Montgomery County, Missouri - Biographical sketches (1 of 2 so headed), 1885 (part 3 of 3)

The next year (1834) after the organization of Warren county the county seat was removed to Danville, and in a short time quite a thriving little village sprang into existence. (For particulars see the local history.) It is said that Loutre Lick came near being made the county seat instead of Danville. Among the arguments in favor of the Lick was that slack-water navigation could be established on the Loutre, so that steamboats might ascend from the Missouri affording steamboat communication between the new capital and St. Louis.

The St. Louis Railroad Convention

In April, 1836, the first railroad convention met in St. Louis, and 'steps were taken to secure the building of these roads in Missouri, one from St. Louis to Fayette, on the line of the Boone's Lick road ; one from St. Louis to Bellevue Valley, in Washington county, ' and also a branch from some convenient point on the last mentioned road to the Meramee iron works, in Crawford county, with a view to its ultimate extension through Cooper county to a point on the Missouri x 32

1. It is now expedient to adopt measures for the construction of a railroad from St. Louis to Fayette, with the view of ultimately extending the road in that general direction, as far as public Cone and the exigences of trade may require.

2. That the proprosed railroad from St. Louis to Fayette ought & cross the Missouri river at the town of St. Charles and through or within one mile of the several towns of Warrenton, Danville, Fulton ~ and Columbia, the said towns being points most acceptable to the people of the counties through which the road is proposed to pass.

There attended this convention, as delegates from Montgomery county, Dr. M. M. Maughs, S. C. Ruby and Nathaniel Dryden. They were appointed at a meeting held in the bar-room of the old Williams brick tavern, at Danville, a month\previously. A few people of this county were alive, even at that day, to the importance of securing railroads.

'«« Wetmore's Gazetteer of Missouri,'' printed by Harper Brothersin - 1837, gives the following description of Montgomery county in that - year : -

Montgomery county is bounded on the south by the Missouri river, which separates it from Gasconade and Franklin counties; on the east by Warren and Lincoln counties; on the north by an unorganized county called Audrain, and on the west by Callaway. *The eounty stretches about twelve miles on the Missouri river, on which there are rich bottoms, heavily timbered. A portion of Loutre island is in this county, and contains a number of fertile farms. "A considerable range of bluffs extends parallel with the river. Loutre creek runs through the western part of this county, and several branches of the same drain the north-western part of the county. - Upon the waters of this stream are situated a number of farms and a considerable population. Loutre prairie extends from the creek of - the same name to the eastern limit of the State, more than twenty - miles, and through it passes the Boone's Lick road. In the northern - and north-eastern part of the county there is much prairie. The. y soil of this cuunty is in some places good, in others thin; but in many - parts there are good situations for farms, much good timber, and many fine springs. A large portion of the land in this county still - belongs to the United States, and many valuable entries might still be. made. The streams afford some good mill-sites. ee Lean j creek there have been discovered extensive bodies of valuable stone coal, that has been used to some extent in smith's shops. On the bluffs south of Lexington, in many places, are large bodies of iron ore, believed to be valuable, and it is said that there are also indications of the existence of lead ore. Lead has been manufactured by the Indians on Lead creek, a branch of Cuivre, in former years. There are in different parts of the county limestone and freestone, suitable for building purposes. There is a saline, or salt lick, called Loutre lick. Wheat, corn, tobacco, and live stock are the staple productions of the country.

If a railroad be made from St. Louis to the western part of the State, it must traverse the county. The population are principally emigrants from Kentucky and Virginia. There is much good land upon Little Loutre, Elkhorn, Lead creek, Raccoon creek, and other streams, branches of Cuivre and Loutre. There were a number of adventures and fights with the Indians in this county in early times, an accurate account of which would be highly interesting.

The population of Montgomery in 18380 (including what is now Warren) was 3,902; in 1836, three years after Warren was taken off, it was 2,891.

Early National Elections

As Montgomery had been a county while Missouri was a territory she was one of the original counties when it became a State. It took part in the Presidential election of 1820, when James Monroe was unanimously chosen President by all the States, only one dissenting electoral vote being given, but one State not having been formally admitted into the Union, her vote was not cast.

In 1824 the strife in Montgomery county was between John Q. Adams and Andrew Jackson; the Adams men were slightly in the - majority. The Wm. H. Crawford and Henry Clay men had but few supporters. | When the election was thrown into and decided by the House-of Representatives, Hon. John Scott, then the single Representative from Missouri, cast the vote of the State for John Bey Adams, who was elected.

In 1828 the contest was between John Q. Adams, of the National Republican party, and Andrew Jackson, the candidate of the Democratic party, then for the first time so called. This was the first time

Isaac Van Bibber, Col. Wm. Talbott and Jonathan Ramsey were the leading Jackson men. Dr. Robert Graham, Jacob L. Sharp and Isaac Clark were prominent Adams men. Alex. Graham, whose father was a strong Adams man, remembers well that he was greatly incensed at Ewing Van Bibber, who, after the election, when it was known that

Gen. Jackson carried Montgomery county and the State, the latter by a majority of 4,872 in a total vote of 11,672, but John Miller, an Adams man, was elected Governor without opposition.

cratic candidates for President and Vice-President, and opposed to them were Henry Clay and John Sergeant, the nominees of the National Republicans, Montgomery county voted for Clay by a small majority, but the Democrats carried the State.

cratic candidates and Wm. Henry Harrison and Francis Granger the regular Whig nominees. Hugh L. White, of Tennessee (Whig), was an Independent candidate. In Montgomery county the vote. stood: Van Buren, 92; Whig candidates, 169. In the State the vote was: Van Buren, 10,995; Harrison, 7,337; White, 3,256.

The Florida And Mormon Wars

Montgomery and about Danville as to be well identified with this county. They belonged to Capt. W. H. Russell's company (of Callaway), of Gen. Richard Gentry's regiment, the only one that served

In the '«*' Mormon War'? (see pp. 54-56), the militia of this county - were at one time ordered to get, ready to move, but marching orders - engaged in that fiasco. Large numbers of the Mormons passed through the county over the Boone's Lick road, on their way from the Eastern States to the '* Far West,'' then the headquarters of the Mormons. On one Sunday they encamped at Loutre Lick, on the west side of the stream, and had preaching and other religious services. One preacher jabbered away in a lot of jibberish which nobody could understand, but which all said was 'speaking in the unknown tongue,' an alleged holy language which only the divinely inspired could interpret and comprehend.

The Political Canvass Of 1840

In some respects the Presidential campaign of 1840 was the most remarkable in the history of the United States from the time of their organization. The Whig party, then for the first time formidable in the country, had re-nominated Gen. Harrison for President, associating with him John Tyler, of Virginia, for Vice-President. The Democrats re-nominated Martin Van Buren and Richard M. Johnson.

Owing to the suspension of the United States bank, and from other causes, there had been great stringency in the money market, and there were other financial distresses which occasioned hard times throughout the country. Many working men were either out of employment or were at work for very low wages; prices of produce had fallen to insignificant figures, and there was general discontent with the situation. Many people attributed the unhappy condition of affairs to Mr. Van Buren and the Democrats. Then, as now, the party in power was held responsible for the ills afflicting the country. _ The Whigs of the country took advantage of the situation, and conducted their campaign with unexampled ardor and enthusiasm. Mass conventions of unprecedented numbers were held, in some instances remaining in session for several days, which were addressed by distinguished speakers, whose object seemed to be to influence the 'popular enthusiasm and carry the election by music, banners, processions and stump oratory. Some of the Whig out-door meetings in the Ohio valley numbered 20,000 and were addressed by Gen. Harrison in person. At these monster assemblages miniature log cabins and veritable coons and hard cider were displayed, and campaign songs sung, exciting the wildest enthusiasm ; so that the contest took the name of the '* Log Cabin, Coon Skin and Hard Cider Campaign:"' of Mr. Van Buren held their conventions also, and, invoking the - name and influence of '* Old Hickory,'' who ardently supported him for the Presidency, adopted hickory boughs and the chicken-cock as their party emblems, the former gracefully waving and the latter defiantly crowing everywhere.

The Whigs and Democrats of Missouri caught the prevailing enthusiasm and conducted the canvass with unusual spirit. Mass conventions, accompanied by the splendid pageantry of processions, brilliant banners and martial music, to say nothing of political discussions unexcelled in fervid eloquence, abounded everywhere. The State was wild with excitement, and many and interesting and graphic are the scenes which our older citizens are able to recall of the campaign of 1840.

In Montgomery the excitement was of the prevailing character throughout the State. Although the population was small, it was enthusiastic. Large méetings were held at Danville, Loutre Lick, and one good meeting was held at Middletown. The candidates for governor, John B. Clark, Whig, and Thomas Reynolds, Democrat, addressed the people. At Danville the Democrats put up a ** dummy," the figure of an old woman with a ragged, nOpCrES -striped dress, an old bonnet, etc., and labeled « Grane Harrison.'

The Whigs carried the county for their candidate by what was considered a handsome majority, the vote standing: Harrison, 344; Van Buren, 262. But the Democrats carried the State by nearly 7,000 majority. |

Times were very hard upon the people of the county in 1842-43, Money was scarce and very hard to get, and produce and wages ridiculously low. The market report in the fall showed that the best flour per barrel, even in St. Louis, was only $2.50 in gold, and $3 in '¢ city money.'' Wheat was only 45 cents per bushel, and went down to, 35. Potatoes and corn were 18 cents per. bushel each. Nice, wellcured hams brought 5 cents per pound. Tobacco, « firsts,'"' brought - only $3.10 per hundred. On the other hand, groceries were proportionately cheap. Coffee was 10!/2 cents per pound; the best sugar 7 cents; molasses 25 cents per gallon; whisky, by the barrel, 18 cents per gallon; by the single gallon, 25 cents; by the pint, 5 cents. - In this county prices were even lower. Pork sold at Danville for - $1.50 per hundred ; beef, $1 per hundred ; corn, 621/2 cents per bar- Rr: rel, or 121/g cents per bushel; ae 2 and 3 cents per Pound, ALG

Hanging Of Freeman

Some time in the first years of the decade, beginning with 1840 - not earlier than that year and not later than 1843 - a desperate murder was committed in the eastern part of the county, which resulted not only in the death of the victim, but of the conviction and execution of his murderer. This was the killing of John Pearson, who lived in the vicinity of Price's branch, by his son-in-law, John' Freeman. Pearson was an old man, and Freeman was middle-aged. Freeman was afflicted with « cancer which had eaten off his nose and a portion of his upper lip. He presented a repulsive and distressing appearance, and his case would have excited universal sympathy, but for the fact that he was of an ill-temper and always had been, especially when drinking, of a quarrelsome and vindictive disposition. This infirmity of his nature was seemingly aggravated by the terrible, loathsome character of his disease. _ Freeman's wife became estranged from him. Whether she became disgusted with him because of his miserable appearance, which the ravages of his complaint had caused, or whether she could not abide his evil temper, is not certain. Perhaps both. At any rate she left him, taking a daughter with her, and returned to her father, Mr. / Pearson. This action on the part of his wife enraged Freeman ( greatly. After a time he went to Pearson's and demanded that his / wife and daughter, or either of them, should return home with - . him. i A quarrel resulted and Freeman assaulted his wife with a long, 'keen knife. He stabbed her twice or thrice, once in the lower part of the body, '' cutting her to the hollow,'' as one old settler, rather indecorously, expresses it, and making a serious wound. \ Her father interfered, and Freeman cut him so severely that he aN died soon after. He also wounded his mother-in-law, Mrs. Pearson. a Mrs. Freeman fell across a bed and lay insensible for some time. »

Freeman was arrested 'and committed to jail at Danville. From here he contrived somehow to escape for a few days, but was apprehended in this county and reimprisoned. He was tried, convicted of made for a commutation of the sentence. Three of the jury who tried Freeman were Judge R. G. Snethen, Alonzo Wade and Edward Bush, all of Loutre township. Judge Snethen is still living at his old home, but, strangely enough, can not remember when the trial was, who the judge and attorneys were, or who it was that Freeman killed, whether his wife or his father-in-law, or both. He only remembers that the trial lasted three days, and that he was heartily -

Geo. W. Crane was the sheriff who hung Freeman. The execution came off north-east of Danville, at the borders of town, and under the hill, on the west side of the Montgomery City road, as it now runs, and south of the branch. A big crowd was present, and though the writer has interviewed dozens who saw the hanging, not one remembers the year it occurred. It is probable, bowers that the hanging

Freeman stood in a wagon with one end of a rope about His neck, the other end being fastened to a beam overhead. He made a few remarks just before he was hung, but owing to the effects of the cancer on his mouth and tongue, they were unintelligible to all except those nearest him. It is said his last words were: '* Farewell, and fair warbing."'

Some time afterwards a sister of Freeman's came into the county and made investigation into her brother's case. She was quite wealthy, and said if she had heard of it in time she would'have employed the' best counsel and done everything to save his life. She seemed to have some of her brother's temper, and was very severe in her denunciation of all who were at all concerned: in her brother's death, claiming that he was insane and beside himself, and not responsible for what he did.

In the Legislature of 1849, when a vote was taken on the famous '¢ Jackson resolutions,''' Hon. D. W. Baker of this county, Whig, voted against all ef them from first to last. These resolutions were passed to furnish an excuse for turning Thomas H. Benton out of his seat in the United States Senate, and they accomplished their object. They denied the right of Congress to prohibit slavery in the Territories, or in the District of Columbia, and that any organization of the Territorial governments preventig slaveholders from settling therein with their property would be inconsistent, unjust, insulting, and calculated to bring about strife and disunion. They asserted that the right to prohibit slavery in any Territory belonged '' exclusively to the people thereof.'' The resolutions closed with the. significant declaration : -

5. That in the event of the passage of any act of Congress conflicting with the principles herein expressed, Missouri will be found in hearty co-operation with the slave-holding States, in such measures as may be deemed necessary for our mutual protection against the encroachments of Northern fanaticism.

The Missouri Senators, one of whom was Benton, were instructed to act in conformity with the resolutions. As '*Old Bullion'' was known to be opposed to the spirit if not the letter of the resolutions it was certain he would not obey the instruction of the Legislature, and a reason would be presented for refusing to return him to the seat he had filled for 30 years. He did refuse the instructions, appealed from the Legislature to the people of Missouri, and stumped the State against the resolutions, which he declared breathed '' treason and secession'' in every section and were the prelude to civil war. He hoped, the next Legislature chosen would be friendly to him and return him to the Senate; but it did not, and Henry S. Geyer, a Whig, was chosen.

1'So called from their being introduced by Hon. C. F. Jackson (afterwards Governor, then Senator from Howard county), though their real auther was Hon. W. B. Napton, of Saline, who with the assistance of Judge Scott, oe Wells, and George W. Hough, prepared them.

was that the bottom was' not generally settled and improved at that time. In the neighborhood of Bluffton, and in many places lower down, the water rose over the bank and flooded the country, doing some damage. The flood was at its highest from the 14th to the 20th of June. It was, so far as this county was concerned, simply an extraordinary ''June rise.'' Elsewhere it was far more destructive.

In the Mexican War only four men from Montgomery county are known to have taken part. These were A. V. Davis, Samuel T. Sharp, Louis Jones and Ewing A. Van Bibber. They belonged to Capt. Charles Rogers' Co. H, of the First Missouri Mounted volunteers, commanded by Col. Alex. W. Doniphan. Rogers' company was nearly all from Callaway county. Col. Doniphan's regiment is well known in history. Ewing A. Van Bibber became

At the Presidential election in 1844 the vote of Montgomery stood : Clay and Frelinghuysen ( Whigs), 359 ; Polk and Dallas (Democrats), 232.

When the California ''gold fever'' broke out in 1849-50 this county did not escape. Many people caught it the first year, and set out at once for the Pacific coast. In 1850 more went. Some returned "« dead broke,'' others came back with their fortunes improved.

white covered wagons dotted the road constantly daria the temperate months. - On one day in May, 1850, Jacob L. Sharp, the county clerk, counted the emigrant wagons that were going West, and they on the line of the Babee s Lick road. The gold hunters bought feed - for their teams and supplies for themselves from all who had it tosell, and paid good prices too. Every store in Danville advertised 4

121. This was the last election when the Whigs, as a party, put forth a Presidential candidate. The <'old-line'' Whigs of this county chiefly entered the Know-Nothing party.

Murderer

In June, 1851, occurred another terrible murder in this county, which eventually resulted in the trial, conviction and execution of the murderer. In this case the victim was a young German girl, named Caroline Scholton, and her murderer was a German man, named John Huting, who had become infatuated with her and shot her, because she would not marry him. The girl lived with her brother, and Huting lived in the same house, down on the Missouri river bottom, in the German settlement.

It is said that Huting had furnished a portion of the passage money which brought Miss Scholton to America, expecting that she would marry him, but she laughed at his proposals and would not listen to his suit. The despised and derided lover determined to kill not only his sweetheart but himself, and nearly succeeded in both attempts. He killed Miss Scholton outright, and then wounded himself very badly. ft

Although the circuit court records of this county are no longer in existence, it is fortunate for the purpose of this history that this case was taken to the Supreme Court, where the particulars were recorded. In the 51 Missouri Reports it is reported in full. From these records

At the September term of the Circuit Court, 1851, John Huting, the defendant, was indicted for the murder of Caroline Scholton. The prisoner was brought into court from the custody of the jailor. The court assigned counsel to assist the prisoner in his defense, and also .appointed an interpreter, who was duly sworn as such in the cause. The prisoner was then arraigned and pleaded not guilty, and the trial was continued until the April term following. The illness of the judge prevented the meeting of the court at the regular term in 1852, and consequently there was no April term of the court.

The trial of this case commenced at the September term, 1852, and the record shows that it was not completed, owing to the illness of the judge of the court, that the court discharged the jurors, and remanded the prisoner, and continued the case.

At the September term, 18538, the case was called up for trial, and a part of the jury sworn, and on the fourth day of the term, the court being unable to complete the jury, those that had been sworn were discharged, the prisoner remanded to jail, and the case continued.

At the April term, 1854, the case was again called up for trial, the prisoner, by his counsel, moved the court to discharge him, under the twenty-fifth section of the sixth article of the act, concerning criminal proceedings, because the prisoner had not been brought to trial in accordance with the provisions of said section. This motion was overruled, the defendant excepted, and filed a bill of exceptions.

The prisoner was then tried and found guilty of murder in the first degree ; judgment was rendered on the verdict. The prisoner moved for a new trial; also, in arrest of judgment. The motion being overruled, the case was taken to the Supreme Court, where the judgment and sentence were affirmed in July, 1855.

The Supreme Court refusing to disturb the verdict of the jury (Judge Ryland delivering the opinion), Huting was hung at Danville in the early fall afterwards. His gallows stood near where Freeman had been hung, by the side of the present Montgomery City road, at the Saris corner of town. Before his execution the condemned man made a written confession, which was published in pamphlet form at Troy and circulated throughout the county. If a copy of this pamphlet is now in existence the writer was unable to find it. The type was set by Tyler W. Parker, afterwards editor and proprietor of

The Native Americans

The Native American or '* Know Nothing '' party deserves particular mention, as it once was a political organization very formidable in its character and largely in the majority in this county and district. It was formed sometime in the decade of 1830, but did not become strong or very prominent until the dissolution of the Whig party, in 1853. In 1854 the first lodge was Pann an edt in this county, and in 1855 lodges were numerous. :

The party was a strange one, as it was a secret political order whose members were oath-bound, and 'which had its lodges, its signs, grips and pass-words, and worked secretly to accomplish its openly pro- fessed objects. It was composed chiefly of old Whigs, although there were many ex-Democrats in its ranks. The corner-stone of its platform was the principle that '* Americans must rule America,'' in other words, that none but native-born citizens of the United States and non-Catholics ought to hold office, and it also favored a radical change in the naturalization laws.

Millard Fillmore and A. J. Donelson were the Know Nothing candidates for President and Vice-President in 1856, and swept the county over Buchanan and Breckinridge, the Democratic nominees, by the following vote: Fillmore, 603; Buchanan, 365.

During the troubles in Kansas, from 1854 to 1858, a few Montgomery county pro-slavery men made their way thither to assist that party in the territorial elections. Itis said that while no one especially distinguished himself, yet every man did his duty, and * voted early and often,'' and returned to his home in safety and security.

During the Pike's Peak excitement in 1858-59 only afew Montgomery men were induced to emigrate to Colorado. The Boone's Lick road was again crowded, however, and as it is an ill wind, indeed, that blows nobody any good, so this Pike's Peak delusion, while it humbugged and '* busted '' many a poor fellow, yet made agood market for many a Montgomery farmer's corn, hay, bacon, etc.

The John Brown raid and insurrection at Harper's Ferry, Va., in October, 1859, greatly excited some men in this county, who declared that the first gun had been fired in what would prove to be a long and bloody civil war. At this time a few, and only a few, Republicans were in the county, two of whom, Mr. Walter J. Lovelace and Dr. W. B. Adams, were prominent citizens, and were bred and born on Southern soil. A few of the Germans in the southern part of the county were also avowed Republicans. Up about Middletown there was also a small number.

Census Of 1860 The Presidential Campaign Of 1860

of the United States. Its character was affected not only by preceding, but by succeeding events. Among the former were the excited and exciting debates in Congress over the repeal of the Missouri Compromise, and the Kansas-Nebraska controversy ; the passage by the Legislatures of various Northern States of the '* personal liberty bills,'' which rendered inoperative in those States the fugitive slave law ; the John Brown raid on Harper's Ferry, Va., in the fall of 1859, and various inflammatory speeches of prominent leaders of the Republican and Democratic parties in the North and in the South.

There was the greatest excitement throughout the country, and when it was in full tide the Presidential canvass opened. The slavery question was the all-absorbing one among the people. The Republican party, while it had not received a single vote in Montgomery county, had carried a large majority of the Northern States in the canvass of 1856, and every year since hadyreceived large accessions to itsranks, and under the circumstances, there being great dissension in the Democratic party, prognosticating a split, bade fair to elect its candidates. The Democratic convention at Charleston, S. C., April 23, after a stormy and inharmonious session of some days, divided, and the result was the nomination of two sets of candidates - Stephen A. Douglas and Herschel V. Johnson for President and Vice-President, by the Regulars, and John C. Breckinridge and Joseph Lane, by the Southern or State's Rights wing of the party.

The '* Constitutional Union '' party, made up of old Whigs, Know Nothings, and some conservative men of all parties, nominated John Bell, of Tennessee, and Edward Everett, of Massachusetts, on a platform composed of a single line - '* The union, the constitution and

The Republican party was the last to bring out its candidates. It presented Abraham Lincoln and Hannibal Hamlin, on a platform, declaring, among other things, that each State had the absolute right to control and manage its own domestic institutions ; denying that the constitution, of its own force, carried slavery into the territories, the platform meant hostility toward the extension of slavery, nen-interference where it really existed. It was to be expected that Missouri, being the only border slave State lying contiguous to the territories of Kansas and Nebraska, should be deeply concerned in the settlement of the slavery question. Her people or their ancestors were very largely from Kentucky, Tennessee, Virginia, and other slave-holding States, and many of them owned slaves or were otherwise interested in the preservation of slayery, to which institution the success of the Republican party, it was believed, would be destructive. There were many of this class in Montgomery county. There was not only a selfish motive for the friendliness toward the ' peculiar institution,'' but a sentimental one. It was thought that it would be unmanly to yield to Northern sentiment of a threatening shape or coercive character. If slavery was wrong (which was denied ), it must not be assailed at the dictations of Northern Abolitionists.

The canvass in the State was very spirited. The division in the Democratic party extended into Misseuri. The Democratic State convention nominated Claiborne F. Jackson, of Saline county, for Governor. The Bell and Everett party nominated at first Robert Wilson, of Andrew, and on his withdrawal, Hon. Sample Orr, of Greene county. Judge Orr was selected in the room of Mr. Wilson by the central committee. Very soon the politicians began a series of maneuvers designed to develop Jackson's views on the main questions before the country, and especially as to which of the two Democratic Presidential candidates he favored. For a long time the wily Saline county statesman succeeded in evading the question and in defining his position; but at last the Missourt Republican and other Douglas organs ''smoked him out.'' He announced in a well-written communication that he was fer Douglas, because he believed him to be the regular and fairly chosen nominee of the party ; but at the same time he announced himself in favor of many of the principles of the Breckinridge party. He was called by some who disliked him *¢a Douglas an with Breckinridge tendencies,'' ''a squatter sovereign on an anti-squatter sovereignty platform,'' etc.

When Jackson's letter appeared, soon thereafter the Breckinridge men called a State convention and put in nomination Hancock Jackson, of Howard, for Governor, and Monroe M. Parsons, of Cole, for Lieutenant-Governor.

Being encouraged by the feuds in the Democratic party, the Bell and Everett men had high hopes of electing their gubernatorial candidate at the August election, and carrying the State for '< Bell, of Tennessee,"' the ensuing November. To this end they did everything possible to foment additional discord and widen the breach between the two wings of their opponents; but they over-did the business. The Democrats saw through their tactics, and agreeing to disagree as

_ to Presidential candidates, practically united in the support of C. F. * Jackson and Thos. C. Reynolds, at the August election, and triumph- antly elected them by a plurality of about 10,000. C.F. Jackson, - Douglas Democrat, 74,446 ; Samuel Orr, Bell and Everett, 64,583 ; Hancock Jacksun, Breckinridge Democrat, 11,415; J. B. Gardenhire, Republican, 6,135. eH

In this Congressional district the candidates were John B. Henderson, who had been nominated by the Democrats, and received the support of both factions of that party, and James S. Rollins, of Boone ~ county, the nominee of the Bell and Everett party, and who was supported by the Union party, the Republicans, and all anti-Democrats.

Henderson and Rollins stumped the district - at least a portion of it - together, and made a most exciting canvass. The famous Muench or '* Minch '' letter figured in this contest very conspicuously. It is, perhaps, worthy of remark that although in 1860, in their race for Congress, both Rollins and Henderson labored hard to convince the people that they were strong.pro-slavery men, they are now, both of them, strong Republicans with all that the designation implies. Maj. Rollins was elected in 1860 by a vote of 11,161 to 10,908 for Henderson ; and it is an undoubted fact that this was accomplished by the several hundred Republican voters in the district who voted for the Major.

Nothing daunted by their defeat in August, the Bell and Everett men in Missouri kept up the fight for their Presidential candidates, and came within a few hundred votes of carrying the State for them in November, the vote standing : -

It is said that many Democrats voted for Bell because they thought - he was the only candidate that could defeat Lincoln. In the October - election the Republicans had carried Pennsylvania, Ohio and Indiana, - and Lincoln's election was almost inevitable. Fusion tickets against - the Republicans had been formed in New York, New Jersey, and other States, and many thought the Tennessee statesman might be elected after all. oa

For the first time in its history Republican votes had been given openly.in Montgomery county. It was known that there were a few Republicans here, but the number was not supposed to exceed 10 or 12, and when 45 men walked up to the polls and announced Abraham Lincoln as their choice for President, there was great astonishment, mingled with indignation. The expulsion of this class of voters was demanded by many, and it is said some of them received written notices to leave the county at once. At that date the method of voting was viva voce - that is, by word of mouth - and each voter was compelled to announce openly for whom he voted.' Therefore all the Republicans were known. It is perhaps only the truth to say that Judge Walter I. Lovelace and Dr. W. B. Adams were the leading Republicans of the county in 1860. They were in constant correspondence with Frank Blair, Edward Bates and the other prominent Republicans of the State.

After The Presidential Election

The news of the election of Lincoln and Hamlin was received by the people of Montgomery county generally with considerable dissatisfaction ; but, aside from the utterances of some ultra pro-slavery men, there were general expressions of a willingness to accept and abide by the result - at least to watch and wait. A number of citizens avowed themselves unconditional Union men from the first - as they had every year since 1850, when they met in convention from time to time, and these were the men who had voted for Bell, and men who had voted for Douglas, and even men who had voted for Breckinridge. Upon the secession of South Carolina and other Southern States, however, many changed their view. Indeed, there was nothing certain about the sentiments of men in those days, but one thing - they were liable to change! Secessionists one week became Union men the next, and vice versa. There was witha! a universal hope that civil war might be averted.

Already the best men of the country feared for the fate of the Republic. Northern fanatics and Southern fire-eaters were striving to rend it asunder. The former did not want to live in a country (so they said) whereof one-half depended for prosperity on the begetting and bringing up of children for the slave market, and so the constitution which permitted slavery was denominated an instrument of

1 The law prescribing the viva voce method was not changed to the present system of voting until in 1863, and the first voting by ballot was in that year (see Laws of 1863, p. 17; Statutes of 1865, p. 61).

infamy. The fire-eaters of the South were blustering and complaining that their ''rights'' had been, or were about to be, trampled on by the North, and therefore they were for seceding and breaking up a government which they could not absolutely control.

A majority of the people of the county, it is safe to say, believed that the interests of Missouri were identical with those of the other slave-holding States, but they were in favor of waiting for the development of the policy of the new administration before taking any steps leading to the withdrawal of the State from the Federal Union. «¢ Let us wait and see what Lincoln will do,'' was the sentiment and expression of a large number. A respectable minority were in favor of immediate secession, and so declared publicly.

Very many professed to believe that the election of Mr. Lincoln would not seriously injure the institution of slavery; that he was not an Abolitionist, or in favor of negro equality, and the following extracts were quoted from his speeches during the memorable series of debates with Douglas in Illinois, in 1858: - welfare does not require us to doso. We must not withhold an efficient fugitive slave law because the constitution requires us, as [ | understand it, not to withold such alaw. * * *

* %* * In regard to the fugitive slave law, I have never hesitated to say, and I do not now hesitate to say, that I think, under the © constitution of the United States, the people of the United States are entitled to a congressional fugitive slave law. Having said that, I have had nothing to say in regard to the existing fugitive slave law, further than that I think it should have been framed so as to be free from some of the obieetaae that pertain to it, without lessening its" efficiency.

* * * Tam not, nor ever have been, in favor of bringing about in any way the social and political equality of the white and black | races. Iam not, nor ever have. been, in favor of making voters or | jurors of negroes, nor of qualifying them to hold office, nor to intermarry with white people ; and I will say in addition to this that thal is a physical difference between the white and black races which I believe will forever forbid the two races living together on terms of political equality. And inasmuch as they can not so live, while they do remain together there must be the position of superior and inferior, and I, as much as any other man, am in favor of having the superior position assigned to the white race.? ;

The Legislature Of 1861

On the last day of December, 1860, the Twenty-first General Assembly of Missouri met at Jefferson City. The retiring Governor, '*Bob'' M. Stewart, delivered a very conservative message, taking the middle ground between secession and abolitionism, and pleading strenuously for peace and moderation. He declared among other things that the people of Missouri '' ought not to be frightened from their propriety by the past unfriendly legislation of the North, or dragooned into secession by the restrictive legislation of the extreme South.'' He concluded with a thrilling appeal for the maintenance of the Union, depicting the inevitable result of secession, revolution and war. Many of Gov. Stewart's predictions were afterward fulfilled with startling and fearful exactness.

The inaugural of the new Governor, Claiborne Fox Jackson, indorsed the doctrine of his famous resolutions of 1849 - that the interests and destiny of the slave-holding States were the same; that the State was in favor of remaining in the Union so long as there was any hope of maintaining the guarantees of the constitution; but that in the event of a failure to reconcile the differences which then threatened the disruption of the Union, it would be the duty of the State ''to stand by the South,'' and that he was utterly opposed to the doctrine of coercion in any event. (Gov. Jackson concluded by recommending the immediate call of a State convention, in order that '¢the will of the people may be ascertained and effectuated.'' of three times as many members as in the aggregate each senatorial district was entitled to State Senators - that is, three delegates from each senatorial district in the State - and appointing February 18, as

No act, ordinance, or resolution of said convention shall be deemed to be valid to change or dissolve the political relations of this State to the Government of the United States, or any other State, until a

The author of this section was the Hor Charles H. Hardin, an Senator from the Boone and Callaway district, and Governo! of souri in 1874-76. Thus the secession of the State was made a possibility without the consent of the majority of the voters. a much disturbed and very turbulent session, the Legislature journed March 28.