Johnson County, Missouri - Chapter 13, 1881

Chapter 13

The policy of the general government toward the states in the matter of education was thus stated in 178T: "Religion, morality and knowl¬ edge being necessary to good government and the happiness, of mankind, schools and the means of education shall forever be encouraged." When the territory of Missouri was organized in 1812, this was amplified and the means of encouragement specified: " Religion, morality and knowl¬ edge being necessary to good government and the happiness of mankind, schools and the means of education shall be encouraged and provided for from the public lands of the United States in the said territory, in such manner as congress may deem expedient."

Pursuant to this, the act of congress of 1820, which authorized the formation of a constitution and state government, provided that thirty-six sections of land (46,080 acres) should he set aside for the use of a " sem¬ inary of learning " under the direction of the legislature.

In 1830 provisions were made by the legislature for the sale of the lands granted under the act above mentioned. Commissioners were appointed to receive the iponeys and to pay the same into the state treasury.

The session of 1838 and '39 found the sum of $70,000 accumulated in the treasury vaults, to be used solely for the establishment of a " seminary of learning " or university. The grave duty of selecting a site for loca¬ tion became incumbent on the assembly. Accordingly, five commissioners were appointed, and the power of location delegated to them. It was further provided by the act, approved February 8, 1839, that the location should be on a tract of at least fifty acres and within two miles of the county seat of either Cole, Cooper, Howard, Boone, Callaway or Saline counties.

After a spirited contest between Boone, Howard and Callaway, the location was made on June 24, 1839, at Columbia, Boone county, said county having made the largest bid, amounting to $117,921.

The provisions for this higher seat of learning marks an era in the intellectual progress of the people. The public meetings all through the center of the state enforced upon the people the benefits of education as a state officer, and while the counties were striving to reap material benefit by securing the location, the people as a mass were emulated to strive for the higher and nobler components of life, and when the corner-stone was laid it may be said that a great civilizing agency was abroad in the border state. The motor pushing on to the highest in morality and government was at work.

The history of Missouri from the period which we have now reached, the campaign of 1840, is to be marked for the deep and absorbing interest which the citizens evince in the state and national political issues. There are abundant reasons for this, and while the acrimonious debate thus induced may often have been detrimental to the best interests of good government, yet, in the end, the truth and right have always risen. Political parties are a necessity of republican government. Each holds the balance of power. The eternal rule of the one would be but the omnipotent sway of anarchy.

Opinions are rulers of men, and hence the destinies of nations evolve upon the principles of party doctrine. Patriotism is sometimes buried in partyism. Men would fain believe their own principles and their own prophecies infallible. Hence there have been bitter strifes waged between parties in Missouri, and the time which we have now reached tells the hour of their beginning. The position of our state has made her the battle-ground of ideas, and upon the outcome of the battle depended not only her prosperity but the welfare of the nation.

Martin Van Buren, democrat, and William Henry Harrison, whig, were the candidates in the presidential canvass of 1840. The campaign is recorded as the most hotly contested that had yet occurred in the country. Gigantic mass-meetings were everywhere held, and stump oratory flooded the land.

The whigs and democrats of Missouri caught the prevailing enthusiasm, and conducted the canvass with unusual spirit. Mass conventions, accompanied by the splendid pageantry of processions, brilliant banners and martial music, to say nothing of political discussions, unexcelled in fervid eloquence, abounded everywhere. The state was wild with excitement, and many and interesting and graphic are the scenes which our older citizens are able to recall, of the campaign of 1840.

The result of the contest in the state, was a complete victory for the democrats. Thomas Reynolds was elected governor, John Miller and John C. Edwards elected to congress. The Van Buren electors were elected by 7,500 majority.

The twelfth general assembly, which met in 1842, re-elected Lewis F* Linn, to the United States senate. Mr. Linn died in office in 1843, and David R. Atchison was appointed to fill the vacancy.

Early in 1844, the good people of the state were shocked by the intel¬ ligence of the suicide of Gov. Reynolds. Melancholia was the only cause

Historical Sketch Of Missouri

In every situation in which I have been placed, I have labored to discharge my duty faithfully to the public. But this has not protected me for the last twelve months from the slanders and abuse of my enemies, which has rendered my life a burden to me. I pray God to forgive them and teach them more char¬ ity. Farewell.

Another event of the year 1844, was the disastrous flood caused by the overflow of the Missouri and Mississippi rivers. The great rise which occurred in June, was unprecedented. Thousands of dollars worth of property along the bottoms was swept away, and human life itself suffered. East St. Louis was submerged, and on the western side the waters attained such an alarming height as to seriously interrupt business, and cause much damage along the levee. In St. Louis, on June 24, the water was seven feet and seven inches above the city directrix.

In 1846 congress declared that " a state of war exists between Mexico and the United States. " Soon after this, the Mexicans crossed the Rio Grande, and occupied the disputed territory. On this ground they were met by Gen. Taylor, and in two memorable engagements defeated with terrific losses.

As soon as the conduct of the Mexicans became known in St. Louis> the " St. Louis Legion, " under the command of Col. A. R. Easton, left for the scene of action, recruited by many volunteers and with a universal Godspeed from the citizens.

At the same time an expedition was being planned for the invasion and possession of New Mexico and California, the command of which was placed entirely in the hands of Gen. Kearney. The governor of Missouri was called on for one thousand volunteers to join the regulars at Leaven¬ worth, and constitute the forces of Kearney, the whole to be called the " Army of the West. "

The complement of companies was soon made up from the counties of Clay, Lafayette, Jackson, Cole, Howard and Callaway. On arriving at Fort Leavenworth, an election was held, and Alexander W. Doniphan chosen colonel.

The valorous conduct of these volunteers has long been the subject of unusual comment in history. Officers and privates fought nobly, and the praises of their gallant heroism yet ring down the swiftly flowing years. The name of the "Army of the West " was crowned with honor through the devotion Missourians.

Across the desert wastes, between Fort Leavenworth and Santa Fe, under hot winds and with bad water, marched the Army of the West. The Mexicans everywhere fled upon the approach of Kearney, who soon made himself master of the country, and leaving Doniphan in charge, pro¬ ceeded to California.

A memorable engagement, known as the battle of Brazito, or Bracito, which occurred after the departure of Gen. Kearney, is thus graphically described:

With the object of opening a communication with Gen. Wool, at Chihuahua, Col. Doniphan left Valverde with about 500 men; and after a three days' journey through a desert country, arrived near the town of El Paso. Near this place they encamped on the road. Just when they had all dispersed, and when the Tear guard was six miles behind, they were attacked by a large body of Mexicans, with cavalry and artillery. Doniphan's men had not time to saddle their horses, but drew up rapidly in front of their encampment, determined to fight on foot. A black flag, with skull and cross-bones upon it, was sent to the American com¬ mander, and an intimation given that there would be no quarter. They then opened their fire and charged handsomely, but they were driven back. A few of Doniphan's men then ran up to the Mexican line and secured their cannon. This desperate act made the Mexicans " perplexed in the extreme." They then Knew the character of their foes. More of the Americans coming up, the Mex¬ icans were soon put to flight. Their whole force numbered 1200 men, and they lost about 200 in killed and wounded. Doniphan's force was 500 men, all of whom were not engaged, and he only had seven men wounded; none killed. The arms, provisions and stores of the Mexicans fell into the hands of the victors.

The battle of Sacramento resulting in the capture of the city of Chihua¬ hua, was a great American victory. Col. Doniphan, in this engagement, with 924 men, fought and overcome 4000 Mexicans. The action of the Missouri forces throughout was brilliant. From an official report by M. Lewis Clark (major commanding battalion Missouri Light Artillery), to Col. A. W. Doniphan, we extract the following:

It is with feelings of gratitude to the Ruler of all battles, that I have now the honor to report, that not a man of my command has been hurt, nor any animals, with the exception of one horse killed under Lieut. Dorn, and of one mule belonging to the United States, shot under one of the cannoniers; neither has a gun or either carriage of my battery been touched, except in one instance, where a nine-pound ball struck the tire of a wheel, without producing injury. This is a fact worthy of notice, that so little damage was done to a command greatly exposed to the enemy's fire, and of itself made a point of attack by the enemy, if I may so judge by the showers of cannon and other shot constantly poured into us, as long as the enemy continued to occupy his position. I might call your attention to the individual instances of personal courage and good conduct of the men of my command, as well as of the intrepid bravery, cool and deter¬ mined courage of many of your own regiment, and Lieutenant-Colonel Mitchell's escort, who charged with us upon the enemy's works, were it not impossible in any reasonable space, to name so many equally worthy of distinction; and did I not presume that other field officers on that occasion, would report the proceed¬ ings of their own commands, and the praiseworthy conduct of their own officers and men.

Missouri in 1846 under the command of Hon. Sterling Price, (member of congress from Missouri, resigned.) At Taos he met the enemy, and in a battle that raged intensely from morning until night, won a victory that caused a total loss of the enemy of 282. Col. Price's loss was fifteen killed and forty-seven wounded.

In August, 1847, another requisition was made by the president for 1000 men, and though the force was raised in an incredibly short time, the pres¬ ident countermanded the order before a march was ordered.

Another engagement, March 16, 1848, in which Colonel John Ralls, of Ralls county, commanded the Americans, is to be noted. The battle was fought at Santa Cruz de Rosales, and the Mexicans were defeated with a loss of three hundred and thirty killed and many wounded.

The Missouri forces were stationed in New Mexico after this latter engagement, and remained there either until the close of the war or until they were mustered out of service.

Among those who won proud laurels in the Mexican war was Gen, James Shields, of Missouri. The campaign of Scott was ornamented by no more heroic officer.

The year 1849 brought death and disaster to the now prosperous and populous city of St. Louis. The Asiatic cholera again broke out, and with renewed violence, the terrible scourge raged until almost one tenth of the inhabitants were swept away.

On the evening of the 19th of May, the steamer " White Cloud," lying at the wharf, was fired by an incendiary or by some unknown cause. The flames spread so rapidly that it was at once seen that nothing could save the vessel. Other boats, to escape the imminent danger, cut their cables and floated out into the stream. At the same time the fastenings of the burning " White Cloud" were loosened, and the effort, intended to save them, proved only their destruction. The whole fleet was soon in flames, and a line of fire leaped up a mile in length. Merchandise stored upon the levee caught fire and communicated it to the city: Blocks upon blocks of buildings were destroyed, and ere the demon was subdued, the loss had reached three millions of dollars.

The city presented indeed a desolate appearance. It seemed' as if unseen forces had combined to destroy it. Notwithstanding the pending gloom, re-building was commenced. Brave hearts and willing hands soon repaired the damage. Handsomer buildings took the place of the old. Streets were widened, new systems of sewerage introduced, and in a few years no trace of the destroyer remained.

In the beginning of this chapter allusion was made to the deep interest Missourians had in national politics and the issues at stake, and the rea¬ sons why the acts of the state were pivotal in the sense of their determin¬ ing power over these national issues. The slavery question had never been settled. The rights of the states and the nation had never yet been sharply defined, and slavery was now the cause which threw the com¬ monwealth into a fever-heat of controversy.

Previous to the convening of the sixteenth general assembly, in 1848r the famous Wilmot- Anti-Slavery Proviso had been introduced into the national congress. The act opened up the slumbering fires of political animus, and the great deep of public opinion became terribly agitated. The proviso prohibited the introduction of slavery into the new western territories.

So great was the excitement that on January 1st, 1849, Corty Wells introduced into the state senate a series of resolutions touching the ques¬ tion. These were referred to the committee on federal relations. On January 15th the following substitute for the resolutions was reported from the committee by Claiborne F. Jackson. This substitute, which was but a modification of Mr. Wells' resolutions, is known in history as the "Jackson Resolutions

Resolved, by the General Assembly of the State of Missouri , That the federal constitution was the result of a compromise between the conflicting interests of the states which formed it, and in no part of that instrument is to be found any delegation of power to congress to legislate on the subject of slavery, excepting some special provisions, having in view the prospective abolition of the African slave-trade, made for the securing the recovery of fugitive slaves; any attempt therefore, on the part of congress to legislate on the subject, so as to affect the institution of slavery in the states, in the District of Columbia, or in the terri¬ tories, is, to say the least, a violation of the principles upon which that instru¬ ment was founded.

2. That the territories, acquired by the blood and treasure of the whole nation, ought to be governed for the common benefit of the people of all the states, and any organization of the territorial governments excluding the citi¬ zens of any part of the Union from removing to such territories with their prop¬ erty, would be an exercise of power, by congress, inconsistent with the spirit upon which our federal compact was based, insulting to the sovereignty and dig¬ nity of the states thus affected, calculated to alienate one portion of the Union from another, and tending ultimately to disunion.

3. That this general assembly regard the conduct of the northern states on the subject of slavery as releasing the slave- holding states from all further adherence to the basis of compromise fixed on by the act of congress of March 6, 1820; even if such act ever did impose any obligations upon the slave¬ holding states, and authorizes them to insist upon their rights under the consti¬ tution; but for the sake of harmony and for the preservation of our federal union, the}; will still sanction the application of the principles of the Missouri compromise to the recent territorial acquisitions, if by such concession future aggressions upon the equal rights of the states may be arrested and the spirit of anti-slavery fanaticism be extinguished.

4. The right to prohibit slavery in any territory, belongs excusively to the people thereof, and can only be exercised by them in forming their constitu¬ tion for a state government, or in their sovereign capacity as an independent state.

5. That in the event of the passage of any act of congress conflicting with the principles herein expressed, Missouri will be found in hearty co-operation with the slave-holding states, in such measures as may be deemed necesssary for our mutual protection against the encroachments of northern fanaticism.

On being reported to the house they were referred to the committee on federal relations, from a majority of which, George C. Bingham, of Saline county, returned a substitute. The substitute was opposite in character to the resolutions. It conceded the authority of con¬ gress to prohibit slavery in the territories, claimed that no laws could be enacted, rightfully, which would affect the institution in the states; that patriotism and duty and honor, whispered ever to the people to guard eternally the sacred compact of states. The substitute was rejected; ayes, 62; noes, 20. The resolutions were then adopted separately. The final vote upon the whole series stood, ayes 53; noes 27.

This action of the general assembly of Missouri was indeed a bold one, and gave rise to the most feverish and impassioned discussion. Taking into account the general view of slavery, it was in keeping with the sen¬ timent of the majority of the people. Still there was an element ofi oppo¬ sition, and also of conservatism. Age had made slavery " time-honored."

The popular ferment, however, was to be increased. The eminent statesman, Thomas H. Benton, opposed the resolutions bitterly, and appealed from the legislature to the people. A complete canvass of the state was made. All his wonderful powers of rhetoric and exhaustive argu¬ ment were brought into requisition. He claimed that the result of the "Jackson Resolutions" would be ultimate disunion, that in spirit they were contrary to the " Compromise " of 1820, and to subsequent acts endorsing the prin¬ ciples of that Compromise. " He maintained that the spirit of nullification and disunion, of insubordination to law and of treason, lurked in the ' Jackson-Resolutions,' especially in the fifth; that they were a mere copy of the Calhoun Resolutions, offered in the United States senate, February 19, 1847, and denounced by him, at the time, as firebrands and intended for disunion and electioneering purposes," says Mr. Switzler, who was at that time a member of the state legislature, from Boone county. Benton's speeches were electrical and brilliant, and he soon had a large following. In the end, however, the democratic party became divided. He did not prosecute his plea before the people without opposition. Among those who condemned his course, and besieged his policies, may be mentioned David R. Atchison, Louis V. Bogy, John B. Clark, Sr., and Claiborne F. Jackson.

Excitement ran higher than ever before. It was the beginning of the great struggle. Ardent patriotism joined hands with slanderous invective.

The state was ablaze. Men forgot business in the vortex of mad dis¬ cussion. The foundations for the battle of blood were laid. The sceptre of democracy was to pass into other hands. The cloud of disunion that skirted the horizon of destiny, though now but a speck, from these begin¬ nings, was to grow, until the lowering mass obscured the sunlight of peace.