Adair County, Missouri - Chapter 6: County Politics, 1911
From History of Adair County, published 1911. 5,613 words, reproduced complete and unedited. Source changes inside the text are labelled in place.
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5,613 wordsMachine-read from scans of History of Adair County, published 1911. Nothing has been corrected: fixing what looks like a misspelled name is how an invented one gets published. Source changes are marked where they occur.
Chapter 6: County Politics
At the time the county was organized, that is in 1841, the Whip had just come into power under Harrison and Tyler in the National Government, but this national victory of the Whigs had not affect-eel thu Democratic party in its control of Missouri. The Whigs were never a strong party in this state, though they included in their ranks many men of influence and ability. Inasmuch as many of the earliest settlers in Adair County came from Kentucky or the Missouri River counties of this state, it is not at all surprising to find that in its early year* the county was predominantly Democratic in its politics. Prior U« I860 a Whig was occasionally elected to some county office, but that was generally due to the personal popularity of the particular Whig candidate. The true test of the political faith of a community is its vot«- on the Presidential electors, and an examination of those cast between 1844 and 1856 inclusive show that there were about twice as many Democrats in this county during that period as there were Whigs. Sine* 18(H) the county has been regularly Republican according to the above mentioned test, though there have been some county officers elect eu from the ranks of the other parties.
Notwithstanding the fact that the Democrats were the predominant party prior to 18(H) and the Republicans have been since then, county politics have gone through several phases which are of considerable political interest locally.
The long continued supremacy of the Democrats in the state leu to factions within their party, just as it happens with every party thai remains long in power. In the early fifties the Benton and Anti-Benton factions were active throughout the state. It is not known whether Adair County Democracy was divided on the Benton controversy or not, but about the time this controversy was coming on there were two local factions here called Royalists and Anti-Royalists. The Royalistwere led by Wm. H. Parcells and Win. Shocks, and the Anti-Royalist > by A. H. Under anil others. The Presidential election of 185b* served to put the Whig party the country over out of business, and the Republican party which put forth its national ticket for the first time that year had not as yet established itself throughout the Union. In this demoralized condition of the opposition, the Democratic party in this county found itself with practically a clear field from 1856 to I860, and frequently the only candidates for local offices that were in the race were Rovalist and Anti-Rovalist Democrats.
With the coming on of the war the political complexion of the state and county quickly changed. The Republican party rapidly organized itself and got control of the affairs of the nation in 1860 and of the state of Missouri in 1862. Rut in a very short time the Republican party in Mssouri split into two wings, the Radicals and the Liberals. The issue which started the cleavage was the question of emancipating the slaves in the state. The emancipation proclamation of Lincoln issued on January 1, 1863, did not apply to Missouri. Inasmuch as there were many people in the state who favored the emancipation of the slaves in Missouri, Governor Gamble called a state convention on June 15 of that year. This convention proceeded to pass an ordinance which provided for the gradual emancipation of the slaves of the state. This measure proved unsatisfactory to that element in the Republican party which wanted immediate emancipation. This element known as the Radicals proceeded to make an attempt to secure the immediate emancipation of the slaves of the state by way of urging President Lincoln to extend his proclamation so as to include Missouri. Failing in this they set to work to carry the elections in the state in 1864, and they succeeded. After coming into power in that year, they provided for another state convention which met in January, 1865 and which passetl at once an ordinance for the immediate emancipation of the slaves in Missouri. In addition to this, this convention felt itself authorized to draft a new state constitution to take the place of the old one adopted in 1820. There was therefore drawn up and submitted to the people what was popularly known as the "Drake Constitution," because of the prominent part which Senator Drake took in its passage. Because of the test oath which resulted in the disfranchisement of those who had taken any part in the civil war against the government or who had shown any sympathy for the southern cause, a great storm of protest arose against this constitution after it went into effect. The split which had started between the Radicals and Lil)erals over the immediate emancipation issue widened over the disfranchisement issue.
The breach between the two elements had not come to a separation of forces. Party organization was yet maintained with the Radicals in control. Some of the Radical leaders recognized that a mistake had been made in the rigor of the "Drake Constitution," and Governor
Fletcher recommended to the legislature that the objectionable section in this constitution should be repealed, but before the legislature could act the Supreme Court of the United States decided in January. 1867 that this section was unconstitutional. The Radicals who were in control of the party now sought to maintain themselves in power and proceeded to pass through the legislature in January, 1868 a registry law which created a Board of Registration for each county which had ful. powers in revising the voting lists. Their schemes brought them success in the election of 1868, but by the time the next biennial election came the tide had turned against the Radicals.
This change came about this way. The legislature had in 186'.* passed certain amendments to the state constitution eliminating many of the objectionable features in the sections on suffrage and ordered them submitted to the people at the regular election in 1870. When the Republican state convention met it was found to be controlled by the Radicals who nominated McClurg for re-election as Governor and refused to endorse the amendments to the state constitution. This led to a schism in the party, the first one since the issue had been raised between the Radicals and Liberals. The Liberal delegates in the convention withdrew from it and nominated B. Gratz Brown for Governor and endorsed the constitutional amendments. The result was there were two tickets in the field, the Radical and Liberal Republican tickets. Through the assistance given the Liberals by the few Democrat* that were allowed to vote, the Liberal ticket was carried as also were the constitutional amendments. The adoption of these amendment > opened up the polls again to all Democrats in the state, so that in 1872 they came back into power and retained it for nearly forty years.
The course of political events in the state just related involved all the counties of the state that were Republican. In Adair County t hefirst traces of a Republican party are to be found in the year 1860. John Gill, Isham B. Doelson, D. S. Hejoper, A. H. Linder, John Richey and Dr. R. H.Browne were among the organizers and early leaders oi that party. In the Presieiential ejection of that year, 185 votes were cast in the county for Lincoln, 293 for Bell, 339 for Breckenridge, and 616 for Douglas. This vote shows what strength the Republicans had gained by the time the first political contest came on after their organization. By 1862 the county went Republican; in that year the majority of votes cast for Congressman, State Senator, and Representative were Republican. In 1863 the majority of votes cast for Circuit Juelge, Probate Judge and Supreme Judges were Republican, as was also the majority of votes in the special election of January, 1864 on
Democratic Meeting National Debt
Circuit Judge. The constitution of 1805 was carried in the county by an overwhelming vote of 569 to 25. but the vote cast was far from a full one. This is seen in the fact that in the year previous nearly !<W votes had been cast on all sides, while a little less than 600 were ca>- in 1865.
As far as the evidence available shows, the struggle between tin- Radical and Liberal Republicans did not arise in this county until after the constitution of 1865 was adopted and the disfranchising laws wen enforced. There were never many slaves in this county, the census n: 1860 giving only 86, so that the interest in the question of gradual or immediate emancipation does not appear to have stirred up much feeling. Rut the enforcement of the measures of disfranchisement miK have aroused a good deal of feeling. The campaigns during the year* 1868-72 were quite lively, as they were everywhere in the state. rv> overwhelmed was the Democratic party in the county it did not put out a county ticket in any of these campaigns. Those Democrats thai were allowed to vote at all generally voted with the Liberal Republicans and some of the Democratic demonstrations during the campaigns were in behalf of the Liberal Republicans.
The campaign of 1868 opened quite early. On Washington* birthday the Democrats held a county mass meeting in Kirksville to which were invited all who were "opposed to Negro Equality and Congressional Usurpations/' and who were ''in favor of the payment of the National Debt in Greenbacks, equal taxation, abrogation of the te>t oath, and securing to all the states of the Union their rights under the Federal Constitution." In March the Radicals held a county mass meeting in Kirksville which adopted resolutions declaring that then were only two parties in the county, loyal and disloyal, and endorsing Congress for confiding the reconstruction of the South to the loyai party. These resolutions also approved the impeachment of President Johnson. The battle of Kirksville was celebrated on its sixth anniversary, August 6, and seems to have been made a decided political demonstration for the Radicals. As the campaign drew to a close a great debate was held in Kirksville between the Democrats and the Radicals. It lasted a whole day, J. F. Benjamin (Radical) and J. F Williams (Democrat) speaking in the morning, and Senator C. D. Drake (Radical) and John S. Phelps (Democrat) in the afternoon. Senator Drake was the man after whom the so called "Drake Constitution was named, and John S. Phelps was the Democratic candidate for governor.
speeches made by Senator Carl Schurz and B. Gratz Brown, the Liberal Republican candidate for Governor, in behalf of the cause of the Liberal party. It will be recalled that the Liberals and Radicals had sej>- arate state tickets in the field which included candidates for Congress, the State Senate and the House of Representatives as well as candidates for Governorship and other offices in the state. But in the county the Radicals were in control of the county organization, and as far as can be learned there were no Liberal candidates for any of the county offices except possibly the sheriff. The contest in the county was waged over the state officers, Congressmen, State Senator and Representative. The result was a great victory for the Radicals, as a majority vote for the Radical candidates for Governor and other state officers ranged from 125 to 175, but the result as regards the State Senate and House of Representatives was divided. Dr. R. H. Browne, the Liberal candidate for the State Senate carried the county by 15, and D. S. Hooj>er, the Radical candidate for the House was elected by a majority of 61. No record has been found regarding the vote in the county on the constitutional amendments.
The two Republican papers of the county were divided on the issues of the election. The Tribune, edited by F. S. Hoag, was Liberal, while the Journal, edited by Pickler and Gill, was Radical.
The constitutional amendments that had been carried in 1870 had their effect upon the registration for 1872. In 1870 only 1050 had been able to register in this county, while in 1872 there were 2574. Some hope was placed in this enlarged registration removing the Radical majority of 1870, but this was not realized.
The Democrats got into the contest for the county offices in 1872 for the first time since the war began. They did so under the cover of Independent County Ticket which was headed by Win. H. Parcells for Representative. On this ticket were placed a few Liberal Republicans, but the majority of the candidates were Democrats.
The Republican ticket was filled up with Radicals, and after a bitter campaign the Radicals were successful in the county, carrying everything by majorities ranging from 185 to 537.
It will be remembered that in this year (1872) the Democrats regained the control of the state. This marked the end of the contest Iwtween the Radical and Liberal Republicans. All of their forces were needed to oppose the triumphant Democracy. Because of the special strength of the Radical Republicans prior to 1872, all Republicans were known for a long time after that year as "Rads" or "Radicals." By 1874 a reaction had set in against partisan politics in the state, which took shape in the formation of a People's Party made up largely of men from both the Democratic and Republican parties. This parly held a state convention in September and nominated a state ticket heading it with Major Wm. Gentry of Pettis County for Governor. In this convention Dr. A. H. John of Adair County was a very influential figure. The platform which this party issued condemned the practice of selecting state and local officers upon national issues and demanded efficiency and honesty on the part of state and local officials. Thi? movement was so strong in the state that the Republican party in itstate convention a few weeks later decided not to get out a separate ticket but to support the People's Ticket instead. This action had been foreseen by the Republicans throughout the state, and action had been taken by the Republican County Convention of Adair County condemning this procedure and demanding that the state convention should put out a Republican ticket. The Democratic state convention had met a week earlier than the People's Party state convention and had put out a state ticket.
Prior to any of these state conventions the People's Party in Adair County held a county convention and nominated candidates for county offices, some of whom were Democrats and some Republicans. S.i strong was the sentiment in the county in favor of this movement that both the Democratic and Republican county organizations decided not to put into the field separate tickets. After that decision wareached a number of men announced themselves as independent candidates for some of the county offices, so that a lively contest ensued for these offices.
The election came on with two state tickets in the field, the Democratic and the People's, and with a People's county ticket and a few independent candidates for county offices in the field. The result wathe election of the Democratic ticket throughout the state, and the election of some of the People's county ticket in this county and a few of the independent candidates. Among those elected on the Peopled ticket in the county were J as. Marquess, Representative; B. F. Heiny. County Clerk; H. W. Snyder, Treasurer; James Ellison, Prosecuting Attorney. Those elected on the Independent ticket were D. C. Pierce. Circuit Clerk, and J. D. Miller, Sheriff. In the outcome the Republicans fared batter than the Democrats, as all but Pierce and Ellison were Republicans.
When the campaign first began, the North Missouri Register, the only Democratic paper in the county, favored the state ticket of the People's Party. Later in the campaign the editor, Major Gillespie, forsook that party ami supported the Democratic state ticket. He was charged by his political enemies as having changed because of his disappointment in not getting the nomination for a certain office, hut he claimed he had changed because he thought the People's party was being used by the Republicans as a tool.
In 1875 the present constitution of the state was carried in the county hy a very close vote, 475 for and 440 against. In Benton township tike vote was 200 for and 217 against. The contest in the county was a bitter one and was kept up for some time after the election was over. Much of the opposition came from the "Radicals."
The campaign of 1876 was marked with a decided regularity of party organizations and candidates throughout the county and the state. The Presidential campaign made this regularity almost a necessity. The Democrats were too weak, however, to carry the day in the county though they elected the state ticket in Missouri and claimed they elected Tilden as President. The strength of the Republican party in the county is seen in their majorities which ran from 387 to 448.
The campaign of 1878 is noteworthy because of the combination made between the Democrats and the Greenbackers, and the victories they won in the contest for county offices with the Republicans. The (ireenback party was organized as a national party in 1874 and was in the field with a Presidential ticket in 1870. It got its name from the main principle it advocated - the payment of the national debt in whole or in part in greenbacks - a matter which had been agitated ever since the close of the war. The party was made up generally everywhere of the dissatisfied element of both parties, and in Missouri it may be considered the successor of the People's party that held forth in 1874. Inasmuch as it was the third party it usually made alliances in the different counties with the weaker of the two parties. In Adair County that meant an alliance with the Democratic party. It can hardly be >aid to have been in the field in the county prior to this campaign, as Peter Cooper, the Presidential candidate in 1876 got only 21 votes in the entire county.
The Greenback County Convention put out a ticket made up of men who had been or were yet either Democrats or Republicans. Of the twelve men named for the various offices, four were Democrats, six Republicans, and one Independent. Care was taken so that the candidates came from different parts of the county and not from any one part.
utive committee included a good many men who had long maintains! active connection with the Republican and Democratic parties. Anion-: them were A. H. Linder, W. Halladay. Robert Moore, Ja.s. Berry, A M. Gregg, M. G. Clem, (). B. Milliken, Thomas Simmons, K. Minter Polk Morelock, Jacob Halladay, (). H. Bccman, and others.
The Republican party got out its regular ticket, and the raee for Circuit Clerk was made a three cornered affair by D. C. Pierce announcing himself as an Independent candidate for re-election.
The election resulted in the divided victory, each party electine some of its candidates. The Republicans elected Representative. County Clerk, Circuit Clerk, Sheriff and Collector, with majorities ranging from 0 to 1122 only. The Greenbaekers elected County Court Judges, Probate Judge, Treasurer, Assessor and Coroner. P. F. Greenwood, Independent candidate for Prosecuting Attorney, won his race
The Grange movement was undoubtedly responsible for much u: the unevenness of politics during the seventies. This movement began to get started in 1873 and professed to be solely for the purpose of pnn tecting the farmers against extortion on the part of manufacturers o: farming implements, and of merchants, wholesale and retail. It waagainst the constitution of this order for it to enter the field of politic* and hence no ticket was ever put out as a Grange ticket, but the local lodges exercised an important influence in politics by passing resolution* which promised support to those belonging to the Grange and condemning those who did not. There is no doubt but that the victories of the People's party ticket in 1874 and of the Greenbaek-Democratir party ticket in 1878 were partly due to the fermentation which the Grange had caused in its discussions and agitations.
The campaign of 1880 was carried on in the county with three separate tickets in the field. Republican, Greenback and Democratic. The alliance between the Greenbaekers and Democrats in 1878 could nut be sustained when a national canvass was on. There was considerable feeling between the Democrats and Greenbaekers because of the split that had taken place, and this made the Republican victory all the more decided in the county.
The campaign was noted for torchlight processions, big rallie*. flag poles and campaign songs set to familiar tunes. These features continued to increase in use for several years, the noisiest campaign being that of 1884 in all probability.
The campaign of 1882 was marked with the same party regularity of 1880. Three tickets were in the field as then. The county election resulted in a Republican victory for all the offices except the county judge for the first district. Geo. Xovinger, Democrat, was elected to That office. The Republican majority was considerably reduced, howover in the county, which was in keeping with the general trend throughout the nation, and as kind of prophecy of the sweeping Democratic victory of the following campaign.
In 1884 the Democrats and Greenbackers arranged a fusion ticket once more for the campaign in this county. The plan had been originally to have separate tickets, but inasmuch as several of the men nominated hy the Democratic county convention refused to make the race, jt was felt best by the leaders of the party to attempt fusion with th - Greenbackers. who were clearly affiiliated with the Knights of Labor. After some effort a complete ticket was made out for all the county offices, and this went under the name of People's Ticket.
The Republicans held a primary to decide on their candidates, and this seems to be the first primary that had been in the county since 1S70. The usual method had been to select candidates by county conventions, but this was objected to so much because of the deals that could be made, so that a primary was held to decide who should be nominees. As far as is known the Republicans have almost uniformly selected their nominees in this county by the primaries. They have at times been rather warm, as they have been frequently considered the real elections.
The outcome in 1884 was a great Republican victory in the county, ( very office being filled by Republicans. The majority cast for Blaine was WW. and for the county officers from 4 to 446. G. W. Novinger, Democratic-Greenback candidate for re-election for county judge, came within 4 of getting the office.
The course of this campaign has already been noted. The jubilee \M by the Democrats of the county over the great national Democratic victory was al>out as noisy as any of the rallies which had been held 'luring the campaign. Some feeling was aroused because of the demonstration, but good sense finally prevailed and no bad results followed.
Hy 1886 the Greenback party was out of the field, in this county at least, and the campaign was waged between the Republicans and Democrats. The result was the usual Republican victory, with majorities ranging from 29 to 487.
The campaign of 1888 saw the advent of the Prohibitionists in tin* fHd of county politics. The party had a state organization and put <»ut a state ticket. It was not strong enough to put out an entire county ticket, but it carried on an agitation in favor of temperance that was quite out of proportion to the vote cast for the few candidates that made the race in the county. The principal contest was between the Dem-
The campaign of 1890 will be long remembered as one of the 11101 interesting local campaigns in the history of the county. It came ::i another "off year" and resulted in the defeat of the entire Republican county ticket, save one candidate. The movement which led to thb defeat seems to have gotten started from the dissatisfaction which aro* over the results of the Republican primary which was held on June I" for the county offices. When the returns came in it was found that a large majority of the candidates that had been nominated were from Kirksville and Benton township. This was particularly displeasing k< the farmers of the Republican party, and since the Farmers' Alliance a kind of recrudescence of the Grange, was at that time completing it> organization, their displeasure proved fatal to the ticket. The result was that a mass meeting of the farmers was called in Kirksville to consider the situation. This mass meeting decided that there should !*- a county convention composed of five delegates from each township in the county, which should decide on what should be done about getting out another ticket. Such a movement as this was not allowed to go on without being taken advantage of by the Democrats. But just when they began to take advantage of this situation is not clear. In other words, it is not clear whether they were the instigators of the mass meeting which met as a result of the Republican primary, or whether they fell in with the movement after it got started. At any rate, the situation was not allowed to go by without advantage being taken of the opportunity.
The County Convention met as it had been arranged for, and a Farmers' Ticket was put up. This ticket was dubbed at once by the editor of the Journal, the leading Republican paper of the county. the "Dick and Dave Ticket.'' The name was coined from the circumstance that David A. Ely was chairman of the convention and Richard M. Brashear was chairman of the committee that was appointed by the chair to bring in the nominees for the county offices. The ticket was made up of Republicans and Democrats who would be sure to bring it considerable strength.
The campaign was indeed a lively one. The Farmers' Alliance held meetings in the different school houses of the county and invited the candidates on the Farmers' Ticket to come and speak to them. Gen. James B. Weaver of Iowa, made a speech in Kirksville in September during the campaign.
In the campaign of 1892 the Populist party, which had taken definite form by that time, put up a county ticket composed very largely of men who had been successful on the Farmers' Ticket in 1890. The Democratic county organization endorsed this ticket, but many Democrats fought it during the campaign. The result was a complete defeat for the Populist ticket and the return of the Republicans to office in the county.
Nationally the Democrats had gained a sweeping victory, gaining the Presidency and both houses of Congress, something they had not l>een able to do since the war. The jubilee among the Democrats the country over was great and Adair County Democracy ratified the victory in a manner which expressed their pleasure in the matter.
This election is marked by the first use of the Australian ballot system in this state. Prior to that time voting had been done by ballots privately printed and distributed among poll workers. This system was open to a great deal of abuse and tickets could be altered or fixed so that unwary persons would vote the wrong ticket in part or in whole. Not only that but a poll worker could accompany the voter to the polls and see that the ballot that had been prepared was oast. The possibilities for the buying of votes were unlimited. The Australian system has eliminated many of the evils of the old system.
In 1894 only a partial alliance was maintained between the Democrats and the Populists in the county. There were really two separate tickets wit h identical candidates for about four of the county offices. The Republicans again won the day with pluralities ranging from 184 to 1188. Had there been a union of the entire strength of the two parties that had been in harmonious alliance two years before, the result would have been different.
The Free Silver campaign of 1896 was, according to the testimony of the older citizens, the bitterest campaign since the war. It was begun quite early. On February 22 the Republicans celebrated the fiftieth anniversary of the birth of their party. Speeches were made by S. M. Pickler, John R. Musick, and A. N. Seaber. The fusion of the Democrats and Populists on the national ticket and the whirlwind campaign that was carried on by Bryan made it appear as though they would carry the day. Locally the Democrats and Populists fused on county candidates. The Republicans got out a campaign paper entitled "American Progress," which advocated "sound money." About twenty-five men guaranteed the expense of the publication of the sev-
One incident that occurred at Kirksville had a good deal of effort in the state campaign. In the course of his speech at Kirksville, R. E Lewis, Republican candidate for Governor, made some remarks about the custom of Judge Bryan, the father of the Presidential candidate, in opening his court with prayer. Democrats said that Lewis spoke of this in such a way as to ridicule the Judge and his custom, but this \v:l» denied by the Republicans. However, the story got wide circulation and served to add to the bitterness of feeling on all sides.
The outcome locally was the election of all the Republican candidates for county offices except the Treasurer and County Judge of th< Second District, which were captured by the fusionists or Popo-Demoerats, as they were called.
In 1898 there were three separate tickets, Democratic, Republican, and People's Party tickets. The Republicans won a complete victory in the county with pluralities ranging from 33 to 687. The Populi-t vote ran about 300.
In 1900 the People's party split, one section fusing with the Democrats, the other section running a ticket of its own under the name of the Progressive People's Party. The Republicans won as usual.
In 1902 the three tickets were Republican, Democratic, and Allied Party. Two Democrats were elected, R. M. Miller as Recorder, and Jos. Crow as Treasurer. Cooley (Republican) defeated Greenwood (Democrat) for Prosecuting Attorney by 20 votes only.
The Folk campaign of 1904 will go down in history as one of tinmost interesting in the annals of the state. The success of Jos. \Y. Folk as Circuit Attorney of St. Louis in prosecuting boodlers and briberin that city, and the unearthing of bribery in the state legislature aroused the conscience of the people to such an extent that, contrary to the wishe> of the party organization of the Democratic party, Folk was nominated for Governor. The control of the state convention was secured through primaries or mass conventions in the various precincts of the counties. In these primaries or mass conventions delegates were elected to 1 he county conventions, and in the county conventions delegates to the state convention were elected. Through the selection of Folk men to the county conventions delegates to the state convention were secured who supported him. In Adair County mass conventions were held, and the count v convention that met in June was dominated bv Folk men. By that time the Folk movement had grown so in the state that his nomination was already conceded. The outcome of the campaign in the .state that fall was the election of Folk, but the defeat of all the other Democratic candidates for state offices and the defeat of the Democratic electors for the President.
In Adair County there were that year the usual three tickets in ::n' field, the Republican, Democratic and People's Party tickets. The p'Milt was the usual Republican victory. While Folk did not carry the oointv he ran way ahead of his ticket.
In 1906 the People's Party disappeared from the field. In its place apjH ared the Socialist Party. That year it had candidates for t he legislature ami for township offices in Nineveh township. This party polled 1 10 votes for Representative, most of them coming from Nineveh township, as niieht he expected from the large industrial population at Connelsville and Novinger. In the contest the Republicans won all the county
In 1908 there were four tickets in the local field, Democratic, Republican, Socialist and Prohibition. In this election, it will be recalled, T:tft defeated Bryan in Missouri by a small plurality, and Hadley was -l'-eted (lovernor. but the Democratic candidates for the other state offices were elected. In this county the only Democratic county officer - lf*(»'(l was J. E. Rieger for Prosecuting Attorney.
In 1910 there were four tickets as in 1908, and this time three Democrats were elected to county offices: G. F. Lowrance, Recorder; A. P. Hopson, County Judge at large; and Jacob Shoop, County Judge i«»r District No. 1 . This makes the County Court Democratic for the first time since 1877. In that year the Governor appointed three county judges I" serve under the provisions of the new law that had been passed reiTganizing the county courts. With that exception the county court has not been Democratic since the war, and this has been the first time the court has been Democratic by election since the war.
2. That fusions were frequently made between the Democrats and some third party during the "off years," and sometimes with notable access, as in 1878 and 1890.
Provenance
Text from History of Adair County, published 1911, in the public domain in the United States and digitised by the Internet Archive.