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Johnson County, Missouri - Chapter 16, 1881

From The History of Johnson County, Missouri : Including a Reliable History of the Townships, Cities, and Towns, Together with a Map of the County; a Condensed History of Missouri; the State Constitution; an Abstract of the Most Important Laws; the Physical Features of the County; the Early Settlers and Pioneers; the Political and War History; the Religious and Educational History...statistics and Miscellaneous Matters, Etc., Etc, published 1881. 6,110 words, reproduced complete and unedited. Source changes inside the text are labelled in place.

Contents

2 sections

The section headings the book prints inside this chapter. Each one jumps to where it begins.

The text

6,110 words

Machine-read from scans of The History of Johnson County, Missouri : Including a Reliable History of the Townships, Cities, and Towns, Together with a Map of the County; a Condensed History of Missouri; the State Constitution; an Abstract of the Most Important Laws; the Physical Features of the County; the Early Settlers and Pioneers; the Political and War History; the Religious and Educational History...statistics and Miscellaneous Matters, Etc., Etc, published 1881. Nothing has been corrected: fixing what looks like a misspelled name is how an invented one gets published. Source changes are marked where they occur.

Chapter 16

Military History, 1861 - Letters of Frost and Lyon - Capture of Camp Jackson - Massacre at St. Louis - Agreement of Harney and Price - Interview in St. Louis - Civil War Inaugurated - Creation of the " Western Department " - Battle of Wilson's Creek - Thompson's Call - Proclamations of Gamble and Jackson - Martial Law - Siege of Lexington - Movements of Price and Fremont - Joint Proclamation of the Two Com¬ manders - General Hal leek Placed in Command - Letter of Sterling Price - Summary of Engagements - Forebodings.

Turning now to. the military operations we have first the " order " of Warwick Hough, and the establishment of Camp Jackson. It is true that the purposes of the camp were suspected. All of Gov. Jackson's acts upon their face were believed by union men to show a sympathy with secession, and though the stars and stripes floated over the "camp," Gen. Lyon deemed it necessary to examine it himself under disguise. It was reported that shot and shells and cannon had been received marked "mar¬ ble." Two streets in the camp were named respectively, Davis and Beauregard. This it was claimed denoted strong interest in the southern leaders. In the midst of these rumors, whether founded well or ill can not now certainly be said, Gen. Frost addressed a note to Capt. Lyon, con¬ taining the following:

I would be glad to know from you personally whether there is any truth in the statements that are constantly poured into my ears. So far as regards any hos¬ tility being intended toward the United States, or its property, or representa¬ tives, by any portion of my command, or, as far as I can learn (and I think I am fully informed) of any other part of the state forces, I can say positively that the idea has never been entertained. On the contrary, prior to your taking com¬ mand of the arsenal, I proffered to Major Bell, then in command of the very few troops constituting its guard, the service of myself and all my command, and, if necessary the whole power of the state to protect the United States in the full possession of all her property. Upon Gen. Harney's taking command of this department, I made the same proffer of services to him, and authorized his adju¬ tant-general, Capt. Williams, to communicate the fact that such had been done to the war department. I have had no occasion since to change any of the views I entertained at that time, neither of my own volition nor through the orders of my constitutional commander.

Lyon did not receive this note, and it is authoritatively stated, would not. Preparations were then being made to surround the " camp. '» After four or five thousand troops had been stationed around it, and bat¬ teries planted on the heights overlooking it, and while thousands of people were gathered round breathless with interest, the following letter was addressed to Gen. Frost:

Sir: Your command is regarded as evidently hostile towards the government of the United States. It is for the most part, made up of those secessionists, who have openly avowed their hostility to the general government, and have been plotting at the seizure of its property and the overthrow of its authority. You are openly in communication with the so-called southern confederacy, which is now at war with the United States, and you are receiving at your camps from the said confederacy, and under its flag, large supplies of the material of war, most of which is known to be the property of the United States. These extraordinary preparations plainly indicate none other than the well known pur¬ pose of the governor of this state, under whose orders you are acting, and whose purpose, recently communicated to the legislature, has just been responded to by that body in the most unparalleled legislation, having in direct view hostili¬ ties to the general government, and co-operation with its enemies.

In view of these considerations, and of your failure to disperse in obedience to the proclamation of the president, and of the imminent necessities of state policy and warfare, and the obligations imposed upon me by instructions from Wash¬ ington, it is my duty to demand, and I do hereby demand of you an immediate surrender of your command, with no other conditions than that all persons sur¬ rendering, under this demand, shall be humanely and kindly treated. Believing

Historical Sketch Of Missouri

A hasty consultation was held between Frost and his officers. Seeing their helplessness to successfully oppose so large a force, only one course was left - a surrender. After they were made prisoners, an offer was made to release them on condition that they would subscribe to support the constitution. This was declined on the ground that having once taken the oath of allegiance, to renew it now would but stamp their former acts as rebellious.

The Missouri Republican of May 11, 1861, contains this account of the massacre which occurred on marching the prisoners from " Camp Jackson" to the city: "About half past five, the prisoners of war left the grove and entered the road, the United States soldiers enclosing them by a single file stretched along each side of the line. A halt was ordered and the troops remained standing in the position they had deployed into the road in. The head of the column at the time rested opposite a small hill on the entrance to the grove. Vast crowds of people covered the sur¬ rounding grounds and every fence and housetop in the vicinity. Suddenly the sharp reports of several fire-arms were heard from the front of the column and the spectators that lined the adjoining hill were seen fleeing in the greatest dismay and terror. It appears that several members of one of the German companies, on being pressed by the crowd and receiving several blows from them, turned and discharged their pieces. Fortunately no one was injured, and the soldiers who had done the act were at once placed under arrest. Hardly, however, had tranquillity been restored, when volley after volley of rifle reports were suddenly heard from the extreme rear ranks, and men, women and children were beheld running wildly and frantically away from the scene. Many, while running, were suddenly struck to the sod, and the wounded and dying made the late beautiful field look like a battle-ground. The total number killed and injured is about twenty-five. It was reported that the arsenal troops were attacked with stones and a couple of shots discharged at them by the crowd before they fired."

Great importance attaches to this firing of federal soldiers, for it as openly proclaimed war in Missouri as the fatal shot at Fort Sumter sounded the doom of the union.

The story of a brutal assault upon defenseless women and children swept across the peaceful valleys of Missouri like a wave of prairie fire. The midnight watcher told it to the horrified traveler, while the cries of the solitary rider in the darkness flew upon the wings of the wind. The strong pent-up passions against Federal authority burst forth. We have seen the effect of the news at the state capital. Throughout the state there were uprisings to arms. As the tale was told from lip to lip, its proportions grew fearfully gigantic. And though the tidings were soon corrected, as to the details of the firing, the excitement could not be allayed. Whether right or wrong in doing so, whether it was the single assault of some desperate citizen, the onset of an armed mob, or wanton and brutal madness, that caused the firing, cannot now, amid the conflict¬ ing accounts, be definitely settled. But the die was cast. The soil of Mis¬ souri must drink the blood of her sons.

Two days after the onslaught we have depicted, Brigadier-General Wm. S. Harney, who had charge of the western department, returned to St. Louis from Washington. He immediately issued a proclamation to the people in which he deplored the existing state of things, assured the people that no "unnecessary force " would be used in " preserving the public peace," and bade them return to their respective avocations and abstain "from heated discussions."

In receiving the news, shortly afterward, of the passage of the " military bill " by the legislature, (the bill passed fifteen minutes after the news of the capture of Camp Jackson,) Gen. Harney issued another proclamation in which he defines the position of the government with regard to Missouri:

" It is with regret that I feel it my duty to call your attention to the recent act of the general assembly of Missouri, known as the military bill, which is the result, no doubt, of the temporary excitement that now pervades the public mind. This bill cannot be regarded in any other light than an indirect secession ordi¬ nance, ignoring even the forms resorted to by other states. Manifestly its most material provisions are in conflict with the constitution and laws of the United States. To this extent it is nullity, and cannot, and ought not to be upheld or regarded by the good citizens of Missouri. There are obligations resting upon the people of Missouri under the constitution and laws of the United States which are paramount, and which, I trust, you will carefully consider and weigh well before you allow yourselves to be carried out of the union, under the form of yielding obedience to this military bill, which is clearly in violation of your duties as citizens of the United States. It must be apparent to every one who has taken a proper and unbiased view of the subject, that, whatever may be the termination of the unfortunate condition of things in respect to the so-called "Cotton States," Missouri must share the destiny of the union. Her geograph¬ ical position, her soil, productions, and, in short, all her material interests point to this result. We cannot shut our eyes against this controlling fact. It is seen and its force is felt throughout the nation. So important is this regarded to the great interests of the country, that I venture to express the opinion that the whole power of the government of the United States, if necessary, will be exerted to maintain Missouri in her present position in the union. I express to you, in all frankness and sincerity, my own deliberate convictions, without assuming to speak for the government of the United States, whose authority, here and elsewhere, I shall, at all times, and under all circumstances, endeavor faithfully to uphold."

The spirit evinced by Gen. Harney's proclamations was first concilia¬ tion and peace; second, the preservation of the union as far as Missouri was concerned by force of arms. As a further witness to the desire of both the state and federal forces for an aversion of the horrors of civil war, is the following agreement, which explains itself:

" The undersigned, officers of the United States government, and of the gov¬ ernment of the State of Missouri, for the purpose of removing misapprehensions and allaying public excitement, deem it proper to declare publicly that they have, this day, had a personal interview in this city, in which it has been mutu¬ ally understood, without the semblance of dissent on either part, that each of them has no other than a common object equally interesting and important to every citizen of Missouri: that of restoring peace and good order to the people of the state in subordination to the laws of the general and the state governments. It being thus understood, there seems no reasons why every citizen should not confide in the proper officers of the general and state governments to restore quiet; and, as the best means of offering no counter influences, we mutually recommend to all persons to respect each other's rights throughout the state, making no attempt to exercise unauthorized power, as it is the determination of the proper authorities to suppress all unlawful proceedings which can only dis¬ turb the public peace. Gen. Price, having by commission, full authority over the militia of the state of Missouri, undertakes, with the sanction of the governor of the State, already declared, to direct the whole power of the state officers to maintain order within the state among the people thereof; and Gen. Harney, publicly declares, that this object being assured, he can have no occasion, as he has no wish, to make military movements which might otherwise create excite¬ ments and jealousies, which he mo<*t earnestly desires to avoid. We, the under¬ signed, do therefore mutually enjoin upon the people of the state, to attend to their civil business, of whatsoever sort it may be; and it is to be hoped that the unquiet elements, which have threatened so seriously to disturb the public peace, may soon subside and be remembered only to be deplored.

This compact though so explicit in its declarations, was not long in force. The authorities in Washington did not approve of it. On the 31st of May, Capt. Lyon succeeded Gen. Harney in command. On June the 11th, another effort was made at reconciliation. A four hours' inter¬ view was held in St. Louis between Gen. N. Lyon, Col. Frank P. Blair and Maj. H. A. Conant, on the one side, and Gov. Jackson, Gen. Price and Thomas L. Snead, on the other. The only object attained was the devel¬ opment of the fact that no peaceful means could produce the desired quiet. The representatives of the state government withdrew, and soon after Gov. Jackson issued a proclamation calling into active service fifty thousand of the state militia. From the two extracts which we give here the demands at the interview of the state and federal governments are respectively shown. Lyon demanded: "That I would disband the State Guard and break up its organization ; that I would disarm all the companies which had been armed by the state; that I would pledge myself not to attempt to organize the militia under the military bill; that I would repress all insurrectionary movements within the state; that I that the federal government should enjoy an unrestricted right to move and station its troops throughout the state, whenever and wherever that might, in the opinion of its officers, be necessary for the protection of the " loyal subjects " of the federal government, or for the repelling of invasion, and they plainly announced that it was the intention of the administration to take military occupation, under these pretexts, of the whole state, and to reduce it as avowed by Gen. Lyon himself, to the ' exact condition of Maryland.' "

While it is your duty to obey all the constitutional requirements of the Fed¬ eral government, it is equally my duty to advise you that your first allegiance is due to your own state, and that you are under no obligations whatever to obey the unconstitutional edicts of the military despotism which has enthroned itself at Washington, nor to submit to the infamous and degrading sway of its wicked minions in this state. No brave or true-hearted Missourian will obey the one or sub¬ mit to the other. Rise, then, and drive out ignominiously, the invaders who have dared to desecrate the soil which your labors have made fruitful, and which is consecrated by your homes.

Immediately after the issue of this, the federal troops under Gen. Lyon took possession of Jefferson City, Gov. Jackson having previously retired to Boonville. Leaving Col. Henry Boernstein in command, at Jefferson City, Gen. Lyon proceeded up the river, and on the 17th encountered the state troops, midway between Boonville and Rocheport, where an engage¬ ment ensued, resulting in the defeat of the state troops and the occupa¬ tion of Camp Vest, at Boonville, by the federal forces. Lyon's force was 2,000 in all; the state troops numbered 1,500. Neither side engaged all its men. The loss was slight.

Civil war was now duly inaugurated. Limited space will not allow us to detail the various movements on either side, nor to describe the battles which were fought. We overcome the difficulty as nearly as possible by a table which we append to the chapter and to which we refer the reader*

Gen. Lyon issued a proclamation, at Boonville, reiterating that the fed¬ eral forces in his command would be used only to maintain the authority of the general government, and the protection of law-abiding citizens. He also declared that the compact between Price and Harney had been disregarded by the state forces, and that the state officers had by word and act virtually declared war. Gov. Jackson proceeded to Arrow Rock, then to Syracuse. He had here some six hundred men. Lyon dispatched Capt. Totten to this point with orders to capture him. Jackson hearing of his approach moved toward the south.

in the state reached 10,000 men, 2,500 of whom were stationed at Her¬ mann and Jefferson City, 3,200 at Rolla, the terminus of the south¬ western branch of the Pacific railroad; 1,000 on the North Missouri rail¬ road, and 1,000 at Bird's Point, opposite Cairo. In addition to this, there was a force of 2,500 remaining at St. Louis, which could be increased to 10,000 in a few hours, by accession from neighboring camps in Illinois. These troops held the entire portion of the state north of the river, the southeast quarter lying between the Mississippi and a line drawn south¬ ward from Jefferson City to the Arkansas border, thus giving to the fed¬ eral government, the important points of St. Louis, Hannibal, St. Joseph and Bird's Point, as a base of operations, with the rivers and railroads as a means of transportation.

Early in July the western department was created, comprising the states and territories between the Rocky Mountains and the Mississippi river and the state of Illinois, with headquarters at St. Louis. Gen. Fre¬ mont was placed in command.

Gen. Price was now being reinforced by McCulloch with troops from Arkansas and the confederate states. The scene of operations was the southwestern counties. On the 10th of August the battle of Wilson's Creek was fought, in which the brave, but neglected Lyon was killed The confederates gained a complete victory. Their fighting was valiant in the extreme. The battle is recorded as one of the most bloody in the annals of the war.

The state convention, whose proceedings we have recorded, convened on the 22d of July. On the 31st, the day Gov. Gamble's address to the people was adopted, Lieut.-Gov. Reynolds, in the absence of Jackson, issued a proclamation stating that " Under the existing circumstances, it is his" (Gov. Jackson's) " clear duty to accept the actual situation of affairs, and simplify the real issues, by making, under the statute above men¬ tioned," (viz: An act authorizing the governor to take such measures as in his judgment he may deem necessary to repel invasion or put down rebellion) " and subject to the future control of the general assembly and the people, a provisional declaration, in the name and on behalf of the people of Missouri, that her union with the northern states has been dis¬ solved by their acts of war upon her."

Come now, strike while the iron is hot! Our enemies are whipped in Virginia. They have been whipped in Missouri. General Hardee advances in the center, Gen. Pillow on the right, Gen. McCulloch on the left, with twenty thousand brave southern hearts to our aid. So leave your ploughs in the furrow, and your oxen in the yoke, and rush like a tornado upon our invaders and foes, and sweep them from the face of the earth, or force them from the soil of our state! Brave sons of the ninth district, come and join us! We have plenty of ammunition, and the cattle on ten thousand hills are ours. We have forty thousand Belgian muskets coming; but bring your guns and muskets with you, if you have them, if not, come without them. We will strike your foes like a southern thunder¬ bolt, and soon our camp-fires will illuminate the Merrimac and Missouri. Come, turn out! Jeff. Thompson,

We can in no wise better contrast the two powers in the state and the military operations which each proposed, than by the following extracts from proclamations issued respectively, August 3d and oth, by Governors Gamble and Jackson:

All citizens who are embodied under the act of the last session of the general assembly, popularly called the " military law," are notified that the law has been abrogated, the troops disbanded; the commissions issued under it, as well as the commission under the act of the same session for the appointment of a majorgeneral, have been annulled, and all soldiers and officers are enjoined to cease action in a military capacity. The officers and their troops belonging to the con¬ federate states, who have invaded Missouri, are notified that it is against the will of the people of Missouri that they should continue upon the soil of this state, and that their continuance in Missouri will be considered an act of war, designed to bring upon our state the horrors of war, which Missouri desires to avoid. They are, therefore, notified to depart at once from the state.

Now, therefore, by virtue of the authority in me vested by said act, I, Claiborne F. Jackson, governor of the state of Missouri, appealing to the supreme judge of the world for the rectitude of my intentions, and firmly believing that I am herein carrying into effect the will of the people of Missouri, do hereby, in their name, by their authority, and on their behalf, and subject at all times to their free and unbiased control, make and publish this provisional declaration, that by the acts of the people and government of the United States of America, the political connection heretofore existing between said states and the people and govern¬ ment of Missouri is, and ought to be, totally dissolved; and that the state of Missouri, as a sovereign, free, and independent republic, has full power to levy war, conclude peace, contract alliances, establish commerce, and do all other acts and things which independent states may do.

Notwithstanding the call of Thompson, the proclamation of Gov. Jackson, and the subsequent victory at Wilson's creek, which we have men¬ tioned, the confederate forces did not proceed on their previously planned line of march to the great prize of St. Louis. Proclamations, boasting of the victory, were issued, one by McCulloch and one by Price, but the forces under them remained quiet, near Springfield. Recruits, however, were being mustered in in the western counties. A lack of provisions embarrassed the confederates. Meantime, Fremont was being re-inforced by large numbers of federals from the northwest.

One terrible effect came from the battle of Wilson's Creek - the martial law. In the imminence of the crisis, which the news of the battle caused, Gov. Gamble called into service 42,000 men of the militia to serve for six months, unless peace be sooner restored. Lawlessness of every character and of all parties was an attendant of the chaotic times. In order to stop the reign of violence Fremont appointed J. McKinstry provost-marshal-gen¬ eral of the state, and declared a martial law which announced that all per¬ sons within the lines of the army of the occupation (^extending from Leav¬ enworth, by way of Jefferson City, to Cape Girardeau), "if taken with arms in their hands, should be tried by court-martial, and if found guilty, shot; that the property of all persons who should be proven to have taken an active part with the enemies of the government, should be confiscated for public use, and their slaves declared free ; that all persons engaged in the destruction of bridges and railroads, etc., should suffer the extreme - penalty of the law," etc., etc.

On September 2d, this was replied to by Gen. Jeff. Thompson, in a pro¬ clamation, stating, "that for every member of the Missouri state guard, or soldier of our allies, the armies of the Confederate States, who shall be put to death in pursuance of the said order of Gen. Fremont, I will hang, draw, and quarter a minion of said Abraham Lincoln," and, "if this rule is to be adopted (and it must first be done by our enemies), I intend to exceed Gen. Fremont in his excesses, and will make all tories that come within my reach rue the day that a different policy was adopted by their leaders."

September was chiefly passed by Fremont in making preparations, at St. Louis, for an aggressive movement toward the southwest. The plan was, to overwhelm the confederates, and push them from the state.

Gen. Price having recruited his forces in the southwest, moved in the latter part of July toward Lexington. His line of march made a great curve toward the Kansas border, so that in reality he approached Lexing¬ ton from the west. An alienation had sprung up between Price und McCulloch, resulting in the withdrawal of the latter from the state. Not¬ withstanding this, Price had a formidable force. The siege and assault upon Lexington was the second important engagement in the campaign of 1861, and resulted in a confederate victory. The white flag of surrender was raised on the 20th, and about 3,000 union soldiers became prisoners of war.

The news of this defeat started Fremont into action. Apprehending that Gen. Price would move on to Jefferson City, he marched to that place and took possession on September 28. Gen. Fremont's plan was to move immediately upon Price, defeat him before he could be joined by McCulloch, who was collecting forces in Arkansas, march to

On the 30th of September, Price abandoned Lexington and moved south. Gen. Fremont took the field, and approached the enemy at Springfield, where occurred the justly celebrated charge of Zagonyi. An important engagement seemed imminent. Gen. Fremont had determined on a " forward movement " that would engage Gen. Price's army (which having pushed on through Neosho to Pineville, and having been rein¬ forced by McCulloch, was moving 40,000 strong, it was reported, on Springfield), when the order, November 2, came, relieving him of his command. The result of this was that there was no contest in the south¬ west, and the Union army fell back toward St. Louis, and Gen. Price established headquarters for the winter at Neosho.

Gen. Fremont had been charged with the losses at Wilson's Creek and Lexington, he having failed to send the proper reinforcements in both cases. He was superseded by Hunter, who five days afterward was superseded by Maj.-Gen. Henry W. Halleck.

Whereas, A solemn agreement has been entered into by and between Major- Generals Freemont and Price respectively commanding antagonistic forces in the state of Missouri, to the effect that in future, arrests or forcible interference by armed or unarmed parties of citizens within the limits of said state, for the mere entertainment or expression of political opinions, shall hereafter cease; that families, now broken up for such causes, may be re-united, and that the war now progressing shall be exclusively confined to armies in the field.

1. No arrests whatever, on account of political opinions, or for the merely private expressions of the same, shall hereafter be made within the limits of the state of Missouri; and all persons who may have been arrested and are held to answer on such charges only, shall be forthwith released. But it is expressly declared, that nothing in this proclamation shall be construed to bar, or interfere with any of the usual and regular proceedings of the established courts under statutes and orders, made and provided for such offenses.

2. All peaceably disposed citizens who may have been driven from their homes because of their political opinions, or who may have left them for fear of force or violence, are hereby advised and permitted to return, upon the faith of our positive assurance, that while so returning, they shall receive protection from both armies in the field whenever it can be given.

3. All bodies of armed men acting without the authority or recognition of the Major-Generals before named, and not legitimately connected with the armies in the field, are hereby ordered at once to disband.

4. Any violation of either of the foregoing articles shall subject the offender to the penalty of military law, according to the nature of the offense.

In testimony whereof, the aforesaid Major-General John C. Fremont, at Springfield, Mo., on the 1st day of November, A. D. 1861, and Major-General Sterling Price, at Cassville, on this fifth day of November, A. D. 1861, have hereunto set their hands, and hereby mutually pledge their earnest efforts to the enforcement

On the 7th of November, Gen. Hunter, then in command, addressed a letter to Gen. Price, in which he stated that he would " in no manner recog¬ nize the agreement," and forbade its issuance as a joint proclamation. The main reason assigned for this was, that it would interfere with the enforcement of the martial law.

Near the close of the month of November, from his encampment at Neosho, Gen. Price issued a stirring and famous appeal to the people of Missouri for fifty thousand men to join his standard. As the closing cam¬ paign document of 1861, it is a wonderful paper. We copy the latter half of it:

We must drive the oppressor from our land. I must have 50,000 men. .Now is the crisis of your fate; now the golden opportunity to save the state! Now is the day of your political salvation! The time of enlistment of our brave band is beginning to expire. Do not tax their patience beyond endurance. Do not longer sicken their hearts by hope deferred. They begin to enquire, "Where are our friends?" Who shall give them answer? Boys and small property holders have, in the main, fought the battles for the protection of your property, and when they ask, "Where are the men for whom we are fighting?" how shall I, how can I explain? Citizens of Missouri, I call upon you by every considera¬ tion of interest, by every desire of safety, by every tie that binds you to home and country, delay no longer. " Let the dead bury the dead." Leave your property to take care of itself; commend your homes to the protection of God, and merit the admiration and love of childhood and womanhood, by showing yourselves men, the sons of the brave and free, who bequeathed to us the sacred trust of free institutions. Come to the army of Missouri, not for a week, or a month, but to free your country.

The burning fires of patriotism must inspire and lead you, or all is lost - lost, too, just at the moment when all might be forever saved. Numbers give strength. Numbers intimidate the foe. Numbers save the necessity, often, of fighting battles. Numbers make our arms irresistible. Numbers command universal respect and insure confidence. We must have men; 50,000 men! Let the herdsman leave his folds. Let the farmer leave his fields. Let the mechanic leave his shop. Let the lawyer leave his office till we restore the supremacy of the law. Let the aspirants for office and place, know they will be weighed in the balance of patriotism, and may be found wanting. If there be any craven, crouching spirits, who have not greatness of soul to respond to their country's call for help, let them stay at home, and let only the brave and true come out to join their brethren on the tented field.

Come with supplies of clothing, and with tents, if you can procure them. Come with your guns of any description, that can be made to bring down a foe.

If you have no arms, come without them, and we will supply you as far as that is possible. Bring cooking untensils, and rations for a few weeks. Bring blankets, and heavy shoes, and extra bed clothing, if you have them. Bring no horses to remain with the army except those necessary for baggage transporta¬ tion. We must have 50,000 men. Give me these men, and by the help of God, I will drive the hireling bands of thieves and marauders from the state. But if Missourians fail now to rise in their strength, and avail themselves of this pro¬ pitious moment to strike for honor and liberty, you cannot say that we have not done all we could to save you.

You will be advised in time, at what point to report for organization and active service. Leave your property at home. What if it be taken - all taken. We have $200,000,000 worth of northern means in Missouri which cannot be removed. When we are once free, the amount will indemnify every citizen who may have lost a dollar by adhesion to the cause of his country. We shall have our property, or its value with interest. But in the name of God, and the attributes of manhood, let me appeal to you by considerations infinitely higher than money! Are we a generation of driveling, sniveling, degraded slaves? Or are we me/i, who dare assert and maintain the right which cannot be sur¬ rendered, and defend those principles of everlasting rectitude, pure and high, and sacred, like God, their author? Be yours the office to choose between the glory of a free country, and a just government, and the bondage of your children? I will never see the chains fastened upon my country! I will ask for six and a half feet of Missouri soil in which to repose, but I will not live to see my people enslaved!

Do I hear your shouts? Is that your war cry which echoes through the land? Are you coming? Fifty thousand men! Missouri shall move to victory, with the tread of a giant! Come on, my brave boys, fifty thousand heroes, gallant, unconquerable southern men! we await your coming.

We copy the following tabular statement of the various engagements in Missouri in 1861 from Appleton's American Cyclopedia, annual vol¬ ume, 1861, page 496:

Such then is the campaign of 1861. It appears before us only in brief, but behold - " a land rent with civil feuds, and drenched in fraternal blood." Nowhere has been attempted a minute description of any of the quick, sharp battles that appalled the peaceful, law-abiding citizens whose arbitrament lay not in the naked sword. The hot breath of the fight touches not the page. Nor is the sudden whistling of the death-speeding bullet heard. But aside from the general movements which have been fully depicted, a thousand acts and thoughts rush past us, worthy a place in history. Ever and anon, there rises a picture of the valorous heroism of an undying patriotism, confined to no belief or party, that robbed death of its sting and rendered martyrdom sublime. The stars and stripes, and the stars and bars alike warp the slumbering forms of those who fought to

Then, from the chaos of the conflict come the wild weird notes of despair mingled with the exultant cries of victory, mother's sad lament, and father's muttered curse, and over all the soldier-boy's glad shout of triumph. Then, it is night, and hill and valley are lit with the lurid fires of quiet village and solitary home. Often day dawns upon desolated plain and valley where ere the sun went down, waved the rich banners of the ripening corn. Then, come scenes of parting, * when weeps the mother as she lays her heart's best love upon her country's altar, reddripping with the blood of right. Here and there, heaves the turf of the soldier's grave,

Then comes the battle, and is heard the rattle of musketry, and the roar of cannon; the battle, with brilliant charge and graceless flight; the battle, where amid shot and shell and sabre-stroke, death rules the hour.

As the winter of 1861 - 62 closed down, sad forebodings filled the hearts of the people. The rich promise of the state had been swept away. Desolating war had taken the place of prospering peace. Hordes of armed men filled the land. Trade was no longer, and home commerce was paralyzed. Education had ceased its work, and the culture of the past century seemed fading.

Provenance

Text from The History of Johnson County, Missouri : Including a Reliable History of the Townships, Cities, and Towns, Together with a Map of the County; a Condensed History of Missouri; the State Constitution; an Abstract of the Most Important Laws; the Physical Features of the County; the Early Settlers and Pioneers; the Political and War History; the Religious and Educational History...statistics and Miscellaneous Matters, Etc., Etc, published 1881, in the public domain in the United States and digitised by the Internet Archive.