Clay County, Missouri - History Of. the County from 1822 to 1830, 1885 (part 2 of 4)
From History of Clay and Platte Counties, Missouri;, published 1885. 15,912 words, reproduced complete and unedited. Source changes inside the text are labelled in place.
Contents
11 sectionsThe section headings the book prints inside this chapter. Each one jumps to where it begins.
- Negro Killing
- The Political Canvass Of 1848
- Census Of 1848 The Jackson Resolutions
- From 1850 To The Troubles In Kansas
- The California Gold Fever
- The Political Canvass Of 1850
- The Smithville Tuadegy Of 1854
- During The Kansas Troubles Up To 1861
- During The Troubles In Kansas
- Kansas Meeting
- Arsenal, December 4, 1855
Parts
The book prints this as one long chapter. It is split here so no single page grows too heavy to load; the text runs continuously across the parts and nothing is omitted.
The text
15,912 wordsMachine-read from scans of History of Clay and Platte Counties, Missouri;, published 1885. Nothing has been corrected: fixing what looks like a misspelled name is how an invented one gets published. Source changes are marked where they occur.
December 26, 1846, the first railroad meeting in aid of the Hannibal & St. Joseph railroad was held at Liberty. E. M. Samuel was chairman. A general meeting was called to meet at Fayette, March 8, 1847, " to consider the propriety of building a railroad from Hannibal to some point on the Missouri river," and the following named delegates were appointed from Clay county : Thomas W. DcCourcey, A. H. F. Payne, Walter S. Watkins, E. M. Samuel, Graham L. Hughes and Col. Henry L. Routt.
In the winter of 1847, when the old Masonic College was to be removed from Marion county, a strong effort was made to have it located at Liberty. The people worked hard for it. Even the ladies turned out, held meetings, made speeches themselves, and subscribed handsomely. The college was located at Lexington, however.
In the winter and early spring of 1848 a temperance wave struck Liberty and rolled from thence over the entire county, bearing along many, but unfortunately not washing away all the whisky. A lodge of the Sons of Temperance was organized at Liberty March 13, with Col. H. L. Routt as H. P. ; Benj. Hayes, W. A. ; H. M. Jones, R. S. ; J. W. Ringo, F. S., and Isaac Palmer, treasurer. The lodge numbered 65 members, some of whom were among the most prominent citizens of Liberty. A large temperance celebration was held under the direction of the lodge in May.
It was some time in the first few years of tiie decade beginning with 1840 that the ninrder of Chavez, a wealtliy Spanish-Mexican, occurred. Chavez was a merchant and trader of Santa Fe, who had a branch house at Independence. At the time of his murder he was on his way from New Mexico to Missouri, and had several thousand dollars in his possession, chiefly in Spanish doubloons.
A party in Liberty was organized to go out on the Santa Fe trail, along which Chavez was known to be coming, and intercept him and his party and murder and i%b thorn. This was done at a point neav the crossing of the Arkansas river. Chavez was murdered and his money, or a large portion of it, was found secreted in one of the axles of a wagon.
Developments led to the arrest of several parties in Liberty and their trial in the United States court at St. Louis. John McDauiel, a young clerk of Liberty, was convicted and hung. Further particulars are not well enough remembered to be stated with exactness.
Negro Killing
In August, 1848, two negro slaves had an affray at Liberty Landing, which resulted in the death of one of them. The particulars are thus briefly given in the current number of the Tribune: -
On Saturday evening last a dispute arose between two negro men, at Liberty, the property of Robert Thompson and John D. Ewing, which resulted in the death of the negro belonging to Mr. T. On Monday morning the negro man of Mr. Ewing was tried before Justice Tillcry and committed for further trial.
The black man of Mr. J. D. Ewing, of this county, charged with nmrder of Mr. Robert Thompson's black man, had his trial on Monday last and was sentenced to receive 39 lashes and transported out of the State.
In the summer of 1848 one Thomas Haggerty was arrested and imprisoned in the Liberty jail on a charge of horse-stealing. He sent for Col. Alex. W. Doniphan to defend him. It is related that Col. Doniphan said to the prisoner: "It is very hard to clear a horse thief. It is far easier to acquit him of murder. There is more of bias and prejudice against men who steal horses than against men who take human life."
Though this was not meant for ;i hint that he should commit murder, Haggerty acted upon it as such, and the same night fell upon another inmate of the jail, a negro, and wantonly murdered him, outright, in cold blood, and without any sort of provocation whatever. The negro was named "Tom" Lincoln, and was temporarily placed in the jail for safe keeping, preparatory to being sent South and sold to the cotton planters. Haggerty was indicted for murder, but in March, 1849, escaped from jail, went to California, and was never recaptured: He wrote one letter to Col. Doniphan, however, and detailed the manner of his escape.
The annexation of Texas was the alleged cause of the declaration of war by Mexico against the United States in April, 1846, but the more immediate cause was the occupation by the American army of the disputed territory lying between the rivers Nueces and Rio Grande. May 1^5, 1846, a counter-declaration by the American Congress was made, that " a state of war exist between the United States and Mexico."
President Polk called on Gov. Edwards of this State for a regiment of volunteers to join Gen. Kearney's " Army of the West." There was a hearty response from all quarters of Missouri, and, as in all other wars through which the country has passed. Clay county bore her full part.
May 30, 1846, a war meeting was held at Liberty. J. T. V. Thompson was chairman. Speeches were made, it was resolved to I'aise a company for the war, and a number of volunteers put down their names at once. As the company was to be mounted and a-number of volunteers had no horses and were unable to buy them, a committee, composed of J. M. Hughes, M. M. Samuels, Alvin Lightburn and J. T. V. Thompson, were appointed to raise means to mount such volunteers as were unable to mount themselves.
As reported in the Tribune there was a generous and hearty subscription. James M. Hughes gave $100 in cash. A. Lightburn, W. H. Wymer, S. McGauhey, J. C. Christy, Garlichs & Hale each gave $20; Clark & Wilson, $25, and other parties smaller sums. Col. J. T. V. Thompson gave four horses, E. M. Samuel, two, and A. Lightburn, John R. Keller, Robt. Walker, Joseph Courtney, Garrard Long, Samuel Hadley, E. D. Murray, R. Neally and Robt. Atkins each subscribed one horse.
all parts of this county, but from other counties. More men offered themselves than could be accepted. By the 6th of June the roll was full and the company left for Ft. Leavenworth, the place of rendezvous. They arrived the same evening, were mustered into service the next day, and immediately went into camp.
For some time it had been understood that one of Clay county's honored and most honorable citizens, Gen. Alex. W. Doniphan, would in all probability be the colonel of the regiment making up at Leavenworth. He was pushed forward for the position by the people of Clay of all parties and shades of opinion, and nothing was left undone by them to attain for him this distinction. The colonel of the regiment was to be designated by election, every member having a vote. All the electioneering therefore had to be among the volunteers. One specimen of how this was done may here be given.
Capt. John W. Reid's company, of Saline county, marched through to Leavenworth, via Liberty. When they reached Liberty the citizens received them and took excellent care of them. In a journal of M. B. Edwards, a member of the company, published a year or two since, ^ and detailing the experiences of his company, appears the following: -
Sunday, June 7, Liberty, Clay county, was reached. Here the company was well entertained, given suppers, beds, and breakfast at the hotels, excellent pasture and forage for the horses, and shown every attention. But although it may be wrong to impugn the good actions of the people of Lil)erty, I was rather disposed to attribute their conduct more to policy tlian to patriotism, for Hon. A. W. Doniphan, a prominent and popular citizen of the place, has declared himself a candidate for colonel of the regiment to which we are to be attached !
The election of field officers came off at Leavenworth, July 19 ; Gen. Doniphan was elected colonel, C. F. Ruff, lieutenant-colonel, and Wni. Gilpin, major. Doniphan and Ruff were both of Clay county; Gilpin was from Jackson. Col. Ruff resigned September 17, following his election, and was appointed captain in the regular army. He was a rigid disciplinarian, too strict for the volunteers, and on that account very unpopular with them. Col. Congreve Jackson, of Howard county, succeeded Ruff as lieutenant-colonel.
At the time of his election as commander of the First Missouri Col. Doniphan was 38 years of age. He had, however, commanded it brigade of militia during the Mormon War, and unlike many another " colonel," had before " set a squadron in the field," and knew gunpowder from black sand. He, too, was a Whig, but his Democratic soldiers voted for him, and Gov. Edwards and President Polk gladly commissioned him. It was a singular fact, moreover, that while the Whigs, as a party, opposed the Mexican War, perhaps a majority of the Americans who fought in it were Whigs. It came to be called a Democratic war, and a AVhig fight. Gens. Scott and Taylor were prominent Whigs, as were other general officers. Of the 114 men which at fii'st composed the Clay county company, 90 were Whigs and oniv 24 were Democrats.
June 23, a delegation of citizens of the county, a large number of whom were ladies, went up from Libert^', on the steamer Missouri Mail, to Forth Leavenworth and presented the Clay county company with a beautiful flag. Mrs. Hannah O. Cunningham, wife of Prof. Oliver Cunningham, made the presentation address, and Capt. O. P. Moss responded. The flag was of silk, made by the ladies themselves, and bore the motto : " 77<e love of country is the love of God." As the day was rainy and the ground where the company had assembled was unfavorable, the presentation was made on the hurricane' deck of the boat.
The flag was carried safely through the war, brought home, and was unfortunately consumed in the fire which destroyed the court-house, in 1857. The flag had been deposited in the building for safe keeping.
The services rendered the country by Col. Doniphan and his regiment need not here be enumerated. Other volumes have been devoted to them, and they are read and known by every school boy who studies the history of his country, The remarkable expedition to Santa Fe and thence to Chihuahua won tiie plaudits of the American people, the commendations of military chieftains and the admiration of mankind.^
After a stay of 20 days Doniphan's regiment left Fort Leavenworth Friday, June 26, 1846, for Santa Fe, New Mexico, which place it reached August 18. En route, two Clay county men, James Choru and Hon. Thos. McCarty, took prisoner a son of the Mexican General Salazar, a remarkable feat under the circumstances. At Santa Fe Willard P. Hall (then member of Congress elect) volunteered in Capt. Hudson's company, and accompanied Gen. Kearney to California.
The Clay company took part in the engagements at the Bracito, December 25, 1846, and at Sacramento, February 28, 1847, and then marched on into old Mexico.
Of the engagement at Sacramento, wherein, as is reported, and has been frequently published, only two Americans were killed (Maj. Samuel Owens, of Independence, who was not a soldier, and A. A. Kirkpatrick, of Capt. Walton's Lafayette company), while more than tliree hundred Mexicans were slain, - of this phenomenal battle, Gcu. Taylor was pleased to say in orders : - the 28th of February, near the city-of Chihuahua. A columu of Missouri volunteers, less than a thousand strong, with a light field battery, attacked a Mexican force, many times their superior in numbers, in an entrenched position, captured its artillery and baggage, and defeated it with great loss. * * * By command of
The vast superiority of tiie Anglo-Saxon race, though only one to four, carried all before them, and the battle was decided, though not finished, in an hour after it began. The battle of Sacramento was fought on the 28th of February, 1847. After the battle Doniphan took possession of the city of Chihuahua, and capital of the State, containing a population of 25,000 souls.
On the 24th of April, 1847, after remaining in Chihuahua two months, the regiment was ordered home, which news was received joyfully, and the men began their march for Missouri on the 26th of April, 1847, moving down into Mexico, to Gen. Wool's headquarters, where they were dischai-ged, their yearof service having expired. Upon being mustered out and receiving their pay, they marched to the seaboard.
On the 5th of June, 1847, Doniphan's regiment left Mexico for the United States, arriving at New Orleans on the 15th. Before it left Mexico it received the following very complimentary mention from Brig. Geu. Wool, cojumanding division : -
I. The general commanding takes great pleasure in expressing the gratification he has received this afternoon in meeting the Missouri volunteei"s. They are about to close their present term of military service, after having rendered, in the course of the arduous duties they have been called upon to perform, a series of highly important services, crowned by decisive and glorious victories. No troops can point to a more brdliant career than those commanded by Col. Doniphan, and none will ever hear of the l)attles of Bracito and Sacramento without a feeling of admiration for the men who gained them. The State of Missouri has just cause to be proud of tiie achievements of the men who represented her in the army against Mexico, and she will, no doubt, receive them on their return with all the joy and satisfaction to which a due appreciation of their merits and services so justly entitles them. In bidding them adieu, the general wishes to Col. Doniphan, his oflicers and men, a happy return to their families and homes. By command of
After an interesting experience of a homeward voyage, a grand reception at St. Louis, the survivors reached their Missouri homes. The Clay county company arrived at home about the 1st of Jul}', and on the 15th were given a grand public reception and dinner in a grove, a little southeast of Liberty. There was a large procession in charge of Col. J. T. v. Thompson as marshal. Col. H. L. Routt delivered an address of welcome to the soldiers, and this address was responded to by Col. Doniphan. Other speakers were Gen. David R. Atchison and Hon. James H. Birch. The dinner was a magniticent affair. One' cake was five feet in height, and the baker was Miss Mary Dale, now Mrs. John Morris. There were present thousands of people, one of the largest concourses that ever assembled in Libert}'.
Not all of the volunteers returned. John M. Finley died at El Paso, of typhoid fever, aged 21. Wm. Duncan was another that died in New Mexico, at Bent's Fort. John D. Leard was shot by Ben. W. Marsh at the Valverde crossing of the Rio del Norte. Marsh was tried by court-martial but acquitted. James Wills died en route to Chihuahua, below El Paso. Gideon Wood was slightly wounded at the battle of Bracito.
The Political Canvass Of 1848
This being the year of a Presidential election, politics engrossed a considerable portion of the attention of our people, and Whigs and " Locofocos," - as the Democrats were nicknamed - were vigilant and enthusiastic in the support of their parties.
The candidates for Governor were James S. Rollins, Whig, and Austin A. King, Democrat ; for Congress, Edward M. Samuel, Whig, of Clay, and AVillard P. Hall, Democrat, of Buchanan. The vote at the August election in this county was as follows : -
Early in the year 1847 a movement was started in the country by the Whigs to make Gen. Zachary Taylor, then commanding the armies of the United States in Mexico, a candidate for President. The movement was popular, grew in public favor month by month, and at the Whig national convention in 1848 he was nominated without opposi-> tion. The AVhigs were greatly delighted. Gen. Taylor was given the
The fight on the part of the Whigs, or Taylor and Fillmore men, was spirited and vigorous. They were determined not to lose the battle this year through inaction on their part. A verse of one of their campaign songs ran : -
Jimmy Polk we thought a joke in eighteen forty-four, When he was made the nominee 'way down at Baltimore. But we'll look out what we're about before it is too late, And we'll have no such cruel tricks played off in 'forty-eight.
In this district Col. Doniphan was at first elected by the Whigs as "their candidate for election, but he declined, and William A. Witcher, also of Clay, was selected in his stead. Several meetings were held in the county this year, and at the November election, though there was a reduced vote, the Whigs easily carried the county, the following being the vote of the townships : -
On the 9th of December the Whigs had a grand celebration at Liberty over the election of Gen. Taylor. A large meeting was presided over by Madison Miller, and Col. Doniphan, Mr. Witcher and Col. Pitt made speeches.
Census Of 1848 The Jackson Resolutions
Early in the year 1849 there began a series of discussions in the Missouri Legislature concerning the slavery question, or, rather, the power of Congress over slavery in the Territories. On the 15th of January Hon. C. F. Jackson, Senator from Howard, afterward Governor of the State, introduced into the Legislature a series of resolutions, as follows : -
Resolved by the General Assembly of the State of Missouri: That the Federal constitution was the result of a compromise between the conflicting interests of the States which formed it, and in no part of that instrument is to be found any delegation of power to Congress to legislate on the subject of slavery, excepting some special provisions, having in view the prospective abolition of the African slave trade, made for securing the recovery of fugitive slaves ; any attemjjt therefore on the part of Congiess to legislate on tlie subject, so as to aft'ect the institution of slavery in the States, in the District of Columl)ia, or in the Territories, is, to say the least, a violation of the j)rinciples upon which that instrument was founded.
2. That the Territories, acquired by the blood and treasure of the whole nation, ougiit to be governed for the common lieneflt of the people of all the States, and any organization of the territorial governments excluding the citizens of any part of the Union from removing to such Territories with their property, would be an exercise of power by Congress inconsistent with the spirit upon which our Federal compact was based, insulting to the sovereignty and dignity of the States thus afl'ected, calculated to alienate one portion of the Union from the other, and tending ultimately to disunion.
3. Tliat this General Assembly regard the conduct of the Northern States on the subject of slavery as releasing the slave-holding States from all further adherence to the basis of compromise, fixed on bv the act of Congress of March (i, 1820, even if such act ever did impose any obligation upon the slave-holding States, and authorizes them to insist upon their rights under the constitution ; but for the sake of harmony and for the preservation of our Federal Union, they will still sanction the application of the principles of the Missouri Compromise to the recent territorial acquisitions, if by such concession future aggressions upon the equal rights of the States may be arrested and the spirit of anti-slavery fanaticism be extinguished.
4. The right to prohibit slavery in any Territory belongs exclusively to the people thereof, and can only be exercised i)y them in forming their constitution for a State government, or in their sovereign capacity as an independent State.
5. That in the event of the passage of any act of Congress conflicting with the principles herein expressed, Missouri will be found in hearty co-operation with the slave-holding States, in such measures as
The foregoing resolutions were known as the " Jackson Resolutions," from the name of their mover, but their real author was Hon. W. B. Napton, of Saline county, latterly a Judge of the Supreme Court, who admitted tiie fiict to the writer. Space is given to an account of the Jackson resolutions in this volume from the fact that at the time they engaged a large share of the attention of the leading politicians and prominent men of the county. The Representative of the county voted against them, and the sentiments of but few of his constituents were in their favor. There were many who thought their passage untimely, unwise, and that they foreboded eventually a dissolution of the Union. Many yet regard them as the beginning of the Civil War.
Col. Thomas H. Benton, Missouri's distinguished Senator, was especially opposed to the resolutions. He thought (and correctly, too,) that they were aimed at him, and designed to deprive him of his seat in the United States Senate, which he had held for nearly thirty consecutive years. The last section commanded him to act in accordance with the resolutions, the spirit of wiiich he had often vigorously opposed.
In the House, Hon. Wm. T. Swetnam, the Representative from Clay, voted against every one of the resolutions, but they were adopted by a vote of 53 to 27 in the Lower House, and 24 to 6 in the Senate. Hon. Lewis Burns, of Platte, then the Senator from this district, voted for the resolutions.
Col. Benton appealed from the action of the Legislature to the people of Missouri,^ and canvassed the State against the Jackson resolutions.
To the People of Missouri: The General Assembly of our State at its last session adopted certain resolutions on the subject of slavery, and gave me instructions to obey them. From this command I appeal to the people of Missouri - the whole body of the people; and if they confirm the instructions I shall give them an opportunity to find a Senator to carry their vpill into effect, as I can not do anything to dissolve this Union, or to array one-half of it against the other.
I do not admit the dissolution of the Union to be a remedy, to be prescribed by statesmen, for diseases of the body politic, any more than I admit death and suicide to be a remedy, to be prescribed by physicians for the natural body. Cure, and not kill, is the only remedy which my mind can contemplate in either case.
lu the prosecution of his appeal he visited Clay county, and on Monday, July 1(3, addressed a meeting in a grove half a mile from Liberty, having reached the town the previous Saturday. He intended speaking in the court-house, but the anti-Benton Democrats had gotten up a counter demonstration and procured the attendance of Col. James H. Birch, who was to reply to whatever Benton might say, ai\d the latter declared he would not countenance " Jim Birch " in any manner whatever - would not speak iu the same room where he had spoken, or was to speak. Col. J. T. V. Thompson, Howard Everett, F. Givinner, and other anti-Benton men got up a meeting in the forenoon, and so Benton spoke in the afternoon at 2 o'clock.
There were present to hear Benton's speech an audience of at least 1,000 persons, many of whom, however, were Whigs. Stimulated by the opposition he had met elsewhere, and goaded by the hostility of his enemies here. Col. Benton made a caustic but powerful etlbrt. Rising b}' degrees to something of majestic denunciation he churacter-
I think it probable, from what I observe, that tliere are many citizens - good friends to the harmony and stability of this Union - who do not see the Missouri instructions and their prototype, the Calhoun address, iu the same light in which I see it, and in the light which it is seen by others who best understand it. For the information of such citizens, and to let them see the next step in this movement, and where it is intended to end, I hereby subjoin a copy of the Accomac resolutions, lately adopted by a county in Virginia, and fully indorsed by the Richmond Enquirer as the voice of the South. I do not produce these resolutions for the purpose of arraigning them; on the contrary, I see something in them to admire, as being bold and open, and to the true interpretation and legitimate sequence of the Calhoun movement. I consider the Calhoun address and its offspring, the Missouri instructions, as fundamentally wrong; but to those whotiiink them right, the Accomac resolutions are also right, and should be immediately imitated by similar resolutions in Missouri. I produce them to enable the people of Missouri to see what it is to which their Legislature would commit the State, and what it is they have instructed me to do.
I appeal from these instructions to the people of Missouri - the whole body of the people - and in due time will give ray reasons for so doing. It is a question above party, and goes to the whole people. In that point of view the Accomac resolutions present it, and present it truly; and I shall do the same. I shall abide the decision of the people, and nothing else. Respectfully,
Note. - The Accomac resolutions referred to by Col. Benton were a series of resolutions adopted at a public meeting at Accomac C. II., Virginia, March 20, 1849. Their author and mover was Henry A. Wise. The resolutions hinted strongly at secession or revolution in resistance to the " encroachment by the Federal government, and by the people of the North on the institution of slavery iu the States, Territories and districts of the United States." Such expressions as "the time for action has arrived," " no time should be lost iu preparing for the impending crisis," were common in these resolutions. - Compiler.
Adverting to the principal part of his speech he maintained that the spirit of nullification and treason lurked in the Jackson resolutions, especially in the fifth ; that they were a mere copy of the Calhoun resolutions, otl'ered in the United States Senate, Februafy 19, 1847, and denounced by him (Benton) at the time as fire-brands, and intended for disunion and electioneering purposes. He said he could see no difl'erence between them-, except as to the time contemplated for dissolving the Union, as^'^he claimed that Mr. Calhoun's tended directly, and the Jacksor/i'esolutions ultimately, to that point. Col. Benton further argued llhat the Jackson resolutions were in conflict with the Missouri Compromise of 1820, and with the resolutions passed' by tiie Missouri Legislature, February 15, 1847, wherein it was dcfhired that " the peace, permanency and welfare of our national union depended upon a strict adherence to the letter and sj^irit " of that compromise, and which instructed the Missouri Senators and Representatives to vote in accordance with its provisions. In conclusion. Col. Benton warned his hearers that the Jackson resolutions were intended to mislead them into aiding the scheme of ultimately disrupting the national union, and entreated them to remain aloof from them.
After the conclusion of Benton's speech in the grove, the anti-Benton men reassembled in the court-house and Col. Birch addressed them in reply to " Old Bullion." At the close of Birch's speech, resolutions condemning Col. Benton for his refusal to obey the instructions of the Legislature, and denunciatory of his course generally, were adopted. But Col. H. L. Routt, Dr. W. A. Morton, F. C. Hughes, \Vm. D. Hubble, J. M. Litchworth, J. M. Keller, and other friends of the old Senator published a card in the I'ribune, alleEfing that these resolutions were adopted by a " packed " audience, late in the evening, after nearly everybody had gone home.
A few days after the Benton meeting Gen. David R. Atchison, then Col. Benton's colleague in the Senate, spoke in Liberty in opposition to Benton and Bentonism, declaring that he (Atchison) was ready at all times to either obey the instructions of the Legislature of Missouri or resign and come home and allow some one else to be sent to the Senate who would obey.
From 1850 To The Troubles In Kansas
The California Gold Fever - The Political Canvass of 1850 - The Attempted Murder of Mrs. Dinah Allen - Lynching of Her Would-be Assassins - The Cholera - Elections of 1852, 1854, 185G and 1858 - The Know Nothings - Tragedies - The Great Smithville Melee and Mob in 1854 - Murder of Wm. O. Russell, Esq., by "Pete" Lightburne - Lynching of " Pete."
The California Gold Fever
The Ciilifoiniia gold fever, which broke out early iu the year 1849, greatly excited the people of the West, and Clay county was one of the first communities to take the infection. In the earl}' spring of this year many of our people prepared to set out for the new Eldorado, of whose abundant and easily acquired riches such marvelous tales were told - where, it was said, even the wave of the river and the spi'ay of the fountain were bright with the glitter of drops of virgin gold.
On the 1st of May three wagons and eight men set out from Clay county, undeterred by the long distance to the Pactolian land, and not afraid of the terrible contagion, the cholera, which had broken out at diflerent points in Missouri, and raged among the gold seekers from Independence to Fort Kearney, claiming each day its victims and dotting the route with their graves. These eight Clay county Argonauts were Maj. Lane, Jasper M. Hixson, Dr. Henry B. Hix- .son, J. H. Hixson, Daniel Mosley, Paley Carpenter, Thos. Conington and James York.
Among the other Clay county " '49ers," who went at difilerent periods during the spring and summer, were W. W. Estes, "Big Tom '' Estes, Albert Davis, Taylor Dougherty, John Minter, John W. Collins, Wm. Pixler, John Waller, Jas. Withers, Anderson Chanslor, Wm. Davenport, Perry Keith, Henry Amnions, Edward Crabster, and two or three of the Longs.
In 1850 there was a larger emigration. Tiie stories of bad luck that came back were unheeded ; the stories of fortunate finds and lucky strikes were greedily listened to, and the desire for sudden wealth tempted many to the perilous journeys and sore hardships undergone in that period by those who crossed the plains. Of those (152) who set out ill the spring of 1850 was a Uifge party among whose members was Rev. Robert James, the fother then of two little prattling boys, who afterwards became the noted bandits, Frank and Jesse. En route Mr. James wrote one letter to the Liberty Tribune, which is still preserved in the files of that paper. Not long after his arrival in California, Rev. James died.
Mr. Jasper Hixson was a regular correspondent of the Tribune, and, while the burden of his letters was the advice to friends and neighbors to let well enough alone and stay at home, yet the " one chance in a thousand " was quite sufficient to induce many to try their luck. Some of these made great sacrifices in order to obtain the necessary " outfit," and afterward had good cause to regret that they did so. Others fared much worse. For after divers hardships and privations, perils among Indians and false brethren, suflerings from hunger and thirst, and from heat and cold, the exhaustion of long and arduous travel, and the ravages of diseases, many of the Clay county gold seekers died in a strange land and never saw their homes again. ^ Only comparatively a few bettered their condition. Yet the emigration continued until about 1855.
The Political Canvass Of 1850
Never since the admission of Missouri into the Union has there been a more exciting political canvass than that of 1850. It was an exciting period in the history of the United States that year. The question of the admission of California into the Union with a constitution prohibiting slavery ; the compromise or " omnibus bill" under discussion in the U. S. Senate ; the passage of a fugitive slave bill by Congress, and of " personal lil)erty " l)ills by certain Northern States, calculated to interfere with the operation of the fugitive slave
Abel King, at Weber, in January ; Randolph King, atllangtown, in February; Daniel Moseby, at Sacramento, in June; Ben. Keyser, at Hangtown, in July; Benj. Clark, at
EUet, at Weber, in November; Benj. Carpenter, at Hangtown, in October;iWm. Morton, at Greenwood, in November; Geo. W. Wallis and Samuel M. Grant, at Nevada, in November; John H. Moseby, near Sacramento, of cholera; John McCrory, at Weber, in August; Henry Gill, at Johnston's Ranch, in September; Anderson Estes, at Nevada, in August; Geo. Estes, at Hangtown, in August; Wm. Homer, Samuel McKneiss, Sanford Bell, Geo. W. Huffaker, Washington Huffaker, two EUises, and three Graggs, at various times and places,
In the early part of the year 184!), South Carolina - always a State "touchy" in the extreme, proposing nothing and never satisfied with anything - wanted to secede from the Union, and invited the other Soutliern States to go with her. A convention of the Southern States was called to meet at Nashville, Tenn., in June, 1850, to consider the situation and to take action " to preserve the rights and protect the interests of the South " - whatever that may have meant. The passage of the "Jackson resolutions" by the Missouri Legislature, in 1849, in some sense committed the State to sympathy and co-operation with the Nashville convention, but no delegates were authoritatively sent.
The Democratic party of the State was divided into two factions - the Benton Democrats, or the " hards," who indorsed Col. Benton's course and views, and favored his re-election to the U. S. Senate for the sixth term of six years, and the anti-Benton Democrats, or " softs," who opposed him, and were bent ou defeating him in his contest for re-election. The Whigs - "the wily Whigs" - constituted the third party, and, taking advantage of the bitter and uncompromising warfare between the Democratic factions, made shrewd and careful preparations to capture the senatorial, certain legislative, and other prizes for themselves - and in the end they were successful.
It is a mistake to suppose tliat political canvasses were conducted thirty years ago with more of courtesy, more of gentleness, more of mild words, than they are to-day. The crimination and recrimination were as common with party papers as they have ever been or are likely to be. The Benton men charged the anti-Bentous with being " disunionists," " nuUitiors," " aiders and abettors of treason and traitorous schemes," and bestowed upon them a choice lot of epithets calculated to bring them into the contempt of all classes of patriotic i)eoi)le. They extolled their leader, Mr. Benton, "to the skies," and denounced all his opposers, from his colleague in the Senate, David K. Atchison, to the humblest voter in the ranks.
The anti-Benton men were as severe on their opponents. They denounced Col. Benton as a " boss " - at least that would have been the term employed in these days - of whose imperious, domineering conduct and bullying spirit they had become thoroughly tired, and with whose record on the subject of slavery the\' had become thoroughly disgusted. The Benton men were called "lick-spittles,"
" Benton's slaves," " iVce-soiler^," and even " abolitionists," and to call a man an abolitionist at that day in Missouri was to bestow upon iiim the sum of opprobious epithets. The Benton men, for the most part, denied that they were disunionists under all the existing circumstances, and professed unreserved loyalty to " the government established by Washington and Jefferson."
The Whigs kept aloof from the Democratic quarrel, occasionally patting each side on tiie back when they could do so without being observed by the other side, and all the time remaining in an attitude as if the}' stood with tiieir arms folded and saying very meekly of their own party : " Behold how great an institution is Whiggery ! See those unfortunate Democrats ; how angry they are ! We Whigs never quan-el, for Whigism means peace on earth and good will to men."
The friends of the Union of these States, without regard to party, will hold a public meeting on the first Monday in May, 18.50, to congratulate Messrs. Clay, Webster, Cass, and other friends of the Union in Congress, for the n()l)le stand they have taken against the spirit of secession and disunion. Let there be a full turn-out.
The meeting was quite numerously attended, and both Democrats and Whigs participated in the delil)erati()ns. Addresses were made by Col. Doniphan and others. A committee on resolutions was appointed, consisting of Col. J. T. V. Thompson, Howard Everett, Dr. W. A. Morton, Winfrey E. Price, Benj. Rieketts, Wm. Thomasson, Sr., Dr. F. Garlichs and E. M. Samuel. Whigs, Bentons and anti- Bentous were represented on this committee. However widely the members of the meeting may have differed at the time on minor political questions, they were each and all unconditionally for the Union - there was but one party on that issue. The Secessionists of South Carolina and other States had no sympathizers here then ; neither hail the fanatical abolitionists of the North.
Whereas, A crisis has ari-ived in the history of these United States of North America, and chmds of fearful omen are rolling along the political skies, threatening not only the peace and harmony of the people, but even the destruction of the glorious Union under which
Whereas, We believe that this state of things has been chiefly produced by the ultraism of party spirit, and that want of charity amongst political parties which fails to regard men to be as honest in political as they are in social, moral, pecuniary and religious duties, we are further of opinion that this unhappy state of things has been greatly accelerated by the courting propensities of both the W^hig and Democratic parties towards a dirt}', wicked, unprincipled party called Abolitionists, who, instead of being courted by either party, should have been, from the first, denounced as dishonest by both.
We believe that, in this country, there never will be but two honest parties, and they are the AVhig and Democratic ; and we regard it as the solemn duty of both to treat all who leave their connection, (in order to the formation of new parties, whether called Abolitionists, Native Americans, Anti-Masons, Free Soilers, Secessionists, Disunionists, or what not) as too contemptible to woo or win. There is no other way to break up the new parties that we can conceive of, and we are decidedly of opinion that, in order to be courted, many of the factious parties with which our country has been afliicted have been organized.
We hope the day is at hand when the Whig and Democratic parties, each for itself, will repudiate all other aid except that of reason and honesty. We are rejoiced, however, to find that now, as heretofore in our history, when we have fallen upon times that " try men's souls," we have the men, in both the Whig and Democratic parties, who can be trusted.
Resolve, That our thanks are especially due, and are hereby tendered to Henry Clay, of Kentucky ; Daniel Webster, of Massachusetts ; Lewis Cass, of Michigan ; Daniel S. Dickinson, of New York, and John Bell, of Tennessee, for the noble and patriotic stand they have taken in defense of the Union, and the noble spirit of compromise which they have evinced in the settlement of the agitating question of slavery.
Resolved, That we regard non-interference in reference to slavery in the Territories and elsewhere as the safe course for both North and South, believing as we do that an All-wise Controlling Providence can, and .will, regulate the whole matter so as to promote His own glory and the best interests of both whites and blacks.
Resolved, That we are in favor of the Union under any and nil circumstances, yet we regard the Wilmot proviso and all kindred measures with the most perfect abhorrence.
Resolved, That we regard the calling of the Nashville convention as ))remature, believing that so long as Congress discharges its duty there is no danger to the Slave States. W^e will send no delegates to it.
Resolved, That the proceedings of this meeting he published in the Liberty Tribune, and that the papers in Wasiiington City and St. Louis be requested to copy them, and that the secretary enclose copies to Mr. Chiy, Mr. Webster, Mr. Cass, Mr. Dickinson, and Mr. Bell.
There was no opposition to Messrs. Swetnam and Shackelford, both Whigs. The Democrats concentrated all their efforts on the election of Samuel Hadley as sheriff, and it was feared that should they nominate candidates for the Legislature, it would draw party lines, and as the county was strongly Whig, would endanger his chances. At that time Clay county was entitled to two representatives in the Legislature.
At the ensuing session of the Legislature (January, 1851,) there was intense interest over the election of the United States Senator. Col. Benton was, of course, a candidate for re-election, but as the Democrats were divided on the question of his indorsement, the Whigs held the balance of power and by the adroit management of their leadei'S succeeded at last, by the help of the anti-Benton Democrats, in choosing the Senator themselves - Hon. Henry S. Geyer, of St. Louis, who was chosen on the fortieth ballot, the vote standing, Geyer, 80; Benton, 55; B. F. Stringfellow, 18, and 4 scattering.
In the early morning of April 1, 1850, an attempt was made to murder Mrs. Dinah A. Allen, widow of Col. Shubael Allen, at her residence, in Liberty. The family had retired for the night, and the doors were all secured. About three o'clock in the morning Mrs. Allen was aroused from her sleep by a painful stinging sensation on the cheek, and rising from her bed stepped into the room of her sons and awakened them, telling them she was bleeding to death. She had been struck across the face with some sharp instrument, apparently
Mrs. Allen was a lady without a known eneni}' and was held in universal esteem. No conjecture could be ventured for the motive prompting the deed. The citizens generally made persistent eftbrts to discover the perpetrators, and at last they were found out.
A slave woman, named Anice, belonging to Mrs. Allen was suspicioned and thrown into jail. In a few days she confessed her guilt and implicated as her partner in the crime a white man, a citizen of Liberty, named McClintock. The confession reduced to writing and published in the Tribune of May 17, 1850, was as follows: -
Four days before the commission of the act McClintock told me that there was a good deal of money in the house of my mistress, and that I ought to kill her ; that he would assist me ; that we would get the money, and with that we would go to California, and that I would be his wife and be free. On Sunday night, the night of the commission of the crime, he came to the kitchen where 1 was sleeping, waked me up and we proceeded to the house. McClintock hoisted the window and got in the house, and pulled me through the window after him. He approached the bed, found my mistress asleep, and said to me, " She lays right." I took the ax, which belonged to McClintock, and made the lick. McClintock had the ax in his hand when I took hold. My mistress made a noise and we both ran out of the house; he went to his own house, a few hundred yards oft', and I went back to the kitchen and laid down on the bed.
Upon hearing this statement from Anice, the slave women, her partner, McClintock, was secured and placed in jail. There was intense excitement. A few weeks before, but subsequent to the attempt on Mrs. Allen's life, an attempt had been made by a negro servant woman to iK)ison the family of Wade Moseby, of this county. Previous attacks had been made by slaves on their masters. An example was called for to remedy if possible this condition of affairs.
Thursday, May 9, a considerable number of the citizens of the county met at the court-house to take action in the premises. The meeting had among its members some of the best men of the county, and the proceedings (though of course wholly illegal) were quiet and orderly. That morning Anice had sent for the Kev. Moses E. Lard to come to the jail, and to him she repeated her confession. She was brought before the meeting, as was McClintock, and in the presence of the entire assemblage she reiterated what she had twice previously i^tiitcd ill reference to the crime, uiul told McClintock fairly to his face that he was the sole instigator and planner of the crime, and the cause of her participation therein. McClintock stoutly and indignantly denied any sort of participation or complicity in the outrage, and denounced the negress as a liar, unmitigated and shameless.
Under the law of Missouri at that time a slave was not allowed to testify in court against a white person, and as there was no other evidence of McClintock's guilt save what could be furnished by Aiiicc, tiiere was no prospect of his legal conviction and i)unishment. Even though ills accoinplice, the bondwoman, should offer to turn State's evidence, slu; would not be allowed to do so. The theory was that a slave was irresponsii)le, and could not be trusted to swear to the truth, where the life or liberty of a wiiitc person was involved.
But, curiously enough, while the oath of Anice would not have been received in court against McClintock, her unsworn statements were readily accepted, and there was but little expressed doubt of his guilt. The question as to what should be done in reference to Anice's case was argued by several able and respectalde citizens. A motion was made that she should be hung, and this motion carried unanimously. 1'here were persons in the house opposed to hanging her, but the}' did not vote. Then there were cries of ^^ Hang them both." Hang McClintock, too! " It was agreed, therefore, to hang them both on tiic same tree, nem. con.
The meeting was composed f)f all classes of citizens, farmers, mechanics, nicrciiants, lawyers, physicians and others. Its proceedings were generally indorsed by the best classes of citizens, though they were admitted to have been irregular and illegal, and no attempt was made to interfere with them.
The hanging came off half a mile north or northwest of the public square, on the then Plattsburg road. McClintock denied to the last that he was guilty, init the negro woman asserted that her confession was true.
The overflow of the Missouri river in the spring of 1851 did considerable damage to farms in the bottom lands, and the subsidence of the flood was followed by a few cases of cholera in the count}'. Anderson Edwards and another citizen and three slaves died in Liberty in July. The contagion was severe that year at Independence, Weston and elsewhere.
thought the disease was fostered by a rotting pile of potatoes near the viHage. At least eleven died during the period of the disease - Dent. Violett and his wife and two children, Wm. M. Barrett, Vincent S. Crawford, Mrs. Rogers, Mrs. Canach, Mrs. Brown, a daughter of Thos. C. Rood, and a daughter of James Reed.
Col. A. \V. Doniphan, of Clay county, was nominated for Governor by the Whigs of Missouri in 1852, but declined owing to ill healt]i, and James Winston, of Benton count}' (who had been nominated for Lieutenant-Governor), was selected in his stead, with Andrew King, of St. Charles, for second place. Sterling Price was the Democratic candidate. The vote in this county at the August election resulted : -
Sherirt" - Samuel Hadley, Democrat defeated J. D. Skaggs, by some 300 majority, but the latter contested, and the next fall Judge Dunn decided that Hadley had not received a constitutional majority .
As there were two Democratic candidates for Congress, Mordecai Oliver, the Whig, *' running between " them, was elected, the vote in the district standing: Oliver, 7,598 ; Birch, 4,399 ; King, 4,107.
At the November election the Whig electoral ticket carried the county by a reduced majority. Gen. Wintield Scott and Wm. A. Graham were the Whig candidates for President and Vice-President, against Franklin Pierce and Wm. R. King, Democrats. The vote in Clay county stood: Scott and Graham, t)2l) ; Pierce and King, 40(5.
James H. Moss, the Whig, or " American " candidate for Congress, was a resident of Liberty. He was defeated in the district by Gen. James Craig, of St. Joseph, by 2,500 votes.
At tlic Presidential election the Know Nothings eiirried the county for Fillmore and Donelson, tlui vote standing, Fillmore, 75*) ; Buchanan, liTf).
January 12, 1857, Gov. 'J'rusten Polk was elected U. S. Senator, to succeed Senator Geyer. A new Governor was to he chosen. The anti-Benton.s, or regular Democrats, nominated Hon. Robert M. Stewart, of Buchanan county. The " Americans " brought out Hon. James S. Rollins, of Boone county, who was indorsed and supported by a majority of the Benton Democrats. Col. Benton had written a letter from Washington to his friends in Missouri, urging them to vote for Rollins. The vote in the county was : For Rollins, 643 ; Stewart, 585. In the State as canvassed, it stood : Stewart, 47,;ยป75 ; Rollins, 47,641 ; Stewart's majority, 334. The Rollins men declared that their candidate was fairly elected, but was cheated in the count ()y "doctoring " the returns from certain counties in the southwest part of the State, hut the truth of this declaration was never fully established.
The Native American, or as it was called, the "Know Nothing" party deserves particular mention in these pages, as at one time it was a political organization very formidable in its character, and largely in the majority in this county. It was formed in the United States some time before the year 1840, but did not become strong or very prominent until the dissolution of the Whig party, in 1853.
The l)arty was a strange one, as it was a secret political order, whose members were oath-bound, and which had its lodges or " councils," its signs, grips, and pass-words, and worked secretly to accomplish its openly professed objects. It was composed chiefly of old Whigs, although there were many ex-Democrats in its ranks. Its great basic principle was that " Americans must rule America ; " in other words, tluit none but native-born citizens ot" the United States, and non-Catholics ' ought to hold office. It also favored a radical change in the naturalization laws, insisting on a foreigner's twenty years' residence in this country as a prerequisite to citizenship.
2. A full recognition of the rights of the several States, as expressed and reserved in the Constitution, and a careful avoidance by the general government of all interference with their rights by legislative or executive action.
3. Obedience to the Constitution of these United States as the supreme law of the land, sacredly obligatory in all its parts and members - a strict construction thereof, and steadfast resistance to the spirit of innovation of its principles - avowing that in all doubtful or disputed i)oints, it may only l)e legally ascertained and expounded i)y the judicial powers of the United States.
4. That no person should be selected for political station, whether native or foreign prince, potentate or power, or who refuses to recognize the Federal or State constitutions (each within its sphere) as paramount to all other laws or rules of political action.
5. Americans must rule America ; and to this end native born citizens should be selected for all State and Federal offices in preference to naturalized citizens.
6. A change in the laws of naturalization, making a continual residence of twenty-one years an indispensable requisite for citizenship, and excluding all paupers and persons convicted of crime, from lauding on our shores ; but no interference with the vestcti rights of foreigners.
8. An enforcement of the principle that no State or Territory can admit otlicrs than native born citizens to the rights of suffrage, or of holding political office, unless such persons have been naturalized according to the laws of the United States.
y. That Congress possessed no power under the Constitution to legislate upon the subject of slavery in the States where it does or may exist, or to exclude any State from admission into the Union, because its constitution does or does not recognize the institution of slavery as a part of its social system and expressly pretermitting any expression of ojnnion upon the power of Congress to establish or ])rohil)it slavery in any territory ; it is the sense of this meeting that tlie territories of the United States and that any inflence by Congress with slavery as it exists in the District of Columbia, would be a viola-
* After a time tlie clause in the platform agaiust Catliolics was striclceuout, except in regard to those wlio held to the supremacy of the Pope in temporal affairs.
tion of the spirit uiid intention of the compact by which the State of Maryhmd ceded the District to the United States, and a breach of the national fuitli.
10. That wc will al)i(le hy and maintain tiie existing laws on the siil)ject of shivery as a final and conclusive settlement of the subject on spirit, and in substance, believing this course to be the best guarantee of future peace and IVateriial amity.
The organization of tin; Know Nothing [)arty was begun in Clay county in the fall of 1><55. On the 1st of January, 185(3, a meeting of the party was held at the court-house in Liberty. Hon. James H. Moss addressed a large audience in e.Kplanation of the principles of the new organization. Dr. W. A. Morton was chairman. A committee comijosed of Thos. McCarty, Simpson McGaugherty, T. R. Dale, Nathaniel Vincent and J. B. Talbott, refjorted a series of resolutions indorsing the National and State platforms, ' and adding the following: -
That the Union of these States is the paramount object of pati'iotic desire. That we re-afBrm and most cordially and unchangeably indorse the declaration of the lamented hero, sage, and statesman, Andrew Jackson, that, " T/ie Union lanst and Khali he preserved.'' That, with equal ardor and aftection, we re-afErni and indorse the answer of that great national statesman and patriot, Henry Clav, who, when asked when he would be ready for a dissolution of this Union, said, " Never! never! n>'i:er!"
The lodges of the Know Nolhinirs were called "councils." In this county, among others, there were councils at Liberty, Richfield, Smithvillo, Gilead, and in Washington township. In March, 18.5fi, Liberty Council endorsed the nominations of Fillmore and Donelson, and the other councils subsequc^ntly took similar action.
It is said that one of the hailing signs of the Know Nothings was " Have you seen Sam? "meaning, it is presumed, " Uncle Sam," tiic mythical personage supposed to represent the Govermiient of the United States. The American flag was always i)resent in the council rooms, and the Federal constitution was a part of the constitution of thp order.
For some years the native American party was a prominciit and important factor in politics, but the influence and strength of the foreign and Catholic vote of the country were of course always against it ; the Republican and Democratic platforms condemned its
' Oil tlie Kansas question the National platform declared that " none but those who have aflj-nd residence in the Territory," ought to vote.
principles, and so it grew smaller by degrees until 1861. Then the Civil War came on and broke it up. And came near breaking up the country as well.
In an affray between two brothers-in-law named Farr and Woolbridge, at Barry, about the 1st of September, 18.54, Farr killed Woolbridge, giving him five pistol shots and several knife wounds.
February 4, 1858, Solomon Binswanger was stabbed and killed in a drunken quarrel at Missouri City. Dr. Geo. C. Tuley, Geo. H. Wall is and Geo. W. Withers were arrested and indicted for murder in the second degree. The case against Withers was dismissed. In May, 1858, Tuley was tried at Liberty, convicted of manslaughter in the third degree, and sentenced to three months' imprisonment in the county jail and to pay a fine of $100. In April, 1859, Wallis was tried, l)ut the jury disagreed, and he was allowed to plead guilty of manslaughter and received the same sentence as Dr. Tuley, but in October ibllowing he was pardoned by Gov. Stewart.
September 7, 1858, J. A. S. Major shot and killed Samuel R. Trabue, at Centerviile. There was great excitement and indignation in the community over the tragedy. A public meeting condemned it, and extolled the character of Mr. Trabue as that of a " most worthy, temperate, mild, peaceful and order-loving citizen."
The Smithville Tuadegy Of 1854
Monday, August 7, 1854, a terrible melee occurred in Smithville, this county, which resulted in the death of two citizens of the place, John W. Douglass and S. J. Ross, and the lynching of three men accused of their murder, Samuel Shackelford, Wm. Siiackelford and John W. Callaway. The following statement of the affair was furnished by the suruiving (?) citizens of Smithville and pul)lished in the Liberty Tribune: -
There had been a gang of thieves and outlaws quartered in this vicinity, which fact had been established by a court of inquiry, according to the laws of the country. These thieves and incendiaries were notified to leave Clay and adjoining counties by more than 100 respectable citizens of this vicinity. Their answers were that they would not leave, and that 50 armed men could not make them leave. Thus the matter passed on until Monday, August 7, the day of the election, when they sent word that they intended to clean out the town, commencing on those who had used the most exertions in prosecuting them with tlie Uxw, even telling their friends where they wished to l)e buried if they fell in the conflict.
They tiien armed themselves with two revolvers each and bowieknives and dirks. Thus equipi)ed, they made their appearance in town. Their leader, Samuel yiiackeU'ord, commencing a conversation, in an insulting manner, with John W. Douglass, and alluded to Wni. Ross, both res[)ectable citizens of this community. Mr. Ross replied in a calm manner, but was dared to the onset by Samuel Shackelford, and at that moment a person, a relation of Shackelford's, passed i)etween them for a moment. Shackelford drew a revolver, the i)ersoi! passed on, and Shackelford shot Win. Ross twice, wounding him severely, perhaps mortally. Shackelford then turned and shot Mr. Douglass twice, and then shot at M. Iinhoff twice. Douglass then returned the fire on Shackelford twice, wounding him, and then Douglass drew a bowie-knife, he being the only citizen on the ground who was armed. Wm. Shackelford seized Douglass and got his knife and pistol, and then commenced the work of destruction on Douglass, inflicting several wounds, of which Douglass fell dead. He then shot twice or three times at M. Imhoff", but without effect.
Persons then interfered to stop the efl'usion of blood. Saml. Shackelford stabbed every person whom he suspected as his enemy, inflicting a mortal wound on S. J. Ross, and also cutting and stabbing Ira Witt, who was a stranger, and only engaged for peace, as also 3'oung Ross. John W. Callaway ran in and shot at M. Imhort' and missed him, as did Samuel Shackelford. Callaway then shot Wm. Slater, wounding him slightly in the leg.
By this time the fight became general. Stones and clubs were in order. 'J'he Shackelfords and Callaway retreated, and in doing so attempted to kill others whom they considered their enemies. Samuel Shackelford's pistol, which he drew with the intention of shooting Mr. Payne, missed fire, and he then threw the pistol at him. They then entered a drug store and locked themselves uj) for defense ; but owing to Samuel Shackelford being wounded, and the people threatening to fire the house, they surrendered to the populace.
The people were frenzied. Ropes were called for, guns and pistols procured, and all hands calling for immediate vengeance on the murderers. Thus it passed on, until the people were alarmed in all directions, and notified of the circumstances. They came from Platte county. Ridgeley was a precinct, and it being a public day the people flocked in gangs to the place.
The cry was " Lynch them I hang the thieves and murderers!" Two or three hundred persons were present. Wm. Shackelford was then hung. John W. Callaway was next hung. He stated, before his death, that Samuel Shackelford was to blame for all the trouble ; that Sam. Shackelford had induced him into stealing horses; that Sam. Shackelford stole the mule that he was arrested for, and he took it and sold it in St. Joseph ; that they had concluded not to kill the people of Smithville and vicinity [and would not have made the at-
The peace officers made speeches against mob law, and used every exertion for the civil authority to have its proper course, but all to no eflect. Order was confounded ; confusion reigned. Men paraded the streets like dragoons in military service. The whole of this resulted from an efibrt on the part of the citizens to l)ring these thieves to justice according to law, for the commission of crime, their guilt Of which they acknowledged. The people are satisfied with what they have done, so far as civil authority is concerned.
P. S. - There had been an attempt made to assassinate Douglass at the dead hour of night, supposed to have been by these murderers, and he was threatened by them, which was the reason why he was armed.
Callaway, at the time of his lynching, was under $1,000 bond to answer a charge of stealing a mule from Calvin Smith, in the fall of 1852. The Shackelfords and Callaway were hung on a sugar tree, near the bridge across Smith's fork ; the tree is still standing. The mother of the Shackelfords, and the wives of Callaway and one of the Shackelfords were present and witnessed the execution. They wailed, moaned, screamed, entreated, cursed and prayed by turns, striking the lynchers with their hands and with sticks, and striving frantically with all their might to rescue them. At the time he was hung, Sam. Shackelford's skull was crushed in, the wound having been inflicted some time previously, but he was " game " to the last.
On the night of February 12, 1855, Mr. Wm. O. Russell, a citizen of the county, living three miles southeast of Liberty, was mortally wounded by a negro slave named "Peter," the property of'Maj. A. Lightburne. The circumstances, as best remembered, arc that Mr. Russell owned Pete's wife, and for some ofiense she had given, had whipped her severely. This she told her husband and he vowed revenge. On the night and question " Pete " called at Mr. Russell's, after the latter had retired, and calling him up said he had been sent for a bill of lumber. Russell admitted the negro and asked him if he had brought a bill. The latter answered " yes." Mr. Russell stooped over to stir up his smoldering fire, when suddenly the negro drew a short but heav}' coni-kiiife, which he had concealed in his bosom, and assaulted Mr. Russell so savagely and with such effect that he died two weeks later from his wounds.
"Pete" was arrested and imprisoned in jail. A mob of excited men gathered and were about to hang him, but his owner, Maj. Lightburne, spoke to them in such an earnest, remonstrating manner, that the design was abandoned at the time. March 5, the crowd reassembled, determined to lynch the criminal. Rev. Moses E. Lard and others addressed them, and urged them to allow the wretch to be punished according to law, but they dragged him from his cell and hung him to a tree in the court-house yard, before the sound of the speakers' voices had hardly died away.
During The Kansas Troubles Up To 1861
The Kansas Troubles - Clay County's Interest in Kansas Affairs - Sketcii of the Situation in Kansas Territory Upon its Organization - Tlie Election in 1854 - Clay Furnislies Her Quota of Voters - Tiie "Sons of the South" - Election in the' Spring of 1855 - The Parliville Mob Indorsed - The " Wakarusa War " - Seizure of the Liberty Arsenal by the Clay County Volunteers - Maj. Leonard's Report - The Arms Returned Minus What Were Retained - County Seat Fight in Kansas - Emigrants to Kansas Turned Back - End of the Fight - The Free Soilers Win - Explanation of the Course of Clay County. Up to 1S61 - Census - Miscellaneous - The Present Court-House - The Kansas City and Cameron Railroad - The Presidential and Gubernatorial Campaigns of 1860 - After the Election - Trouble Brewing.
During The Troubles In Kansas
From the first to the last of the troubles in the Territory of Kansas, the result of an attempt at a decision of the question whether or not slavery should exist in the State upon its admission into the Union, the people of Clay county took a conspicuous part therein upon the pro-slavery side. The proximity of that Territory to this county, its likeness of soil and climate, made it a desirable objective point of emigration for people here when they should become tired of their homes, and those who had slaves wished of course to take them along. Then there was a strong desire to have Kansas made a slave State among slaveholders everywhere ; and the politicians of the South had made this desire the measure of the devotion of Southern men to " Southern rights." Much was expected from Missouri generally, and a great deal from Clay and other border counties.
In the summer of 1853, when the Kansas-Neljraska bill was under discussion, the border counties of Missouri prejjared for the contlict - for the conflict of ballots, and the conflict of bullets if necessary. A military company was organized in Liberty in July, with A. J. Calhoun as captain, John Dunn, N. S. Prentiss, Lewis Bennett, lieutenants, and R. Fisher, orderly sergeant. There was not much attempt at concealing the fact that the services of this company were to be called into requisition if necessary in the settlement of the political questions in Kansas.
By the provisions of the Kansas-Nel)raska bill, which repealed the Missouri Compromise of 1820, slaveholders might or might not be per- (168) mitted in Kansas, as tlie people thereof should decide. " The true intent and meaning of the act " was declared to be " not to legislate slavery into any State or Territory, or exclude it therefrom," hut to leave the people thereof free to form and regulate their domestic institutions in their own way, subject only to the Constitution of the United States." Under tiiis declaration the pro-slavery men claimed they had a right to settle in the Territory with their slaves; but this was denied by the anti-slavery men or Free Soilers, who claimed that "the normal condition of the public territories was freedom."
The full history of the Kansas troubles belongs to other volumes ; but it will l)e necessary to refer to certain incidents in that history in order to understand clearly the part taken by Clay county. Under the first Territorial government an election for delegate to Congress was ordered to be held November 29, 1854. The candidates were : Whitfield, Pro-Slavery, and Flenniken, Free Soil. Andrew H. Reeder, of Pennsylvania, had been appointed Territorial Governor by President Pierce, and arrived in Octoi)er. It was decided that all the voters on the border of Missouri who could possibly do so should go over to Kansas and vote ! The law regarding the eligibility of voters was diflerently construed ; the Free State men claimed that only hojia fide settlers could vote, and the Pro-Slavery men that any man was entitled to vote if he had been in the Territory " an hour."
The people along the Missouri border from Andrew county to Jasper, and as far east in the State as Randolph, Callaway, and Cole, organized and prepared to set out for Kansas to cast their votes. Numerous meetings were held in this quarter. Senator David R. Atchison and others stumped the counties of Buchanan, Clay, Platte, and Jackson. A few days before the election Atchison spoke in Liberty. He had previously addressed the people of Platte county at Platte City, and said to them : " When you reside in one day's journey of the Territory you can, without exertion, send .500 of your young men who will vote in favor of your institutions." This he repeated to the people of Clay in his speech at Liberty.
There was the most intense excitement throughout the country, and it was tiiought that the interests of Missouri, and especially the interests of slavery, demanded the most radical efforts to prevent the Abolitionists from winning the first battle in the conflict over Kansas. Whatever the means employed, it was believed that the ends would justify them. Scores of citizens of this county, well armed and furnished with provisions and money by those who " could not go," went over into the Territory, voted " early and often," and returned home
All through the winter of 1854-55 nothing much was talked of in the county but the Kansas question. A regular organization of the Pro- Slaver}' men - a secret order called the " Blue Lodge," the " Social Band," the "Friends' Society," or the " Sons of the South," being known by difl'erent names - had been organized in Missouri and other Slave States, and "camps" were established in Clay county. The object was the preservation, perpetuation, and extension of the " peculiar institution," and the order had its hailing signs, grips, and passwords, and was near of kin and auxiliary to the " Knights of the Golden Circle." It took a leading part in the Kansas question.
March 30, 1855, an election was held in Kansas to choose members of the Territorial Legislature, or Council. Extraordinary eSbrts were made by both parties to carry this election. The Free Soilers had come in in considerable numbers the previous year, under the auspices of the " Emigrant Aid Societies " of the North, and fears were felt among the Pro-Slavery men that by some chance a majority of Free State men might be chosen to the Council, and a Constitution forbidding slavery chosen by that body. All Western Missouri was on the stir. The following notice was printed on handbills and circulated through this county, and published in the Liberty Tribune: -
Friends of the South! - The first election of members of the Territorial Legislature in. Kansas comes ofi" Friday next, the 30th inst. Friends of the South, the crisis has arrived, and now is the time for you to determine whether or not that rich and fertile Territory shall be governed by the miserable hirelings sent thither from the dens of Abolitionism in the East to rob you of your rights and your property. We must act! We^nust act! A meeting will be held at Liberty on Thursda\-, the 29th inst., to take such measures as may be considered proper under the circumstances. Let every friend of the South and her institutions attend.
A large and enthusiastic meeting was held at the court-house pursuant to the call, and numbers of our best citizens eni'olled themselves into companies, and set out at once for Kansas. Those who could not <ro furnished arms, provisions, horses, and monej' to those who needed such assistance and were willing to go. All the men were armed.
At this election the men from Clay went into the Sixteenth district ( immediately across the river, or in which Leavenworth was situated ) , or into the Third district - Tecumsch. Some were in other districts and at various polling places. A considerable company that went into the
Sixteenth district did not arrive until late in the day of the election. At Stinson's, or Tecumseh, the Missourians were under the leadership chieHy of Hon. S. H. Woodson, of Independence. The pro-slavery men were armed and organized, but not uniformed ; many wore Ijadges of hemp or white tape tied in their l)utton-holes to designate them from the Free State men. A great deal of jiromiscuous voting was done, and the Pro-Slavery candidates were declared elected hy overwhelming majorities. On the face of the returns this was true.'
U]iou the return of the Clay county "voters" their acts were universally approved and indorsed. It was determined to keep in readiness a strong force of " minute men " for future emergencies.
April 14, 1855, alarge force of the citizens of Platte county assembled at Parkville, threw into the river the press and material of the Industrial Luminnry, a newspaper owned and published hy George S. Park and W. J. Patterson, and with decided Free Soil tendencies. Its first issue after the. Kansas election had contained an article severely denunciatory of the proceedings of the Missouriaus in their interference with the election. Mr. Park was absent at the time, but Mr. Patterson was seized, and was about to be tarred and cottoned (or as some say lynched) when his wife threw her arms about him and could not be prevailed upon to leave him, and by a small majority it was voted to release him on condition that he leave the State and never return.
The citizens then held a meeting and jjassed a set of resolutions, declaring, among other sentiments, " That George S. Park and W.J. Patterson are traitors to the State and county in which they live, and should be dealt with as such ; that we meet here again on this day three weeks, and if we find G. S. Park or W. J. Patterson in this town then, or at any subsequent time, we will throw them into the Missouri river; and if they go to Kansas to reside we pledge our honor as men to follow and hang them wherever we can take them." It was further declared that no Northern Methodist preachers should be allowed to preach in the county under penalty of '* tar and feathers for the first offense and hemp rope for the second," and the meetin<r declared its intention to " attend to some other Free Soilers not far off." 9
1 At Leavenworth the vote was Pro-Slavery, S'J'.I ; Free State, 00 ; at Tecumseh, Pro- Slavery, 306; Free State, 4. The total vote in the Territory was, Pro-Slavery, 5,427; Free State, 7'.)1.
Kansas Meeting
At a large and enthusiastic meeting of the citizens of Clay county, assembled at the court-house for the purpose of indorsing the action of the citizens of our neighboring county of Platte, in the destruction of the Parkvillc Industrial Luminary, Maj. John Dougherty was called to the chair, and Geo. W. Morris appointed secretary.
On motion, Henry L. Routt, Geo. W. Withers, Maj. Joel Turnharp, Asa T. Foree, Wm. H. Kerr and Fountain Waller were appointed a committee to draft resolutions expressing the sense of the meeting. After a short absence the committee reported the following resotions : -
Whereas, We have seen the proceedings of a meeting of the citizens of Platte county, held in Parkvillc on the 14th inst., and feel tiiat the time has come when it becomes the duty of every man in our State that there may no longer be any misapprehension on the part of any of the citizens of our sister States ; therefore.
Resolved, 1. That the action of the non-slavcholding States in setting at defiance the laws for the protection of our property, in not only countenancing t)ut justifying and abetting b}' their legislation, its systematic and pul)lic highway robbery of Southerners, by the insults and outrages heaped ni)on them whenever compelled to i)ass through or over to land upon the borders of the non-slavcholding States ; the declared purpose of those who perpetrate these outrages, not only to plant their hosts of felons upon our borders but to invade our State, strip us and drive us from our homes, demand the adoption of the most efficient means for our protection.
3. To speak or i^ublish in a slaveholding community sentiments calculated to render slaves discontented, to irritate them to escai)e or rebel, is not an exercise of the " liberty of speech," but is an act of positive crime of the highest grade, and should receive summary and exemplary punishment.
4. Those who in our State would give aid and encouragement to the Abolitionists by inducing or assisting them to settle in Kansas, or throw oi)stacles in the way of our friends by false anil slanderous misrepresentations of the acts of those who took part in and contributed to the gratifying results in the late election in that Territory, should be driven from among us as traitors f their country.
5. We fully approve the action of our friends in Platte in destroying the press of the Industrial Luminary and their resolutions to expel the traitors. Park and Patterson.
. (!. That we regard the ellbrts of the Northern division of the Methodist Episcopal Church to establish itself in our State, as a violation of its plighted faith - and pledged as must be its ministers to the anti- slavery principles of that church, we are forced to regard them as enemies to our institutions. We therefore fully concur with our friends in resolving to permit no person belonging to the Northern Methodist Church to preach in our county.
7. We urge the citizens of other counties, and pledge ourselves to act coi'dially and efficiently in executing the principles of the foregoing resolutions.
8. To show our full approval of the proceedings of our friends in Platte, we will attend at Parkville on the 5th day of May next, and in person indorse their action.
The meeting was then addressed by Gen. B. F. Stringfellow, Maj. John Dougherty, W. E. Price, Judge Thompson, Geo. W. Withers, Henry L. Routt and Maj. James H. Adams.
On motion of Geo. W. Withers, 100 delegates from each township were appointed to meet our fellow-citizens of Platte in council in Parkville on the 5th day of May next.
On motion of J. H. Adams, a committee of five from each township were appointed by the chair to wait on all persons in the least suspected of Free Soilism or Abolitionism, and notify them to leave the county immediately.
The chairman appointed the following persons under the last motion : James T. V. Thompson, Joel Turnham, A. G. Reed, O. P. Moss, D. J. Adkins, J. H. Adams, G. H. Wallis, W. E. Price, 8. Levi, Geo. W. Withers, David Morris, Thos. M. Gosney, L. J. Wood, Thos. J. Young, Edmund Tilman, A. T. Force, Wm. Austin, A. C. Courtney, Ryland Shackelford, Henry Estes, Maj. John Dougherty, Wyatt Wills, Willis Winn, Fountain Waller, A. Murray.
On motion of H. L. Routt, all persons of this county who are subscribers for papers in (he least tinctured with Free Soil or Abolitionism, are requested to discontinue them immediately.
There was such intense and long continued excitement in the county over the Kansas question that our people became intolerant to a degree that they have since regretted. It was not safe to disapprove the measures adopted by the Pro-Slavery party to make Kansas a slave State. Even Editor Miller, of the Tribune, who mildly protested against the violent destruction of the Luminary, saying the better way to have suppressed it would have been " to let it die for want of patronage," had his orthodoxy on the slavery question openly doubted, and the Richfield Monitor assailed him savagely.
Clay county was not alone in 'indorsing the proceedings at Parkville. Other counties, by resolutions adopted at large meetings, approved them. But in Johnson county, at an assemblage of the citizens at Warrensburg, in May, the people excepted to the proscription of the Northern Methodists, saying: -
The constitution and laws guaranteeing to us the right to worship God according to the dictates of conscience we regard as sacred, and the course pursued at meetings held in our own and sister counties in proscribing ministers of the Gospel of certain denominations, is tyrannical, arbitrary, illegal, and unjust, and unworthy the intelligence of an enlightened community.
Throughout the war in Kansas during the year 1855 this county furnished men and means to aid the Pro-Slavery cause whenever called upon. At the time of the " Wakarusa War," in December, Mayor Payne, of Kansas City, came over to Liberty and raised 200 men and $1,000 for the purpose of aiding Sheriff Jones and the other officers under Gov. Wilson Shannon, in capturing the Free State town of Lawrence, whose inhabitants were in rebellion against the acknowledged authorities of the Territorj'. Lawrence at that time was virtually in a state of siege, with men in arms and breastworks to resist a process in the hands of the sheriff'.
The Clay county volunteers, to the number of 100 or more, under the leadership of Maj. Ebenezer Price, moved upon the Liberty Arsenal, then in charge of Maj. Luther Leonard, seized it, put Leonard and the employes under arrest, and took out three pieces of artillery, brass six-pounders, mounted ; 55 rifles, 67 cavalry sabers, 100 dragoon pistols, 20 Colt's revolvers, besides all the necessary equipments, accoutermeuts, and a large amount of ammunition, including shot and shell for the cannon, thousands of cartridges for the small arms, etc., all of which belonged to the Government. The following report of this seizure was made by Maj. Leonard to the Department at Washington : -
Arsenal, December 4, 1855
Sir - I improve the first moments of liberty to report that to-dav, about 3 o'clock p. m., this depot was surprised by al)out 100 armed men, who placed me under an armed guard, as also the operatives at the post, and proceeded to take possession of public property to a large amount, consisting in part of three six-pounder brass guns, mounted ; artillery harness, artillery implements, rifies, pistols, Colt's revolvers, sabers, fixed ammunition, accouterments, etc., etc. The exact amount can not be ascertained until an inventory is taken of the property remaining. Resistance was useless, and I could only protest against this violent and unlawful seizure of the public property in my charge.
From the best information I can obtain, the parties to this robbeiy have taken the property to Kansas Territory, to engase in some disturbances said to exist among the inhabitants thereof. I have reported these facts to Col. E. V. Sumner, commanding Fort Leavenworth, asking his advice and assistance.
This unparalleled outrage leaves me in doubt how to proceed in the absence of special authority, and I shall, therefore, anxiously await your orders.
Being well armed and well mounted the Clay county volunteers set out for the " seat of war." One party with five wagons and a cannon bore a large flag in the center of which was a large purple star. Upon their arrival at the Pro-Slaver}' camp on the Wakarusa they were received with hearty cheers, and their flag was hoisted on a tree in the center of the camp. The campaign was soon over and the men returned home.
iMeantime, in May, the Free State men, claiming that the March election was a fraud, had held an election and chosen members of a Territorial convention, which met at Topeka in October and adopted a Free State constitution. The Pro-Slavery delegates chosen in March had assembled at first at Pawnee and then at the Shawnee mission, one mile from the Missouri line and four miles from Westport, where, sitting as a Territorial Legislature, a formidable Pro-Slavery code of laws, modeled upon, if not taken almost entirely from, the Missouri Statutes, was adopted. But these statutes were decided to be valid by two of the three judges of the Supreme Court of the Territory, S. D. Lecompt and Rush Elmore. The enactments were, however, uniformly disregarded and defied by the Free State men. It was to enforce these laws that the Clay county men marched to the Wakarusa.
On the 10th of December, Capt. Wm. N. R. Beall, of the First U. S. Cavalry, came over from Ft. Leavenworth with a company of cavalry to guard the arsenal from another threatened raid, and to try to recover the property that had been taken. The same day he reported that " the robbery was on a large scale," and that he had
Missouri Depot, Dec. 11, 1855. Sir - I have the honor to state that Judge Thompson, one of the leading men of Liberty, called on me to-day and informed me that the arms, stores, and ammunition taken from this place on the 4th inst. are in this vicinity, and that the parties who took them are anxious to return them. I informed him that if they were brought to the arsenal gate, I would iJiere receive them. They are now being delivered, and I presume that within two days from this time I wfll have possession of all that the}' have to return. I have au accurate inventory taken of them as they arrive.
About $400 worth of arms and ammunition were never restored. Jefferson Davis was then Secretary of War, and no further efforts were made to obtain them, and no arrests were ever offered to be made of those who took them.
One rather humorous incident connected with this " free for all" balloting in Kansas occurred in October, 1855. An election was to l)e held October 8, in Leavenworth county, to select a county seat. Three towns were aspirants for the distinction - Leavenworth, Delaware and Kickapoo,all three on the Missouri. Leavenworth, in population and number of resident voters, outnumbered both Delaware and Kickapoo two to one, and it was of course believed by the people ot the first named town that it was sure to win. But the people of Delaware and Kickapoo had learned how elections might be carried, from seeing the Leavenworth men manage territorial contests. So on election day the ferry-boat ran free between "Weston and Kickapoo and hundreds of Missourians from Platte county crossed over and voted ou the county seat question in favor of Kickapoo, and while Leavenworth cast 600 votes Kickapoo came smilingly to the fore with 800 !
But Delaware was yet to hear from. Situated eight miles below Leavenworth, it was near to both Platte and Clay counties, in Missouri. A few days before the election notices of the election were posted in different parts of this county and published in the Tribune. These notices closed as follows: " Pro-Slavery men will find it to their interest to make Delaware the county seat. The ferry at Delaware will be free that day ; there will also be a big barbecue there
Oil that day, and a big ball at night." The Delawareans kept the polls open tJiree days, until after they heard from both Kickapoo and Leavenworth, and then came up triumphantly bearing their pollbooks which showed a vote of more than nine hundred for Delaware ! At that time there were not more than 60 actual resident voters in the place. To say that Leavenworth was disgusted is to very imperfectly state the prevalent feeling. The first authority to which the case of the election was submitted decided in favor of Kickapoo, but the territorial court waived all " irregularities," and ruled on the side of Delaware.
In March, 185(), a large meeting was held at the court-house, and a considerable sum of money subscribed in aid of the cause. In June an organization, called the Pro-Slavery Aid Association, was formed, with Michael Arthur, president; David Roberts, secretary and treasurer, and T. C. Gordon, D. J. Adkins, J. T. V. Thompson, A. W. Doniphan, and others, as directors. This association sent men and means into Kansas during the year from time to time as they were needed, and performed important work for the Pro-Slavery cause.
Some of the Clay county men took part in various skirmishes with the Free State men in Kansas in 1856, and were at Ossawattomie, Tnrkey Creek and elsewhere. One man, R. M. G. Price, was killed by the accidental discharge of a gun of a comrade, J. M. Sullivan.
In the spring and summer of 1856 numerous Ijodies of emigrants bound for Kansas from the Northern States were stopped in Western Missouri, not allowed to enter the Territory, andmany of them forced back to their old homes. At Weston and Leavenworth one or two boat loads of Eastern emigrants were stopped and turned back, and similar action was taken with others at Lexington, Wellington and elsewhere. In May eight families, with 12 teams from Illinois, traveling overland, were stopped in Platte county, and brought to Liberty by a guard of eight men headed by Robert Pate. Here they were turned over to the citizens, and Judge Thompson took charge of them. They were permitted to camp near town for two days, and then sent 10 miles east where they rented houses and lived until the troubles in Kansas were over. These Illinoisans were John Veteto, his two sons and their families, and Beiij. Draper, John Wooster, James Hancock, R. Roberts and M. Dibble, and their families.
h\ June, 1856, an attempt was made in Liberty to mob Darius Sessions, who was a prominent member of the Know Nothing party, but accused of holding anti-slavery sentiments. Sessions was rescued with some difficulty, and a public meeting indorsed him as a true fiiend of Southern institutions, and condemned the assault upon him as unmerited and unwarranted. Hon. L. VV. Burris was prominent in the rescue of Sessions, who was killed by the bushwhackers at Missouri City during the Civil War.
After a time, along in the latter part of the year 1856, although the Government authorities virtually took sides with the Pro-Slavery men, and dispersed the Free State Legislature at Topeka with Col. Sumner's dragoons, it became apparent that the Northerners would win, and that Kansas would never become a Slave State. A congressional committee, composed of John Sherman, of Ohio ; Howard, of Michigan, Republicans, and Mordecai Oliver, the member of Congress from this district, a Pro-Slavery man - was sent out to investigate matters in Kansas, and the report of Sherman and Howard, one-sided though it was, stimulated the Northerners to renewed exertions, and they poured into the Territory in such numbers and made so many permanent settlements, that they soon controlled nearly everything.
A sort of treaty of peace was made between Senator Atchison and Gov. Charles Robinson, and though there were diver tragic episodes in 1857 and 1858, yet no serious difficulties occurred after the fall of 1856. The Free State men won as much by their generalship as by their numbers.
In exi)lanation of the course taken by the Pro-Slavery people of tliis county during the troublous times of the settlement of Kansas it is, perhaps, but the simple truth to say that whatever was done generally in that period was deemed to be done in a spirit more of self-defense than in wantonness or recklessness. Situated as Clay county was, it was by no means desirable that Kansas should become a free State. Runaway slaves were common enough then when Iowa was the nearest goal of freedom to be reached. Let Kansas become free and filled with Northern and Eastern Abolitionists, who counted it God's service to encourage and assist runaway slaves, and there would be no security or safety for slave property in this county ; the 3,500 slaves belonging to our citizens would be held only as long as it pleased them to remain in a state of slavery.
Eternal vigilance was the price of slavery. The very nature of the institution made this so. Very many ofthe slaves were constantly on the watch for a chance to escape, and improve every opportunity to run away. Their masters owned them and they were and had been recognized as property. They represented so much money, which the masters could illy atford to lose, in many instances, and it be- hooved them to guard well their own at all times. There was a constant state of apprehension and uneasiness among most slave owners - a fear not alone of an exodus, l)iit of an insurrection on the part of the negroes. The horrible scenes of St. Domingo and Jamaica it was feared might be repeated here some time. The negro could not be always under lock and ke}' or in chains, or under watch, and yet he could not be trusted to go about the most ordinary avocation unguarded. Hence there arose a proverb that a " white man is uncertain and a nigger will run away? "
The Abolitionists were continually meddling with the slaves and inciting them to mischief. They visited the Slave States in various guises and disguises. Sometimes as preachers, sometimes as peddlers, sometimes as travelers. A fair speaking, meek looking individual would visit a slave-holding community on a plausible errand, and a week after he left a dozen negroes would have absconded and struck out for the North Star ! To imprison them did no good ; to flog them did not discourage them; to hang one occasionally only multiplied tliem. There was law in plenty to protect slavery, but it seemed ineffective and was ofteuer inoperative and a dead letter.
Hence it was that our people were forced to adopt the most vigorous policy in dealing with Abolitionists, and to become distrustful, suspicious and afraid of all strangers, and Northerners especially. We grew even inhospitable toward those we did not know, for frequently when we received into our houses a man whom we thought a gentleman, it turned out that he was a " nigger thief," who had come among us to entice away what all the laws and courts in the land said was our ^jro/jer^y, and which we had acquired honestly, as we believed.
Provenance
Text from History of Clay and Platte Counties, Missouri;, published 1885, in the public domain in the United States and digitised by the Internet Archive.