. Their friends, too, were in the very heart of the Indian country. Some of them had left their wives and little ones at Yellow Medicine, midway between the Lower Agency and the wild bands of the Sissetons and Yanktonais, who made the attack upon the warehouse at that Agency only two weeks before. Their hearts almost died within them as they thought of the dreadful fate awaiting them at the hands of those savage and blood-thirsty monstera. But they turned their faces toward the West, determined, if Fort Ridgely was yet imtaken, to enter it, or die in the attempt, and at about siuidown entered the fort, and found all within it as yet safe.

A messenger had been sent to Lieutenant Sheehan, who immediately turned back and had entered the fort a few hours before Dhem. There were in the fort, on their arrival, over two hundred and fifty refugees, principally women and children, and they continued to come in, until there were nearly three hundred.

Here they remained on duty, night and day, uutil the morning of the 28th, when reinforcements, under Colonel McPhail and Captain Anson Northrup and R. H. Chittenden arrived.

The annuity money by Superintendent Thompson had been dispatched to the Agency in charge of his clerk, accompanied by E. A. C. Hatch, J. C. Ramsey, M. A. Daily, and two or three others.

On their arrival at the fort, on Tuesday night. Major Galbraith found these gentlemen there, they having arrived at the post Monday noon, the very day of the outbreak. Had they been one day sooner they would have been at the Lower Agency, and their names would have been added, in all probability, to the long roll of the victims, at that devoted point of Indian barbarity, and about $10,000 in gold would have fallen into the hands of the savages.

These gentlemen were in the fort during the siege which followed, and were among the bravest of its brave defenders. Major Hatch, afterwards of "Hatcli's Battalion" (cavalry), was particulary conspicuous for his cool courage and undaunted bravery.

And notwithstanding all that has been said as to the cause of the outbreak, it may be remarked that the removal of the agent from Yellow Medicine, with the troops raised by him for the Southern Rebellion, at the critical period when the Indians were exasperated and excited, and ready at any moment to arm for warfare upon the whites, was one of the causes acting directly upon the Indians to precipitate the blow that afterwards fell upon the border settlements of Minnesota on the 18th of August, 1862. Had he remained with his family at Yellow Medicine, as did the Winnebago agent, with his family, at the agency, the strong probability is that the attack at Yellow Medicine might have been delayed, if not entirely prevented.