Lafayette County, Missouri - Chapter 7: Military History of the County, 1910 (part 1 of 2)

Chapter 7: Military History of the County

Wherever men have lived and developed into communities, states and nations, there have been, from the difference of human understandings, bloody wars, of greater or less magnitude. Some wars have been for conquest solely, while others have been from principle and for the securing of human rights. The part that Missouri has had in the great wars of America began with the Mexican war of 1846-48. The next conflict was known as the Rebellion, or Civil war, fought between April, 1861, and May, 1865, between the Federal and Confederate forces, in which the former was successful. By it the slaves of the country were set free by President Lincoln. The next war was that between the United States and Spain, growing out of the inhuman treatment of the latter toward their subjects on the island of Cuba, the immediate cause being the sinking of the American warship "Maine" in Havana harbor, Cuba, in April, 1898. In this the American forces were successful, as they have been in all the wars in which they have participated, including the Revolution, beginning in 1776, when the British yoke was thrown off.

It will be the object of this chapter to inform the reader of a purely local history as to the special part taken by the citizens of Lafayette county, Missouri, in the last three wars - war with Mexico, the Civil war and the Spanish- American war ; also the Kansas border war.

The War With Mexico

Without going into the details of what brought on the war between this country and Mexico, it may be said that Lafayette county did her share in the short, but decisive, conflict. This war was fought between 1846 and 1848 and in May. 1846, a company was formed at Lexington to join Colonel Doniphan's regiment, and was mustered as Company B. The men who served from Lafayette county were for the most part as follows, together with their whereabouts in 1880:

Captain William Walton, deceased ; first lieutenant, Booth Barnett, deceased ; second lieutenant, Kirkpatrick, killed ; first sergeant, Thomas Hinkle ;

H. J. Mallory, Dover township; G. W. Vivion, Davis township; Baxter D. Kavanangh, Ray county; Isaac Braden, Clay township; George King, deceased; Jacob Ridge, deceased; William Osborne, deceased; W. B. Coffee, deceased ; John Ridge, deceased ; William Cromwell, Ft. Worth, Texas ; Upton Winsor, deceased; Jere Bear, Kansas City; John Music, deceased; W. B. Tyrce, deceased; H. M. Bledsoe, Cass county, Missouri (commander of "Bledsoe's Battery" in the Civil war) ; William Nelson, Carroll county, Missouri; Joseph Chinn, jailor at Lexington; Buck Chinn, deceased; Alexander Green, Saline county ; Daniel Horn, deceased ; Thomas Hughes, deceased ; John McDougal, Dover township ; William Hale, Lexington ; William Chancellor, Lexington. The balance were not residents of this county.

Colonel Doniphan's command consisted of one thousand men, all mounted. They marched overland from Fort Leavenworth, by the way of the old Santa Fe trail, to Santa Fe and from there over into Old Mexico city. They took with them a large number of cattle and sheep, and the Indians, who kept harassing them to get possession of this stock, succeeded in capturing one thousand of their sheep. They were pursued by the soldiers three days, but the stock was not recovered. This regiment participated at the battle of Bracito and also at Sacramento, with numerous lesser engagements on the line of march. At the battle of Sacramento, Major Campbell, of Lafayette county, was with them, though not a member of the regular command. He was in Mexico on some trading expedition. Colonel Doniphan's regiment received very high praise from Gen. Zachariah Taylor, as well as from General Wool, for its gallant action and signal success at Sacramento, a part of which glory, of course, belonged to the men from Lafayette county.

Colonel Doniphan captured a cannon at Sacramento which was given by the United States to Missouri and the state, in turn, gave it to Lafayette county. It was of amalgam brass, copper, silver, etc., and was at first a nine-pounder. It laid at Lexington for a long time, being used only on Fourth of July occasions for firing the national salutes. The boys of the city used to ram it half full of powder and brick bats and then it made a thundering noise, to the delight of all celebrators of Independence Day. At Morrison's foundry, in Lexington, it was bored out, making it a twelvepounder. It was imperfectly bored at the breech and hence could not be of practical field service. It was familiarly known as "Old Sac," and later was pressed into service and did excellent work for the Southern cause in the Civil war. It proved itself true on the battlefields of Wilson's Creek, Elkhorn, and at famous Pea Ridge, as was testified to by the Federal forces. At Memphis it was condemned and at last was placed in the Confederate navy yard at Mobile, Alabama. Hence the cannon served well its purpose in two American wars.

Kansas-Nebraska Border War

Just prior to the Civil war, in 1856, occurred what is commonly designated the Border war, or Kansas trouble. This marked a special epoch in the history of Lafayette county. It was brought about by the now historic Kansas-Nebraska bill. It was in the month of August of that year that flaming hand-bills appeared in Lexington headed "War in Kansas!'' This called attention to the rash, bad things the abolition party were reported to have committed in Kansas. The bill made a strong appeal for volunteers. A part of the long bill read as follows :

"Now, men of Lafayette, what will you do? Will you stand still and see the enemy approach, step by step, until he stands on your door-sill and finds you unarmed, or will you go out to meet him, and drive him from your soil? We have stood still long enough. The time has come when you must do something to protect your firesides. We must have men to go to the territory at once, or it will all be lost. The intention of the abolitionist is to drive us from the territory and carry the next election and get possession of the government reins. This we must not submit to. If we do, Kansas is lost to the South forever, and our slaves in upper Missouri will be useless to us, and our homes must be given up to the abolition enemy. Come, then, to the rescue! Up men of Lafayette! Meet at Lexington on Wednesday, at 12 o'clock, August 20th. Bring your horses with you, your guns and clothing - all ready to go on to Kansas. We want two to three hundred men from this county. Jackson, Johnson, Platte, Clay, Ray, Saline, Carroll and other counties are now acting in this matter. All of them will send up a company of men, and there will be a concert of action. New Santa Fe, in Jackson county, will be the place of rendezvous for the whole crowd, and our motto this time will be 'no quarters,' etc."

This bill was signed by twelve well known citizens. The meeting was held and the company was sent. This action, as seen in the light of subsequent events, had its historic phase, showing as it does the opinion of the citizens of Lafayette county and Lexington. Of this meeting and the company formed such great authority as "The Lost Cause," by Pollard; Greeley's "American Conflict." and Colonel Benton's "Thirty Years in the United States Senate," all make mention.

The result of this border war, the John Brown raid, backed by the abolition party at the North, only fanned the fire already kindled over the question of slavery being extended into more western territory. The culmination was the Civil war, which, however, did not come until much blood had been spilled along the Missouri and Kansas borders. Property and human life were sacrificed on both sides by self-constituted forces of slavery and anti-slavery elements, both of which had their allies from far north and south.

The Civil War

Missouri was greatly exercised over the agitation of the question of slavery as early as 1818-19 and 1820, which finally resulted in the "Missouri Compromise," which act of Congress was passed in 1820 and by which it was agreed that Missouri territory should be admitted into the Union as a slaveholding state, but that slavery should not be extended and should forever be excluded from any states which might thereafter be formed out of new territory west of the western boundary of Missouri and north of the thirty-sixth degree of latitude north, which line practically corresponded to the southern boundary of Virginia, Kentucky, Missouri, Kansas, Colorado and Utah as now constituted.

In 1854 Congress passed a bill organizing the territories of Kansas and Nebraska, in which it was declared that the "Missouri Compromise" of 1820 did not apply to them. This opened up the flood-gates of angry debate and strife. The issue of all elections then hinged on this great and all-absorbing question. This brought on a border war and both sides did many rash acts to carry their point. The free-state party, however, carried the day and this really brought on the Civil war, of which the world has seen no greater strife. From that time on war was inevitable. In April, 1861, the climax came when Fort Sumter was fired upon in South Carolina, by those who had seen fit to take the side of "State's Rights," i. e., letting each state and territory settle these questions for itself.

Missouri finally took sides with the South and resisted federal authority. The state troops were mostly under command of Gen. Sterling Price, backed by the governor of Missouri, C. F. Jackson, while the federal troops were under command of Gen. Nathaniel Lyon, by authority of President Lincoln.

Lincoln Republicans residing in Lafayette county. The election returns showbut twenty-four votes cast for Lincoln and Hamlin, the Republican candidates for President and Vice-President, in November, i860. Yet there were many more who in heart were of that political belief, but dared not express their opinion at the polls. But a large per cent of the voters were not for war. They were, regardless of party ties, not caring to take sides, but preferred to remain neutral, believing that to protect their home and firesides from invasion of either army was all they should be called upon to do.

First Troops Raised

The first military company in Lafayette county was raised in Lexington, and commanded by Capt. John Tyler. This company was composed of all shades of men, mostly of ripe years. It was intended for home protection only and to compel a sort of "armed neutrality." It was neither for the North nor for the South, but for peace and protection of person and property as against any invading foe, whether Confederate or Union. But soon, after drilling a short time, the company disbanded, not finding harmony within its ranks. Captain Tyler subsequently entered the Federal army.

When the report reached Lafayette county that General Lyon, of the Federal forces, had, on May 10, 1861, fired upon citizens of St. Louis, intense excitement prevailed throughout the entire county. Public meetings were held and measures taken at once to organize military companies to assist in defending the state against encroachments of Federal troops. These meetings were headed by men who had seen service in Mexican war days and elsewhere.

The real Union men in this county were few in numbers, and the men who were opposed to war - conditional secessionists - became bold and somewhat defiant toward the small minority of their neighbors, with whom they had no patience for the belief they entertained and their conduct. The Union men held a meeting in the courthouse at Lexington, about the middle of May, 1861, John Fleming was chairman and Dr. J. F. Atkinson acted as secretary. From the chairman's seat was unfurled the "stars and stripes." The meeting had not progressed far, when the secessionists present, to the number of fifty or more, began violent interruptions, and at last, under the leadership of one Charles Martin, a desperate character, silenced the speaker, tore the flag from the hands of the secretary, breaking off the staff" in his effort, and bearing it triumphantly from the room. Nicholas Haerle, a stanch Union man (a German), attempted to take the flag from Martin and his men, as they were leaving the room, but was shot in the leg by Martin himself and fell to the floor.

From that date on the element supporting the Federalists were less seen and heard in public capacities in Lafayette county, for some time. The flag above mentioned is now (1910) in the hands of Nicholas Haerle, who resides in Lexington.

County Militia Fund

On April 29, 1861, a petition was made to the county court, signed by Thomas W. Shields, R. M. Henderson, John P. Bowman and others, asking for an appropriation "to arm and equip at least one thousand men." The court declined to do so until first the Legislature and governor had made the order possible by a special act, which was finally effected and on May. 14th the court appropriated ten thousand dollars, "or so much thereof as may be needed, for the purpose of arming and equipping the volunteer militia of said county for the necessary defense of the county and state as the court may deem proper."

Charles S. Tarlton, one of the judges, was appointed agent to disburse this fund. The bonds on which this money was raised were made payable in one, two and three years, at ten per cent interest. It may be said, however, that only one thousand dollars was ever used from this fund - one warrant drawn for five hundred dollars May 17, 1861, and another of the same amount, signed June 20th, of that year.

First Battle For Lafayette Men

About June 1, 1861, a company of United States dragoons from Fort Leavenworth, under command of Captain S. D. Sturgis, afterward a majorgeneral, had an encounter with some of the Jackson county militia under Captain Holloway, who had been lately connected with the regular army, but had resigned and offered his services to Missouri. This skirmish took place on Rock creek, a branch of the Big Blue, and there Captain Holloway and Lieutenant McClenahan, of the Jackson county troops, were killed. Capt. J. O. Shelby, of Waverly, this county, had raised a company of cavalry and was in Jackson county when this encounter took place. Holloway was in command of all the Jackson county men as their colonel. He was an active, brave man and only a few days before this fight had been in Lexington recruiting men for the state service and home protection.

As soon as the news of this fight was brought to Lexington, several companies of Lafayette county men were formed and marched to the relief of their Jackson county friends. Among such men were those in the company of Capt. Ben Elliott, from near Chapel Hill ; those in the company of Capt. J. M.

Withers, from near Mt. Hebron ; Seth Mason's company, from Davis township; Captain Webb's company, from Denver, and that of Captain Whiting, from that vicinity; Doctor Hassell and Captain Graves had companies from Lexington. There was also an artillery company composed of Lexington men and those from outlying townships, commanded by Capt. H. M. Bledsoe.

The Lafayette men soon reached the scene of the trouble and pitched camp on the Blue river, naming the camp, in honor of their late friend, Captain Holloway, "Camp Holloway." After remaining in that section a week or so, they returned home.

In the outset, the militia, or state guards as they were later termed, were armed, uniformed and equipped by themselves. The infantry and cavalry carried arms of almost every conceivable description, the favorite weapon, however, being the double-barreled shot-gun. They also had some squirrel rifles, revolvers, pistols and other fire-arms, while a still lesser number carried bowie knives.

Bledsoe's Battery at first consisted of two pieces of artillery. One of his guns had been captured by Colonel Doniphan in the Mexican war, at Sacramento, given to Missouri, and by the state transferred to Lafayette county. It was known as "Old Sac" and is referred to elsewhere in this chapter. The other gun was an iron six-pounder, cast at the Morrison foundry in Lexington. Its mate, cast at the same time, was never mounted, but left in front of the Masonic College upon the retreat of the state troops from Lexington. Later it formed a part of the battery commanded by Pirner, under Colonel Mulligan, at the battle of Lexington.

Fortunately for Missouri, it lacked not in powder, as Governor Jackson sent to Saline county ten thousand pounds of Laflin's and "Dupont's Best," which was later distributed among the friends of the Southern Confederacy for safe keeping. A portion of this powder was captured in December, 1861, by General Halleck at Glasgow, where he found it secreted in kegs on a farm. Some of it was hidden away in hay lofts, under bridges, buried in orchards, while it was claimed by the knowing ones, as late as 1880, that several kegs were hidden in lofts in the city of Lexington.

Governor Jackson Calls Militia

On June 12, 1861, Governor Jackson by proclamation called into active service fifty thousand state militiamen, "for the purpose of repelling invasion, and for the protection of the lives, liberty and property of the citizens of this state."

Lexington was designated as one of the places of rendezvous, and here were marshalled those who desired to obey the order of their governor. The Masonic College and adjacent campus was chosen as headquarters, and there (where now stands the Methodist Female Seminary) were congregated a thousand men, mostly from Lafayette county. A full regiment of men was formed of Lafayette men, of which John T. Graves was chosen colonel, Cave Kirtley, lieutenant-colonel, with Major Brazier and Captains Withers, Whiting, Percival, Webb and Ferguson in command of the various companies. It was here that Bledsoe's Battery was fully organized, with Hiram M. Bledsoe as captain ; Curtis O. Wallace, first lieutenant ; Charles Higgins, second lieutenant, and Frank S. Trigg, third lieutenant.

The first battle of Boonville was fought June 17, 1861, between eight hundred State troops, under Col. John S. Marmaduke, of Saline county, and about the same number of Federal troops under Gen. Nathaniel Lyon. The superior equipment and drilling of the Federals caused them to be victorious, but in this fight there were but two killed on each side and a few wounded.

The next move was the coming of the State troops to the rendezvous at Lexington, where they united with the other State men there assembled. Major-Gen. Sterling Price had been commissioned by Governor Jackson as general-in-chief of the State army, at Lexington. Learning that the Federal General Lyon was still moving up the river, and being unprepared to meet him, General Price resolved to retreat to the southwestern part of the state. According to a statement made many years after the war by a citizen of Lexington, C. M. Pirner, the sudden flight of Price's army from Lexington happened on this wise :

"A young fellow named Brown, who was a printer in the Lexington Expositor office, suggested a plan to have some fun, but the affair was never known only to Pirner, Brown, James Curry, and a young telegraph operator, whose name I cannot now recall. The joke as carried out was as follows : The telegraph operator had a pocket instrument of his own. The telegraph at that time went eastward by Waverly. He, Pirner and the operator went out a little ways east of the Old Town, after it was quite dark and quiet for the night, and managed to reach a telegraph wire and hitch on the pocket instrument. The Lexington office was informed "The Federals have left Marshall for Lexington; may arrive any minute." The young wags then went back to the city to watch the effect; and sure enough by the time they got up onto Main street in the vicinity of Laurel street, there were horsemen riding rapidly to and fro, between the college grounds and different parts of the city. The jokers didn't dare ask any questions for fear of some suspicion arising, which would have been sure death. But in the early morning the State troops were gone. Several war histories speak of the sudden and rapid retreat from Lexington, but no one has before (1880) given the secret of its mysterious suddenness. It is believed that this was the first 'grapevine dispatch' sent during the civil conflict, and Mr. Pirner was anxious that Lexington have the proper credit for the same."

So, about June 25, 1861, the troops left Lexington for the southwest, most of the Lafayette county men being in Graves' regiment or Bledsoe's battery. Governor Jackson, General Rains and General Parsons commanded. The ladies and citizens generally turned out to bid them adieu, to wave fond farewells, and to pray for their success and safe return. The force was hardly an army, since it lacked organization, discipline and experience, but there was material in it for an Old Guard or a Light Brigade, as was afterwards demonstrated.

On July 5th, of that year, occurred the fight between these men and Gen. Franz Siegel's command. Bledsoe's Battery was in the fight, but Graves' regiment was not actively engaged.

The famous battle of Wilson's Creek was fought August 10, 1861, and in that engagement Federal General Lyon fell. Graves' regiment was commanded by Benjamin Elliott. At the time of his promotion by General Mc- Culloch he was serving as a private in the regiment, but had been a captain at Camp Holloway.

The First Union Troops

Both the Federal and Confederate elements had not been idle in making preparation Tor the long war that ensued. Lines were soon sharply drawn. Early in the season a number of the Union men had left the county for the purpose of enlisting at Kansas City or in the state of Kansas, where they joined the Union Militia or other military organizations destined to serve beneath the stars and stripes. The Germans of Freedom township, under leadership of Captain Becker, were well organized and only waiting for arms and an order to go to the seat of war. Be it recorded here, that the German population in Lafayette county, as was true all over Missouri, rallied to the support of the Union cause, almost to a man.

William G. McCausland, of Lexington, became the first prisoner of war captured in this county. It came about in the following manner : After the fight at Boonville, General Lyon, of the United army, sent a regiment of men up the river on the steamer "White Cloud," landing at Lexington, July 9th, a few days after General Price, of the State forces, had left. The arrival of these Union men caused no little excitement at Lexington. As they marched up the wharf, from the boat, the angered secessionists shouted to them not in the most friendly manner. As they passed the residence of William G. McCausland, they noticed a small secession flag floating in the dooryard and demanded that it be taken down. Mrs. McCausland told them that if they wanted it taken down that they must do it themselves - she would not do it. Meanwhile, Mr. McCausland, looking up the street from his store, saw the soldiers in front of his house. He grasped an old shotgun and ran to drive the invaders away from his premises, but was promptly arrested, being the first prisoner captured on Lafayette county soil by Federal troops. He was held about two weeks, and then paroled. It may be added, in passing, that Mrs. McCausland was one of the most refined, intelligent and liberally educated ladies of Lexington, and would have made sacrifices to minister to the wants of a sick Union as quickly as for a Confederate soldier. It was one of the thousands of unfortunate circumstances growing out of that long, bitter civil conflict.

The regiment above named was commanded by Col. Charles Stifel (pronounced "Steefel"). It was entirely a German regiment and was the one formed in St. Louis.

A dozen or more prisoners were taken besides the one already mentioned. These were taken to the boat "White Cloud." One of the number, James Lightner, was shot dead by his guard, Henry Hoefel, of Company A, while trying to make his escape. The guard claimed he shot in self-defense, as Lightner was attacking him with a chair. The balance of the few prisoners were either released on parole or taken to St. Louis on the return of the regiment.

During the time that Colonel Stifel was stationed at Lexington, a detachment was sent out through the country, one of which went up the river to destroy all boats, so as to prevent the crossing and re-crossing of any reenforcements to General Price. At Blue Mills landing this detachment was fired upon, one man killed and twelve were wounded. Two hundred packages of the gunpowder before referred to were also found by another detachment. A detachment for re-enforcement was brought down from Fort Leavenworth and left at Lexington. Two other companies of Union soldiers were organized, armed and placed in the newly constructed fort. One of these was Becker's company, and the other a company raised in Lexington, first commanded by Gustave Pirner and later by Henry Emde. Each company num- bered about fifty men. The first comprised the Germans from Freedom township, with some from Pettis county; the other company was made up largely from members of the German Turner organization of Lexington. Another company was raised in Lexington by Capt. Fred Neet, the same being composed largely of Lafayette county Unionists. Another company was commanded by Captain Ridgell, of Ray county. This was composed of men from Lafayette, Carroll and Ray counties.

On July 16, 1861, the three months time for which Stifel's command had enlisted expired and the men returned to St. Louis. On the way down the Missouri river they were fired upon from Saline county shores and a few men were killed and others wounded. In Cooper county the boat landed and three of the firing party from the shore were killed by a detachment sent ashore. Stifel's regiment was the one that fired on the citizens of St. Louis at the time Camp Jackson was captured.

With the departure of Colonel Stifel's command, Capt. F. W. Becker, of the Freedom township company, was left to hold the place. He had three companies under him, and assumed the title of major. He had formerly been a stage driver from Georgetown to Warrensburg. He had but a limited education, was a man of good judgment, and "felt his oats" to a remarkable degree. His uniform was of the flashy character and he felt the importance of his office, keeping aloof from his men as much as any regular army officer ever did. It is related that he drilled his men with much military skill.

Becker - the "Major" - remained in command at the Old Masonic College until August 25th, the first year of the war, the force consisting of Becker's, Emde's, Ridgell's, Neet's and Graham's companies. At this time Lieutenant- Colonel White, formerly of Stifel's regiment, assumed command. A regiment in course of organization was to be commanded by White, as its colonel, Graham, as lieutenant-colonel, with Becker as major. White had, in addition to his infantry forces, four pieces of artillery, two six-pound iron guns, and two brass cohorn mortars, or howitzers. Neither of these pieces was of much actual value for effective warfare, but made a showing. Graham's company was the one sent from Leavenworth and was composed of men from near Rock Island, Illinois, many of whom were professional men.

Lexington had already come to be known as quite a military headquarters for the Federal forces, and by the end of August, 1861, there came two battalions of the First Illinois Regiment of cavalry, about five hundred men, commanded by Col. T. A. Marshall. They were from St. Louis, coming via Sedalia. They were a fine body of men, but armed with only old-fashioned single-barreled dragoon pistols and clumsy sabers. Colonel Marshall at once assumed command, and on September 8th came Col. James A. Mulligan, with the Twenty-third Regiment Illinois Infantry, a regiment composed almost entirely of Irishmen and styled the "Irish Brigade." They also marched across the country from Sedalia. Being the senior officer, Mulligan relieved Marshall of the command at Lexington post. He had orders from Gen. John C. Fremont to fortify and hold the place, with information that he was soon to be reinforced. He at once began throwing up additional entrenchments and enlarged those already provided.

Within a day or two there came from Kansas City the Thirteenth Regiment Missouri Infantry, under Col. Everett Peabody, of St. Joseph, and Major R. T. Van Horn's battalion of United States Reserve Corps, of Kansas City. These troops were all armed with muskets and bayonets. These men were largely from northwestern Missouri, southern Iowa and eastern Kansas. Captain Adams was also with them and had two six-pound brass cannon, but was poorly supplied with ammunition.

Fairground Encampment Of State Troops

The month of August was one of great preparation and no little excitement, both for the Federal and State troops. Neither one seemed to know the real situation, or what might be the next move, but during the latter days of the month Col. Henry L. Routt, with a body of State troops intended for actual service against the Federal side, rendezvoused at the fair grounds at Lexington. At first his force numbered about eight hundred men, but, by constant, daily recruiting, soon numbered fully twelve hundred. Colonel Routt was from Ray county and was not a stranger to war, having served in the war with Mexico a dozen years prior to this date. His men were from Lafayette, Clay, Jackson, Ray and other counties north of the Missouri river.

Pickets were kept constantly out by both forces, the distance being about a mile between the two encampments. A few shots were exchanged between pickets, but no serious damage was done. As has been said, "one side was afraid and the other dare not attack their foe."

Routt had the larger number of men, but the Federals were better equipped and armed and within a fortification. At last Routt thought to work a rather questionable ruse, fair only in times of war, if even then. Sometime before this the State troops had captured a number of Unionists, including men of such prominence as ex-Governor Austin King, of Ray county, governor from 1849 t0 J^53'y Hon. John F. Ryland, of Lafayette county, who had been an honorable citizen of Missouri from 1819 and a judge of the circuit court for eighteen years, and later judge of the supreme court; William Fields and Mr. Casper. Routt made a demand for the surrender of the troops on College Hill, which was refused. He next drew up a paper in which it was stated that the forces on the fair grounds was very large, with reinforcements daily arriving and heavy artillery coming in from north of the river; that College Hill was completely invested, and that the wisest thing Becker could do was to surrender. This paper was addressed to the commander of the Federal forces, and was first presented to the Union prisoners for their signatures. The prisoners, headed by Judge Ryland, positively refused to sign a paper containing so many flagrant false statements, hence Routt's scheme failed.

Meanwhile, two brothers named Pirner, who had seen military service in the old country, had provided three shells with fuses and wanted to see whether they would "go" or not. So the next evening they ran one of the old mortars out to the place where later stood Hon. H. C. Wallace's residence, and there fired off their three rounds of home-made shells in the direction of the fair ground encampment of the State troops. This created a perfect panic among the raw troops there and they climbed the fences in hot haste, every man for himself, leaving horses, ammunition and prisoners to take care of themselves. Judge Ryland afterward remarked that he was as badly frightened as the balance, but thought he would be as safe there as to run. After firing the three improvised shells, the Pirner brothers withdrew and knew nothing of the effect until a negro told them the next day.

Within a few days - probably three days - scouts reported the advance of a large Federal force, known to be in Johnson county, threatening Lexington.. The position of Colonel Routt and his men was then serious. It was also reported that another force was coming from toward Sedalia. Hence Routt and his command retreated and formed a junction with the advancing army of General Price at Index. The Union citizen prisoners, above referred to, were taken along with the men under Routt.

The Battle Of Lexington

Like the battle of Lexington - "The Lexington Alarm" - fought in Massachusetts, in Revolutionary days, April 19, 1775, the battle of Lexington, Missouri, marked an important era in the history of the Rebellion for the state of Missouri and county of Lafayette. The latter was fought September 18, 19 and 20, 1 86 1. In this case, as in most every other battle fought in the Civil war, there has been a difference of opinion regarding certain points, but nearly all who were in a position to know agree on the general points of the engagement, which took place between Gen. Sterling Price, commanding the Missouri State Guards at the time, and Col. James A. Mulligan, of the United States army.

Before giving the official reports of both the commanding officers (really the best evidence obtainable), the author will briefly outline the immediate events that led up to the engagement.

Early in September, 1861, the military situation in Missouri was this: The Federal troops held the Missouri river by a chain of posts stretching from St. Louis to St. Joseph, and communication was kept up between the two points, the object of this being to prevent the crossing of the river by secessionists of northern Missouri, who, to the number of five thousand to six thousand, were armed, organized and intending to join General Price's State Troop army, then in southwestern Missouri. A portion of these men were of Gen. Thomas A. Harris's Second Division of northeast Missourians, including Martin E. Green's brigade, which had been defeated in an engagement at Athens on August 5, 1861. Harris doubtless had about three thousand men. Another body, a part of the Fourth Division, belonged in northwestern Missouri. All crossing of the Missouri river by secessionists had to be done stealthily and in small squads. There is no record where more than a hundred crossed over at any one time.

General Price determined on breaking up this blockade. He had been laying up and resting on the laurels he had fairly won at Wilson's Creek, and was stationed then in and near Springfield. He believed that of the four Federal posts in Missouri, - Jefferson City, Boonville. Lexington and Kansas City, - that Lexington was the most important and easiest for him to undertake to capture.

Hence, in the last days of August, General Price, with about eight thousand men and seven pieces of artillery, took up the line of march for Lexington. He. however, continued to receive reinforcements all along his route northward. He reached Nevada September 2d and there met Colonel Bevier with three hundred men from northern Missouri. On September 8th the army encountered Lane and Montgomery's Kansas troops at Drywood creek, in Vernon county, brushing them aside, with but a slight loss. It was here that Colonel Bledsoe was severely wounded by a bullet in the groin,, and this prevented his joining his battery for several weeks.

At Index, in Cass county, the advancing column was met by Routt's and Vard Cockrell's forces from Lexington. Here the Lafayette regiment was completely reorganized and Col. Benjamin Elliott was chosen colonel and Samuel Taylor as major. This regiment lasted until the six months'- service of the regiment had expired. At this point other Missourians were met and found in good spirits, ready for actual battle service.

Lexington Bank Seized By Federals

Governor Jackson had, as a war measure, appropriated the school fund of Missouri to the arming and equipment of the State troops, and it was proposed to make forced loans from certain banks of the state for the same purpose. In order to checkmate this plan on the part of the Confederates, Gen. John C. Fremont, as he alleged, as commander of the Federal forces, ordered the funds of certain banks sent to St. Louis, not for the use of the Federal authorities, but to prevent their being used to aid the forces of Governor Jackson and General Price. In compliance with this order from Fremont, Colonel Marshall directed his lieutenant, Col. H. M. Day, to wait upon the officers of the Branch Bank of the State, at Lexington, and secure all the funds of that institution, give a receipt therefor, and bring them to the fortifications at the college. This was done. Colonel Day presenting the following order to the bank :

"September 7, 1861. "To Colonel Day : You will proceed, without delay, with one company, to take possession of the money in the bank at this place and give your receipt for it, as also a copy of this order.

Mr. Morrison, then one of the directors of the bank (later of the Morrison-Wentworth bank), after the war was ended stated that he had buried the funds of the bank, in anticipation that they would be taken, but the Federal officers had been informed of their whereabouts and so informed him. They were therefore surrendered. The cashier, C. R. Morehead, was afterward censured and dismissed from the service of the bank for being the informant, but he declared his innocence.

The funds taken by the federal officer, Colonel Day, amounted to nine hundred sixty thousand one hundred and fifty-nine dollars and sixty cents, of which one hundred and sixty-five thousand six hundred and fifty-nine dollars and sixty cents was in gold. There were seven boxes of gold coin, each marked to contain twenty thousand dollars ; one box of foreign and California gold, marked to contain ten thousand six hundred and fifty-nine dollars and sixty cents ; three bags said to contain five thousand dollars each ; seven cases of bank note circulation of the Farmer's Bank of Missouri, at Lexington, the total of which amounted to seven hundred ninety-four thousand and five hundred dollars ; all of this was receipted for by Colonel Day. The bank appointed Messrs. S. G. Wentworth and C. R. Morehead, who started with the money for St. Louis, via Warrensburg, under convey of Marshall's cavalry. When out about twenty miles from Lexington, the expedition confronted the advance of Price's army and hurriedly retraced their march to the entrenchments at Lexington. The money was then delivered to Colonel Mulligan and buried under his tent, by Lieutenant-Colonel Quirk, Major Moore and Captains Gleason and Moriarty, the first three named from Chicago, all from Colonel Mulligan's Twenty-third Illinois Regiment.

When General Price caused Colonel Mulligan to surrender in September, 1861, Price demanded and received every dollar of the bank's gold which had been buried under Mulligan's tent within the fortifications. It was claimed that fifteen thousand dollars of paper money was short, and such notation was made and is now to be seen at the Wentworth-Morrison Bank. The money thus recaptured was turned over to the bank, but five days later a demand was made by Governor Jackson for a portion of it for the state. The amount of about thirty-five thousand dollars in gold was turned over to the state, and State of Missouri bonds were given for the same. The cash was put into the treasury of the state (under Jackson), but not one dollar was ever returned. Then when Governor Gamble, the Union governor, made a like demand for a like amount, it too was forthcoming, and, pursuant to the act of March, 1861, these bonds were redeemed at their face when due.

Long after the war closed men believed that a part of the gold hidden in the Lexington fortifications was still in hiding in the earth, near an old hackberry tree, and one man came from Kentucky in search of the treasure, but of course he found none.

Confederates March To Lexington

On September 10, 1861, the advance of Gen. Sterling Price's army reached Warrensburg, and the next day the entire army came up and rested there that entire day. The soldiers were tired and hungry and the people of that city did all in their power to make them comfortable. At midnight, the night before, the Federals had abandoned Warrensburg and retreated toward

Lexington, burning the bridges behind them. The distance between the two cities is thirty-four miles, and early in the morning of the 12th Price and his command left for Lexington, Colonel Elliott's Lafayette county regiment having the advance. While greatly fatigued, his men, many of whom were in sight of their own homes, marched fast and endured the march well.

At the covered bridge across the Garrison fork of the Tabo creek, five miles out from Lexington, a force of Federal soldiers were encountered by Price's forces. It consisted of four companies of Home Guards, from Peabody's regiment, with two companies of Illinois cavalry, and had fallen back from Warrensburg on Price's approach to that city. The Union troops were driven back and another skirmish ensued at another bridge near town. One of these bridges was set on fire. At last the Union soldiers were forced back into their intrenchments and Price's troops occupied the southern and eastern portion of the city of Lexington. The artillery was brought forward and the fortifications hotly cannonaded for several minutes. Bledsoe's Battery took a position near the residence of Judge Tutt, and Guibor's guns were stationed in different parts of the city, but all in range of the old Masonic College. A portion of Rains' division also got within range of the Unionists and skirmished with them some time. As the curtain of night fell, both forces rested and prepared for further conflict, each side keeping out a strong picket guard. The Chicago Post had a correspondent present and he was the authority for the statement that the loss to the Union forces was eight killed and fifteen wounded, while the estimated loss of the enemy was twenty-five killed and wounded. The Union troops were commanded by Major Van Horn, who for many years after the war was editor of the Kansas City Journal and served as a congressman for four sessions. The troops of General Price were the Lafayette soldiers and some from Rains' division.

During that night, councils of war were held by the contending forces. Colonel Mulligan sent for his officers and a council was had in the college building. The subordinate officers all agreed that under the circumstances, the best thing to do was to evacuate the works and the place. Lieutenant-Colonel White wished to cross the river on the two steamboats lying near the works. Peabody and Marshall wanted to go to Sedalia, Peabody promising to go with his men in the advance and clear the way. When all the officers had given their opinion, Mulligan spoke: "Gentlemen," said he, "I have heard what you have to say, but, begad, we'll fight 'em! That's what we enlisted for, and that's what we'll do."

Preparations were instantly begun in accordance with the directions of the plucky commander. Colonel Mulligan. The whole force, in details of five hundred men. were put at work on the entrenchments and worked night and day until they were completed. Mulligan expected reinforcements every day. General Lane, on the frontier of Kansas, had two thousand men, and these, with a part of Pope's command, under General Sturgis, and a large portion of Jeff C. Davis's at Jefferson City, were disposable for the relief of Lexington, toward which point they were directed and expected to move as rapidly as possible. On the 13th two regiments were ordered from Jefferson City to Lexington, and word of this reached Mulligan. He accordingly enlarged his works to accommodate his expected reinforcements. He refused to have any wells or cisterns dug at first, saying that the college cistern would afford sufficient water for the men and the Missouri river, which his works commanded, would furnish enough for Marshall's cavalry horses. Major Moore and Captain McNulty, civil engineers, of Mulligan's regiment, laid out the works.

The same night a conference was held between General Price, Governor Jackson and subordinate commanders. One or two of the officers voted for an immediate assault, but General Price, with a majority of the others, voted that there should be no useless loss of blood ; that the Federals need only be surrounded and watched. That Harris' and Green's men, from north of the river, as well as Boyd's and Patton's, were on the way and ought to be waited for, and that under no circumstances, except for defense or to prevent the escape of the Federals, ought offensive or vigorous operation be conducted. "We've got 'em, dead sure," said "Old Pap" to his officers. "All we have to do is to watch 'em."

The next morning a small skirmish was had in the vicinity of the fort, and the State troops were repulsed. Only about three hundred were engaged on either side. The fighting was done on the side of the State troops by the Lafayette regiment and sundry volunteers. Conspicuous among the latter for gallantry-, and recklessly exposing himself, was Col. John W. Reid, formerly of Lexington, then of Jackson county, and a member of the Federal Congress. At the close of the fight, the Federals sent a detail which burned the residence of Thomas B. Wallace, Esq., a Union man. The house had been occupied by some sharpshooters, who were picking off the men from the Union forces constantly. After this the State troops retired to the fair grounds and the Federals to their works, to improve which they instantly begun.

Major Neet, a Lexington man, says, a well was afterward dug ninetyseven feet deep, one or two hundred feet north of the college building, without

In a speech made by Colonel Mulligan at Detroit later on, he speaks as follows : "The night of the 19th of September two wells were ordered dug. We took a ravine, and expected to reach water in about thirty hours."

Pages might be printed in regard to various things connected with this battle, but the practical, most interesting part is to know the chief points and who it was that planned and carried out the battle, as well as what the official reports have said concerning it. Hence here the narrative will stop, and these reports and stories from a few of the eye witnesses will be inserted, thus giving the reader of today an intelligent understanding of the "battle of Lexington."

At first we will give the official report of Gen. Sterling Price, who commanded the State troops and fought Colonel Mulligan, in command of the Union or Federal forces. (The first section of his report has been covered by the paragraphs already gone over, from other writers and from public records) :

"The rain began to fall about the same time. This circumstance, coupled with the fact that my men had been fasting for more than twenty-four hours, constrained me to abandon the idea of pursuing the enemy that day. My infantry and artillery having come up, we encamped at Warrensburg, whose citizens vied with each other in feeding my almost famished soldiers.

"An unusually violent storm delayed our march the next morning (September 1 2th) until about" ten o'clock. We then pushed forward rapidly, still hoping to overtake the enemy. Finding it impossible to do this with my infantry, I again ordered a detachment to move forward, and placing myself at their head, continued the pursuit to within two and a half miles of Lexington, when, having learned that the enemy were already within town, and it being late and my men fatigued by a forced march and utterly without provisions, I halted for the night.

"About daybreak the next morning (September 13th) a sharp skirmish took place between our pickets and the enemy's outposts. This threatened to become general. Being unwilling, however, to risk a doubtful engagement, when a short delay would make success certain, I fell back two or three miles and awaited the arrival of my infantry and artillery. These having come up, we advanced upon the town, driving the enemy's pickets until we came within a short distance of the city itself. Here the enemy attempted to make a stand, but they were speedily driven from every position and forced to take shelter within their intrenchments. We then took position within easy range of the college, which building they had strongly fortified, and opened upon them a brisk fire from Bledsoe's battery, which, in the absence of Captain Bledsoe, who had been wounded at Big Dry Wood, was gallantly commanded by Capt. Emmett MacDonald, and by Parsons' battery, under the skillful command of Captain Guibor.

"Finding, after sunset, that our ammunition, the most of which had been left behind on the march from Springfield, was nearly exhausted, and that my men, thousands of whom had not eaten a particle in thirty-six hours, required rest and food, I withdrew to the fair ground and encamped there. My ammunition wagons having been at last brought up, and large re-enforcements having been received. I again moved into town on Wednesday, the 18th instant, and began the final attack on the enemy's works.

"Brigadier-General Rains' division occupied a strong position on the east and northeast of the fortifications, from which an effective cannonading was kept up on the enemy by Bledsoe's battery, under command, except on the last day, by Captain Emmett McDonald, and another battery, commanded by Captain Churchill Clark, of St. Louis. Both these gentlemen, and the men and officers under their command, are deservedly commended in accompanying reports of Brigadier-General Rain. General Parsons took a position southwest of the works, whence his battery, under command of Captain Guibor, poured a steady fire into the enemy. Skirmishers and sharpshooters were also sent forward from both of these divisions to harass and fatigue the enemy and to cut them off from the water on the north, east and south of the college, and did estimable service in the accomplishments of these purposes.

"Colonel Congreve Jackson's division and a part of General Steele's were posted near Generals Rains and Parsons as a reserve, but no occasion occurred to call them into action. They were at all times, however, vigilant and ready to rush upon the enemy.

"Shortly after entering the city on the 18th, Colonel Rives, who commanded the Fourth Division, in the absence of General Slack, led his regiment and Colonel Hughes' along the river bank to a point immediately beneath and west of the fortifications, General McBride's command and a portion of Colonel (General) Harris' having been ordered to reinforce him. Colonel Rives, in order to cut off the enemy's means of escape, proceeded down the bank of the river, to capture a steamboat, which was lying just under their guns. Just at this moment a heavy fire was opened upon him from Colonel Anderson's large dwelling house, on the summit of the bluff's, which the enemy was occupying as a hospital and upon which a white flag was flying. Several companies of General Harris' command, and the gallant soldiers of the Fourth Division, who have won upon so many battlefields the proud distinction of always being among the bravest of the brave, immediately rushed upon and took the place. The important position thus secured was within a hundred and twenty-five yards of the enemy's intrenchments. A company from Colonel Hughes' regiment then took possession of the boats, one of which was richly freighted with valuable stores.

"Generals McBride and Harris' divisions meanwhile gallantly stormed and occupied the bluffs immediately north of Anderson's house. The possession of these heights enabled our men to harass the enemy so greatly that, resolving to regain them, they made upon the house a successful assault, and one of which would have been honorable to them had it not been accompanied by an act of savage barbarity, the cold-blooded and cowardly murder of three defenseless men, who had laid-down their arms and surrendered themselves as prisoners.

"The position thus retaken by the enemy was soon regained by the brave men who had been driven from it, and was thenceforward held by them to the very end of the contest. The heights to the left of Anderson's house, which had been taken, as before stated, by Generals McBride and Harris and by part of Steele's command, under Colonel Boyd and Major Winston, were rudely fortified by our soldiers, who threw up breastworks as well as they could with their slender means.

"On the morning of the 20th instant I caused a number of bales of hemp to be transported to the river heights, where movable breastworks were speedily constructed out of them by Generals Harris and McBride, Colonel Rives, Major Winston and their respective commands. Captain Kelley's battery (attached to Steel's division) was ordered at the same time to the position occupied by General Harris' force and quickly opened a very effective fire, under the direction of its gallant captain, upon the enemy. These demonstrations, and particularly the continued advance of the hempen breastworks, which were as efficient as the cotton bales at New Orleans, quickly attracted the attention and excited the alarm of the enemy, who made many daring attempts to drive us back. They were, however, repulsed in every instance by the unflinching courage and fixed determination of our men.

divisions fully sustained their proud reputation, with Col. Martin Green and his command and Colonel Boyd and Major Winston and their commands, proved themselves worthy to fight by the side of the men who had the courage and won imperishable honor in the bloody battle at Springfield.

"After two o'clock in the afternoon of the 20th, and after fifty-two hours of continuous firing, a white flag was displayed by the enemy on that part of the works nearest to Colonel Green's position, and shortly afterwards another was displayed opposite to Colonel Rives'. I immediately ordered a cessation of all firing on our part, and sent forward one of my staff officers to ascertain the object of the flag and to open negotiations with the enemy if such should be their desire. It was finally, after some delay, agreed by Colonel Marshall and the officers associated with him for that purpose by Colonel Mulligan, that the United States forces should lay down their arms and surrender themselves as prisoners of war to this army. These terms having been made known, were ratified by me and immediately carried into effect.

"The visible fruits of this almost bloodless victory are very great - about three thousand five hundred prisoners, among whom are Colonels Mulligan, Marshall, Peabody, White and Grover, Major Van Horn, and one hundred and eighteen other commissioned officers, five pieces of artillery and two mortars, over three thousand stands of infantry arms, a large number of sabers, about seven hundred and fifty horses, many sets of cavalry equipments, wagons, teams, and ammunition, more than one hundred thousand dollars worth of commissary stores, and a large amount of other property. In addition to all this, I obtained the restoration of the great seal of the state and the public records, which had been stolen from their proper custodian, and about nine hundred thousand dollars in money, of which the bank at this place -had been robbed, and which I have caused to be returned to it.

"This victory has demonstrated the fitness of our citizen soldiers for the tedious operations of a siege as well as for a dashing charge. They lay for fifty-two hours in the open air without tents or covering, regardless of the sun and rain and in the very presence of a watchful and desperate foe, manfully repelling every assault and patiently awaiting any orders to storm the fortifications. No general ever commanded a braver or a better army. It is composed of the best blood and the bravest men of Missouri.

"Where nearly every one, officers and men, behaved so well, as is known to your excellency, who was present with the army during the whole period embraced in this report, it is impossible to make special mention of individuals without seemingly making invidious distinctions ; but I may be permitted to express my personal obligations to my volunteer aides, as well as my staff, for their efficient services and prompt attention to all my orders.

Colonel Mulligan'S Story Of The Siege

The following is from Colonel Mulligan's lecture on the battle of Lexington. His official report seems not to have been preserved in the war department :

"On the 30th of August, 1861, the Irish Brigade, of Chicago, lay encamped just outside of Jefferson City. That night an order came from the general at Jefferson City for them to report at headquarters. Upon reaching headquarters the commanding officer said that the regiment of Colonel Marshall, which had left for the southeast some days before, had reached Tipton, where they were hemmed in and could neither advance nor return, and that he wished me to go to Tipton, join Colonel Marshall, take command of the combined forces, cut my way through the enemy, return to Lexington, and hold it at all hazards. The next morning the Irish Brigade started with one sixpounder, forty rounds of ammunition, and three days' rations for each man. Thus we marched on for nine days, without meeting an enemy, foraging upon the country round about in the meantime for support.

"We reached Tipton, but found neither Marshall nor the enemy. The brigade passed on to a pleasant spot, within two miles of Lexington, where we sat down and made preparations to enter the town. We washed our faces, burnished up our arms, brushed the travel stain from our uniforms and went gaily in with our little six-pounder. Indeed, the trouble was not so much in getting into Lexington as in getting out. At Lexington we found Colonel Marshall's cavalry regiment and about three hundred and fifty men of a regiment of Home Guards. On the 10th we received a letter from Colonel Peabody, of the Thirteenth Missouri Regiment, saying that he was retreating from Warrensburg, twenty-five miles distant, and that the rebel general, Price, was in full pursuit, with an army of ten thousand men.

"A few hours later and Colonel Peabody joined us. There were then at this point the Irish. Brigade, Colonel Marshall's Illinois cavalry regiment, full, Colonel Peabody's regiment, and a part of the Fourteenth Missouri - in all about two thousand seven hundred and eighty men, with one six-pounder, forty rounds of ammunition, and but few rations. We then dispatched a courier to Jefferson City, informing the commanding officer at that post of our condition, and praying for re-inforcements or even rations, when we would hold out to the last.

"At noon of the nth we commenced throwing up entrenchments. We had selected College Hill, an eminence overlooking Lexington and the broad Missouri. All day long the men worked untiringly with the shovel. That evening, but six or eight hours after we had commenced throwing up earthworks, our pickets were driven in and intimation given that the enemy were upon us. Colonel Peabody was ordered out to meet them, two six-pounders were planted in a position to command a covered bridge by which the enemy were obliged to enter the town, and so we were prepared. That night the enemy, seeing our preparations, remained on the other side of the bridge, but it was a night of fearful anxiety. None knew at what moment the enemy would be upon our devoted little band, and the hours passed in silence and anxious waiting. Thus we waited until morning vigilantly and without sleep, when some one rushed in, saying : 'Colonel, the enemy are pushing across the bridge in overwhelming force.'

"With a glass we could see them as they came. General Price upon his horse, riding up and down his lines, urging his men on. Two companies of the Missouri Thirteenth were ordered out, and with Company K of the Irish Brigade quickly checked the enemy, drove them back, burned the bridge, and gallantly ended their day's work before breakfast. The enemy made a detour, and approached the town once more by the Independence road. Six companies of the Missouri regiment were ordered out to meet them in the Lexington cemetery, just outside the town, and the fight raged furiously over the dead. We succeeded in keeping the enemy in check, and in the meantime the work with the shovel went bravely on, the diggers sometimes looking up from their work to cast anxious looks toward the graveyard where their comrades were engaged in deadly strife, and yet the shovel was swiftly plied.

"This work was continued during the night, our outpost keeping the enemy in check, so that in the morning we had thrown up breastworks three or four feet in height. At three o'clock in the afternoon of the 12th the engagement opened with artillery. A volley of grape was directed from the enemy at a group of our officers, who were outside the breastworks, which had an amusing effect. Every officer sought the protection of the breastworks and gained the inside of the lines of men. But this movement was attributed by them to the terror of their horses, not from any desire to contemplate the enemy from a less exposed position. Our men had returned the volley, and a scene of the wildest confusion commenced. Each man evidently believed that he who made the most noise was doing the most shooting. Those who were not shooting at the moon were shooting above it, into the earth or elsewhere at random, in the wildest, most reckless manner. This could not continue long, with forty rounds of ammunition, and the men were ordered to cease firing and were then arranged in ranks and instructed to fire with more precision and care ; and soon everything was in order, and moved on as cleverly as a Yankee clock. This contest raged about an hour and a half, when we had the satisfaction, by a lucky shot, of knocking over the enemy's big gun, exploding a powder caisson, and otherwise creating a vast amount of damage, which was received with great shouts by our brave men. The fight was continued until dusk, and as the moon arose that great army of ten thousand men were in full and precipitate retreat, and Lexington was our own again. We resumed the shoveling and worked unceasingly through the night. Next morning, General Parsons, with ten thousand men at his back, sent in a flag of truce, to a little garrison of two thousand seven hundred, asking the permission to enter the town to take care of his wounded and bury his dead, claiming that when the noblest soldier of them all, the lionhearted Lyon, had fallen, he had granted every privilege to the Federal officers who had sought his corpse.

"It was not necessary to quote any precedent to the Irish Brigade for an act of humanity, and friend and foe met above the slain and together performed the last rites over the fallen.

"On Friday, though a drenching rain set in, the work of throwing up the entrenchments went on, and the men stood almost knee deep in mud and water at their work. We had taken the basement of the Masonic College, an edifice from which the eminence took its name. A quantity of powder was obtained and the men commenced making cartridges. A foundry was fitted up, and one hundred and fifty rounds of shot-grape and canister were cast for each of our six-pounders. We had found no provisions at Lexington, and our two thousand seven hundred men were getting short of rations. Sunday had now arrived. Father Butler, our chaplain, celebrated mass upon the hillside, and all were considerably strengthened and encouraged by his words, and after services were over we went back to the works, actively cast- ing shot and stealing provisions from the inhabitants round about. Our pickets were all the time skirmishing with the enemy, and we were casting shot and making preparations for defense against the enemy's attack, which was expected on the morrow.

"At nine o'clock on the morning of the 18th the enemy was seen approaching. His force had been strengthened to twenty-eight thousand men, with thirteen pieces of cannon. They came as one dark, moving mass, their polished guns gleaming in the sunlight, their banners waving, and their drums beating - everywhere, as far as we could see were men, men, men - approaching grandly. Our earthworks covered an area of about eighteen acres, surrounded by a ditch, and protected in front by what were called "confusion pits," and by mines, to embarrass their approacrj,. Our men stood firm behind the breastworks, none trembling or pale, and the whole place was solemn and silent. As Father Butler went around among them they asked his blessing and received it uncovered; then turned and sternly cocked their muskets. The enemy came, twenty-eight thousand men, upon my poor, devoted little band, and opened a terrible fire with thirteen pieces of cannon, on the right and on the left, and in the rear, which we answered with determination and spirit. Our spies had brought intelligence, and had all agreed that it was the intention of the enemy to make a grand rush, overwhelm us, and bury us in the trenches of Lexington. The fight commenced at nine o'clock, and for three day they never ceased to pour upon us a deadly fire. At noon word was brought that the enemy had taken the hospital. We had not fortified that. It was situated outside the entrenchments, and I had supposed that the little white flag was a sufficient protection for the wounded soldier who had finished his service and who was powerless for harm - our chaplain, our surgeon and one hundred and fifty wounded men. The enemy took it without opposition, filled it with their sharpshooters, and from every window and from the scuttles on the roof poured right into our trenchments a deadly drift of lead.

"Several companies were ordered to retake the hospital, but failed to do so. The Montgomery Guard of the Irish Brigade was ordered to, a company which we knew would go through. Their captain admonished them that they were called upon to go where the others dared not, and they were implored to uphold the gallant name which they bore, and the word was given to 'charge.' The distance across the plain from the hospital entrenchments was about three hundred yards. They started at first quick, then double quick, then on the run, then faster - still the deadly drift of lead poured upon them, but on they went - a wild line of steel and what is better than steel, irresistible human will. They marched up to the hospital, first opened the door, without shot or shout, until they encountered the enemy within, whom they hurled out and far down the hill beyond. The captain, twice wounded, came back with his brave men, through a path strewn with forty-five of the eighty lions who had gone out upon the field of death. We were now in the most terrible situation. The fire had hesitated for a little while, and the rebel commander had at once sent word to us that we must at once surrender, or they would hoist the black flag and show no quarters. Word was sent back that it would be time to settle that question when we asked for quarters, and then the terrible fire was resumed. Our surgeon was held by the enemy, against all the rules of war, and that, too, when v/e had released a surgeon of the enemy, on his mere pledge that he was such. It was a terrible thing to see those brave fellows mangled and wounded, without skillful hands to bind their ghastly wounds. Captain Moriarity, of the Irish Brigade, who had been in civil life a physician, was ordered to lay aside his sword and go into the hospital. He went, and through all the siege worked among the wounded with no other instrument than a razor. The suffering in the hospital was horrible - the wounded and mangled men dying for thirst, frenziedly wrestling for water in which the bleeding stumps of mangled limbs had been washed, and drinking it with a horrid avidity.

"On the morning of the 19th the firing was resumed and continued all day. The officers had told our men that if we could hold out to the 19th we would be reinforced, and all through the day the men watched anxiously for the appearance of a friendly flag under which aid was to reach them, and listened eagerly for the sound of friendly cannon. But they looked and listened in vain, for all day long they fought without water, their parched lips cracking, their tongues swollen, and the blood running down their chins when they bit their cartridges, and the saltpeter entered their cracked and blistered lips, but not a word of murmuring. The morning of the 20th broke, but no reinforcements had come; still the men fought on. The Rebels appeared that day with an artifice that was destined to overreach us and secure to them the possession of our entrenchments. They had constructed a movable breastwork of hemp bales, rolling them before their lines up the hill, and advanced their artillery under this cover. All our efforts could not retard the advance of these bales. Round shot and bullets were poured against them, but they would only rock a little, and then settle back. Heated shots were fired with the hope of setting them on fire, but the enemy had taken the precaution to soak the bales in the Missouri and they would not burn. Thus for hours the fight continued, we striving to knock down or burn their hemp bales, and they striving to knock down our breastworks. Finally the rush came. The enemy left the protection of their bales and with a wild yell swept over our earthworks and against our lines, and a deadly struggle commenced. Many heroic deeds were done in that encounter. Our men were encouraged by being told that if we succeeded in keeping them in check this time we had them whipped ; the lines stood firm. At this juncture we ordered up Captain Fitzgerald, of the Irish Brigade, with his company, to sustain the wavering line. Our cartridges were now nearly used up, many of our brave fellows had fallen, and it was evident that the fight must soon cease, when at three o'clock an orderly came, saying that the enemy had sent a flag of truce. With the flag came a note from General Price asking why the firing had ceased. I returned it, with the reply written on the back, saying : 'General, I hardly know, unless you have surrendered.' He at once took pains to assure me that such was not the case. I afterwards discovered what the trouble was. A lily-livered man, a major by courtesy, ensconced under the earthworks out of sight, had raised a white flag. Twice he had been threatened with death if he did not take that cursed thing down; but the third time his fears overcame his discretion and made for a moment a brave man of him, and he hoisted the flag over the breastworks on a ramrod.

"The ammunition was about gone, there was no water, we were out of rations, and many of the men felt like giving up the post, which it seemed impossible to hold any longer. They were ordered back to the earthworks and told to use up all their powder, and then defend themselves as best they could, but to hold their place. They obeyed, silently and grim. Without a murmur they went back and stood at their posts, only praying that the enemy would approach so near that they might use the soldier's weapon, when his powder fails - the bayonet. Then a council of war was held in the college, and the question of surrender put to the officers, and a ballot was taken - only two of the six votes were cast in favor of fighting on, and then the flag of truce was sent out. With our surrender many of the brave fellows shed tears. And so the place was lost.

"The enemy undertook to haul down our flag, and at first found the halyard cut; they climbed to the top and found it nailed. Their only resource was to cut down the pole, which was done while we turned our faces away. Gathering up the prisoners, the colonel in front, we were taken down to their camp and brought before a man in authority, who said we must promise not to 'run away.' We told him that we had not been in the habit of doing much of that business of late. Refusing to give our parole not to 'aid or abet the United States,' we were marched off prisoners, with General Price, and thus ended the siege of Lexington."

General Rains' Official Report

"Sir : I have the honor briefly to report that, in accordance with orders received, on the morning of the 18th of September I marched my division, consisting of three thousand and fifty-two, rank and file, and two batteries of three guns each, to take position on north and east of the Masonic College, in which the enemy was intrenched. After traveling a circuitous route to avoid the observation of the enemy, I took position near the residence of Mr. Tutt, and opened with four guns upon them. These guns were ably served under the command of Capts. Emmett MacDonald and Churchill Clark, whose gallantry and efficiency were justly spoken of by all. Here I offered a gold medal to any artillerist who would strike down the large flag on the southeast corner of the battlements. It was quickly won by Capt. Churchill Clark, though closely contended for.

"About eleven A. M. I closed in and around the college, placing a large force in an entirely protected position, about three hundred and fifty yards north and about five hundred yards east. I remained there, throwing out sharpshooters and skirmishers to annoy the enemy, while at the same time the approaches to the water were completely guarded. But one sally was made by the enemy on the evening of the 18th, which was quickly repulsed.

"All the men under my command acted with a patience, courage, and endurance worthy only of the cause engaged in, and for more than fifty hours they lay there panting like the hounds in summer when they scent the stately deer, eager not for revenge, but to teach again the minions of the tyrant that Missouri shall be free.

"The loss in this almost bloodless victory amounts in the Second Division to two killed and twenty wounded. Among the latter is Captain Vaughan, of the Fourth Infantry.

Recollections Of The Battle By Capt. Wilson

"On September ioth Price moved from Rose Hill to Warrensburg by a night march to intercept a force of Federals, who, Price says in his report, were going to rob the bank there, as they had the Farmers' Bank of Lexington. Others say they were trying to evade Price's army and get to St. Louis with the money, something over nine hundred thousand dollars, taken at Lexington. However this may be, they were intercepted and driven back to Lexington, burning the bridges behind them. On the 12th Price reached Lexington, moving from the Warrensburg road through the lane in front of General Shields' house, to the old Independence road at Edenview church.

"Near this place a small party of cavalry were encountered by our advance guard and driven to town. A regiment of infantry posted near the cemetery gave our advance guard a warm reception, and stood their ground until Price sent forward a force of infantry and Bledsoe's Battery. The Federals were forced to return to the works around the college. Bledsoe's Battery was posted on the ground where Wentworth Military Academy now stands, and fired several rounds into the works. We retired to camp at the fair grounds, where we remained until the morning, after first expecting that we should be led right on to the works. We there remained until the morning of Wednesday, September 18th. We were constantly engaged in desultory skirmishes with pickets and foraging parties, but nothing of a serious nature.

"Price was constantly receiving reinforcements, until his army numbered about twelve thousand men. An effort was made to reinforce the Federals from the north of the river, but a detachment of our army drove them back and Mulligan prepared to resist to the utmost the siege he now saw would begin. Lie seized large quantities of provisions, clothing and horses from the Southern citizens, taking also all private arms and ammunition he could find.

"On the 1 8th of September our army marched out with flying colors and a full band of music in front. Before getting in sight of the enemy, however, the music was 'side-tracked,' and we marched to our positions as silently as possible. Rains' division passed through Mrs. John Aull's meadow, and near the ground where now stands the Missouri Pacific depot, through Mrs. Beck's (now Capt. Ryland Todhunter's) front yard, thence north back of the old Tutt place, and formed with its right resting on the hill where Major Fred Neet now lives, its left a little east of north from the Wentworth Military Academy.

"Clark's division was on the left of Rains' and Parson's on Clark's left, extended west along Main street, about to the court house. Green's and Steen's divisions extended along the west side of Tenth, then Pine street, to and across Third street on the bluff west of the gas house. Harris and McBricle were on Water street, along the river, and extended up the hill, so as to join Rain's right flank. Thus the Federal works were completely invested. One column marched down Third street, one along the alley and through back yards on the bluff, and one down Water street from the Rock bridge.

"Bledsoe's three-gun battery was posted about one hundred yards southeast of Major Neet's residence; two guns of Guibor's battery on the ground where now stands the artillery shed and outbuildings of Wentworth Military Academy, and one of Guibor's guns, commanded by Serg. A. A. Lesueur, stood were John Major now lives, just behind the Traders' Bank.

"Guibor lent his fourth gun to Capt. Churchill Clark, who posted it on South street, at the end of Sixteenth or College street, where he fired hot shot into the front of the college. The first day Clark had two of Guibor's guns and opened on the works from the old Tutt place, on the east.

"Kneisley's battery of four six-pounders was under the hill with Harris' division. Price's headquarters were in the Meng building, north side of Main, one door west of Tenth street. The first day Harris' men captured the steamer 'Sunshine,' just below the levee, with a large quantity of stores, especially sugar, of which I remember we had double rations for some time after. The first day was mainly devoted to artillery practice, with some skirmishes, but we were too far off to effect much with our shot guns and squirrel rifles, a large number of which were flintlocks. A few companies were armed with old fashioned United States muskets and bayonets, captured at Wilson's Creek. That night we slept in line of battle without blankets or rations.

"-On that day, by General Price's orders. Col. Thomas Hinkle, a wagon boss, hauled a lot of hemp bales from Wellington and they were dumped all along the streets, but not taken to the lines until the third day and last day. At the time everybody seemed to give General Price credit for the idea of a movable breastworks, and I think it probable that the idea of rolling them along was General Price's, even if the whole business was not. Gen. Thomas A. Harris, who afterwards became very unfriendly to Price, claimed to have originated the matter. Col. C. Franklin wrote to General Price from Little

Rock, in 1863, that Harris claimed it. Col. Thomas L. Snead, Price's adjutant-general, heard it suggested by a private in the General's bodyguard. Several others claimed it. At first some bales were dipped in the river to protect them from hot shot, but after losing some in the water and trying to roll the wet bales, which drenched men and guns, they used them 'dry so.'

"Two or three men would get behind a bale, roll it awhile, then stop and shoot awhile. A line would be advanced in this way as close as was thought proper, and while the men lay behind and fired, a second line would be rolled up and placed on top the first. They were not so extensively used as is generally supposed - only in front of the hospital, Anderson's house and for about two hundred yards on the north. They were very effective in approaching the house, which has heavy brick walls. At Jackson, Mississippi, Gen. Jo. Johnson used cotton bales.

"On the third day a party from Harris' division assaulted a small outwork, a lunette, which can still be seen on the northwest of the college, which contained one gun and a supporting force of infantry. The Federals did not wait the attack, but leaped over the parapet and met our men half way. After a short conflict they were driven in with considerable loss, and the assaulting party withdrew a short distance, but did not retire. A number of the Federals were left outside killed and wounded. Soon those inside raised a white handkerchief and asked the Confederates to let them bring in their wounded. After a short parley, the request was granted. The white flag was seen from other parts of the Confederate lines, and the firing, which had until now been incessant, suddenly ceased.

"Soon another white flag appeared in the Home Guard camp, just west of the college building. General Price, seeing one or both flags from the third story of his headquarters building, sent Col. Thomas L. Snead, acting adjutant-general, to the fort to enquire their object. Mulligan, who had just been informed of the flag raising, replied: T don't know, unless you fellows have surrendered, for I have no idea of giving up,' or words to that effect.

"This account of the episode was current in the army and generally believed, whether true or not. However, negotiations were opened, officers from both sides met and arranged terms of capitulation as honorable to the vanquished as to the victor.

"Officers and men, as prisoners of war, gave parole not to take arms against the Confederate government until regularly exchanged. Arms were stacked within the works and the men marched out and returned to their homes under their own officers, retaining private property, such as clothing, etc. Officers retained private horses and side arms. All provisions, stores, ammunition, tents, wagons, arms and other public property were turned over to the victorious army.

"There were provisions and other stores within the works to last through a siege of six months, but water had become very scarce. This was undoubtedly a potent factor in leading to the surrender.

"Indeed, the Federals claim that they would have held out until relieved, but for the want of water. This is, to say the least, doubtful, as they were outnumbered nearly four to one and the place could have been taken by storm at any time. The Confederates fully expected to storm the works, but General Price, bold and audacious as he was, yet knew when wariness and patience would win. Unwilling to sacrifice the lives of his men without need, he sat down before the place, confident in his ability to carry it at any time. The Federals numbered about three thousand five hundred men.

"Col. John Reid, Price's chief commissary, said that he issued rations for that number of prisoners. There were not more than ten or twelve thousand Confederates. Federal writers claim that there were eighteen or twenty thousand. They largely overestimate our force. There was a large number of unarmd recruits about the camp, and a great crowd of citizens came in on the day of the surrender. The citizens mixed with the soldiers, who wore no uniforms, and it looked like an immense army.

"The taking of the Anderson house (hospital) by our men led to a controversy which was kept up after the war. Federals charged us with perfidy in attacking a hospital. We replied that they had fired from the building or under its cover. This they strenuously denied. At a friendly court of inquiry, sometime in the seventies, it was proven and admitted that they did fire from a point so near the building, if not actually under its cover, as to justify our men in the attack. It was also admitted that it was, at least, improper to locate the hospital at an important strategic point, just outside the works. We first took the hospital when but few armed men were in it. The Federals, in strong force, stormed and retook it. We then approached it with our rolling breastworks of hemp, captured and held it with a number of prisoners.

"Perhaps the greatest loss, at any point, was in these three attacks. General Price reports his casualties at twenty-five killed, seventy-two wounded. The Federals had two hundred and fifty to three hundred killed and wounded. There were more killed than wounded, which is very unusual, and is accounted for by the good markmenship of our riflemen, who could see nothing but the enemies' heads above the works.

"The Union authorities were at first disposed to disregard the parole given by their men at Lexington, Missouri not being out of the Union and not recognized by the Confederate government nor Price's army yet in the regular Confederate service. Some of them were forced into the service at once and were exposed to the death penalty if recaptured. They gave a great deal of trouble and some were granted discharges. Mulligan remained with our army on its march southward for some time, traveling in his own ambulance and camping near Price's headquarters. He was treated as a guest rather than a prisoner, and it was the impression among our men that he voluntarily remained with us until the status of the paroled men was settled by his government.

"As to the bank matter: General Price restored the money to the directors of the bank, but it was short fifteen thousand dollars. That amount had been stolen while it was in the Federals' hands, by cutting open one of the tin boxes which contained it. Detectives were employed, who traced the money to Chicago, where most of Mulligan's men had gone, thence to Milwaukee or Detroit. It was nearly all recovered, converted into gold and finally restored to the bank, with the exception of about two thousand dollars, which was paid out in expenses, rewards, etc.

"There was a large number of Union men in Lexington, among them several skilled surgeons. These asked General Price's permission to go into the works and assist in taking care of the wounded Federals. This was granted, and on the second day, about dusk, the doctors were escorted through the lines, under a flag, after giving parole not to convey information of a military character.

"In passing the lines, however, one of them managed to whisper to a Federal officer, 'Look out, the Rebels will make an assault on this part of your works tonight.' This was at the west sally-port looking toward the Anderson house. The hint was taken, the works on that side strengthened, and a large quantity of telegraph wire stretched and tangled in front. (Barbed wire was then unknown.) The other outworks were already protected by 'trous de loup,' pits three or four feet deep, with sharp stakes in the bottom, and mounds between, disposed in quincunx order. Our men must have discovered the extra preparations, for no assault was made.

"Mulligan's famous Irish Brigade, after the capitulation was agreed upon, and while its terms were being carried out, made some trouble about laying down arms and surrendering their flag. It was the typical harp of Erin, gold on a field of green, and was presented to them by some organization of ladies before leaving Chicago. They marched around the inner side of the fort, with colors and music, to the great disgust of Captain Bledsoe and others, who threatened to resume firing; then, forming in hollow square, they stacked arms, furled the flag, and were paroled with the others. General Price and staff were all this time sitting on their horses in or near the outer sally-port, on the south side; the soldiers were swarming over the outworks, and had resistance been resumed then, the garrison would have been destroyed in a few minutes.

Jefferson City, September 12, 1861. I have just received the following, latest from Colonel Mulligan, at Lexington : "Ten or fifteen thousand men, under Price, Jackson & Co., are reported near Warrensburg, moving on to this post. We will hold out. Strengthen us; we will require it."

Lieutenant Pease, a very intelligent officer, arrived last night with dispatches from Colonel Mulligan, at Lexington, and reports all quiet there. They had not heard of Price's advance, but the colonel informed me that he had secured the money in the bank at that place and was taking steps to secure that of other banks, in obedience to my orders. I also ordered him, immediately after his arrival, to commence fortifying Lexington, which he informs me he is doing. No troops from Kansas, except about three hundred, had arrived. Nothing was known there of General Pope's movements. Affairs south of this, and in Calloway county, are being vigorously straightened out by some detachments I sent out some days ago.

I 14 Lafayette County, Missouri

Saint Louis, Sept. 14, 1861. Reinforcements will be sent you today. The Eighth Indiana left at six A. M. this morning for Jefferson City. Other regiments will follow today. Sturgis will move forward. We will telegraph you further respecting his movements. General Pope, with some force, is at or near Saint Joseph.

St. Louis, September 14, 1861. Sir : You are hereby directed to move by way of Utica, with all practicable speed, to Lexington, on the Missouri river, with your force of infantry and artillery. You will send back the three companies of the Fremont Hussars, under Captain Bloom, to St. Louis. The most practicable route from Utica to Lexington for you will be by Austinville, Grove and Morton.

Reliable information from the vicinity of Price's column shows his force to be eleven thousand at Warrensburg and four thousand at Georgetown, with pickets extending in the direction of Syracuse. Green is making for Boonville.

Concentrate a force strong enough, in your judgment, at Georgetown, to push forward to relieve Mulligan. I trust that you can take provisions for two days with the means of transportation which you have. Order back your boats to Jefferson City, and send provisions and troops by them to Lexington. Two hundred wagons will be sent from here tonight to Syracuse, which will follow you. Troops are going from here. Answer.

St. Louis, September 23, 1861. I have a telegram from Brookfield that Lexington has fallen into Price's hands, he having cut off Mulligan's supply of water. Reinforcements four thousand strong, under Sturgis, by capture of ferryboats, had no means of crossing the river in time. Lane's forces from the southwest, upwards of eleven thousand, could not get there in time. I am taking the field myself, and hope to destroy the enemy either before or after the junction of forces under McCulloch. Please notify the President immediately.

Your dispatch of this day is received. The President is glad you are hastening to the scene of action. His words are, "He expects you to repair the disaster at Lexington without loss of time."

The Lexington Historical Society, in 1903, compiled a history of this battle, and from an article in it from Colonel Van Horn, of Kansas City, who participated in the engagement, we quote these paragraphs (the other matters in his article, having been covered in other accounts, will be omitted here) :

"For nine days the investment lasted, with but little respite for those within the Union works. The vastly superior numbers of the besiegers rendered the vigilance of the small force of the besieged constant. Colonel Mulligan gives the troops under his command at two thousand seven hundred and over seven hundred of these were the unarmed cavalry referred to. The effective fighting men were not over two thousand. An acquaintance who called to see me the morning after the surrender said that to General Price's army that day there had been issued thirty thousand rations. Of course these were not all efficient soldiers, but as most of the able-bodied men of that portion of Missouri were there, and they all had something to shoot with, the statement was a very reasonable and, no doubt, truthful one.

"There were two incidents of the siege that, so far as my observation has extended, have not been truly explained - the burning of the Wallace and Fleming houses. As I was a witness to both, it may as well be given here. The residence of Mr. Wallace was but a short distance in front of the college and earthworks and was made a shelter for sharpshooters. A consulta- tion of our commanding officers was held and a decision made to burn it. A detail of men was ordered to do the work, and I saw them go on their errand and return after the fire had been started. In the case of the Fleming house, it was farther from the earthworks, with a ravine between, and was used for a shelter for men, manning a section of a battery, and was harassing the Union garrison very much. The order was given to use red-hot shot to set it on fire, and the attempt succeeded. These are the facts as to the two cases.

"The fact once suggested, is now, in the light of the documentary history of the war, conclusive : That had General Fremont and General Lane acted with any promptness, or made any effort with the information they had, General Price would never have reached Lexington. No military experience is needed to see this fact, plain as it is from the record."