Benton County, Oregon - Oregon for the United States, 1885

own, and that was to arouse the Hudson's Bay Company to a realization of the precarious condition of its authority in Oregon. It began to recognize the fact that as a company it could not control these new-comers nor could it prevent the influx of others who were inimical to its interests. This conviction wrought a change in policy, and with it was made a bold stroke to gain possession of the prize. It has been stated that the company was opposed to settlements of any kind, preferring that the country should remain uninhabited by all save the natives and actual servants of the corporation. It had even gone so far as to send to Canada at its own expense employees whose terms of service had expired, to prevent them from settling here. It is to this policy, wise if all that was desired was to keep this region as a fur-bearing wilderness, but very unwise if it was the expectation to gain possession of it for Great Britain, that England can charge the loss to her of the disputed territory. Had the company from the first planted colonies in the Willamette like those of Lord Selkirk at Winnipeg, or had it even encouraged the settlement of its discharged employees, there would now have been enough British subjects to have controlled local affairs and laid a foundation for a claim of permanent ownership. During the past few years the company had been gradually realizing the unpleasant fact that it could not hope to exclude settlers, and had therefore withdrawn its objection to the location of permanent homes here by its old servants, and, preferring them to the Americans, had even encouraged them in so doing ; but now it realized that it must adopt a more comprehensive and aggressive policy, it must colonize Oregon with subjects of Great Britain or submit to being itself expelled from the country. A deep plan was laid, which, but for the foresight and energetic patriotism of Dr. Marcus Whitman, would have been completely successful ; and this plan was to bring a large emigration from the Red River settlements to overwhelm the Americans, and at the same time to open negotiations between the home governments for a final settlement of the mooted question of title, in which the preponderance of English subjects here was to be urged as a reason why Great Britain's claim to the country should be conceded.

There was nothing criminal nor even dishonorable in this ; and yet some American writers speak of this and other steps of the company to obtain or retain possession of Oregon as though they were the most heinous of crimes. The subjects of Great Britain certainly had as much right to make an effort for possession as had citizens of the United States ; and the actual fact is that they were less active, less aggressive than were the Americans, to which is due in a large measure their defeat in the contest. Because they made these efforts, parties who were equally active on the other side, looking at the matter through their party-colored spectacles, have charged the company's officers with the commission of grave crimes, not the least of which was the inciting of Indians to murder American settlers. These charges rest upon evidence which is entirely inferential and circumstantial, and even of this kind of testimony the greater portion is favorable to the company. There is no evidence to prove that the officers of the Hudson's Bay Company were guilty of any acts that would not be looked upon in any country and by any people as proper and necessary for the protection of their interests could they have been placed in the same position. It is certainly questionable if some of those gentlemen, whose bitter enmity caused them to make these charges, had possessed the great power of the company, whether they would have used it as honorably and conscientiously as did Dr. McLaughlin and his associates. It is certain that these narrow-minded views were not entertained by the master mind of them all, the martyred Whitman. His brain was large enough to keep personality and politics separate, and he honored and respected these men and enjoyed their personal friendship even while doing his utmost to defeat their plans. It was the active part taken in the struggle by the Protestant missionaries which had lost them the support of the company, and caused that organization to encourage and aid the Catholics, who, as subjects of Great Britain, could be counted upon to further the company's interests. It was this union of interest and action which was the true cause of the bitter enmity of the Protestant historians to the company. The mutual intolerance of the two creeds, and the especially bitter spirit engendered by the contest for control of the Indians, sufficiently explain why those whose minds were thus educated to believe their Catholic opponents could be guilty of fiendish acts, should extend their prejudices to the company which supported them. It is time these unfounded charges were dropped and prejudice give way to reason. The workings of the company's new plan will be unfolded as this narrative progresses, as will also the circumstances which have called out these precautionary remarks.

Although so few white people resided in Oregon at this time, still the objects which brought them here had resulted in their division into four classes, with interests to a greater or less extent adverse to each other. The Hudson's Bay Company, the Catholics, the Protestant missionaries, and the independent settlers, constituted the four interests, and they were elements not easy to harmonize. The first two seemed to have but the one opinion, though there were a few members of the Catholic church who were favorable to American rule. The Methodist mission had served as a rallying point for settlers, who cared nothing for the religious creed it represented, their object in seeking homes in the Willamette having been to better their worldly condition. Such favored the mission influence to the extent only that it served their purpose of settling in the country. In February, 1841, Ewing Young died, leaving considerable property and no heirs. This naturally raised the question of what was to be done with his estate and who was to take charge of it. He was neither a Catholic, a Protestant, nor a Hudson's Bay Company employee ; he had only been an American citizen, was dead in Oregon, and what was to be done ? Had he been one of the company's employees it would have attended to the property ; if he had belonged to the Catholic family the priests would have taken charge ; if a Methodist, the mission could have administered ; but, as he was an outsider, and as no one had the color of right to officiate, it became a matter in which all were interested and a cause for public action. His funeral occurred on the seventeenth, and after the burial an impromptu meeting was held, at which it was determined to organize a civil government over Oregon, not including the portion lying north of the Columbia river. A Committee was to constitute the legislative branch of the government ; a governor, a supreme judge with probate powers, three justices of the peace, three constables, three road commissioners, an attorney-general, a clerk of the courts and public recorder, one treasurer and two overseers of the poor were to constitute its official machinery. Gentlemen were put in nomination for all of these offices and the meeting adjourned until the next day, at which time, citizens of the valley were notified to be present at the American mission house to elect officers, and to perfect the governmental organization.

At the time and place specified, nearly all the male population south of the Columbia congregated, the several factions in full force. Most prominent among these was the Methodist mission ; second, the Catholics as allies of the Hudson's Bay Company ; and third, the independent settlers whose interests were not specially identified with either. The proceedings of the previous day were not folly indorsed. Two were added to the legislative committee, and the following gentlemen were chosen to serve in that capacity : Revs. F. N. Blanchet, Jason Lee, Gustavus Hines, Josiah L. Parrish, and Messrs. D. Donpierre, M. Charlevo, Robert Moore, E. Lucia, and William Johnson. The main point at issue seemed to be, as to which faction should secure the governorship. Revs. Leslie and Hines, and Dr. J. L. Babcock were the Methodist mission candidates and were liable to divide the vote sufficiently to secure the selection of Dr. Bailey, a man of strong English prejudices, who was opposed to religion generally, but could secure the French Catholics, and a majority of the settlers' votes. He drove the latter portion of his support into the opposition ranks, however, by his want of modesty in nominating himself for that position. It was finally determined to have no governor, and Dr. J. L. Babcock having been chosen supreme judge, was instructed to render decisions in matters coming before him in accordance with the New York code. This was an order easy to give, but difficult to fulfill, as there was not a New York statute book in Oregon at the time. The Methodists having secured the bench, and prevented the adverse interests from securing the executive branch of the embryo government, the Catholic influence was given a representation in Geo. LeBreton, who was made clerk of the court and recorder. Wm. Johnson was chosen from the English element for the office of high sheriff, and the following named gentlemen were elected constables : Havier Laderant, Pierre Billique, and Wm. McCarty. The offices of justice of the peace, road commissioner, attorney general, treasurer and overseer of the poor, were not filled. After the transaction of this business, and the issuance of an order for the legislative committee to draft a constitution and code of laws, the meeting adjourned until the following June.

On the first of June, the people assembled at the new building near the Catholic church in the Willamette, and learned that the committee had failed to either form laws, or even meet for that purpose. Rev. F. N. Blanchet withdrew as a member of it, and Dr. Bailey was chosen to fill the vacancy. The committee was then ordered to, " Confer with the commodore of the American squadron and John McLaughlin, chief factor of the Hudson's Bay Company, with regard to forming a constitution and code of laws for this community." The meeting then adjourned until the following October. In 1838 the United States Government sent out a fleet of vessels, under the command of Commodore Charles Wilkes, on an extensive voyage of exploration which lasted five years. Wilkes was now in Oregon with the purpose as much of ascertaining the actual state of affairs as of gathering geographical and scientific information. The committee applied to him for advice, and after visiting the Catholic and Protestant missions and consulting with Dr. McLaughlin, the missionaries and settlers, he ascertained that though all had participated in the meetings, but a minority, chiefly connected with the Methodist missions, were in favor of an organization. He therefore advised them to wait until they were stronger and until the " government of the United States should throw its mantle over them." The committee accepted his advice, the adjourned meeting never convened, and the attempt at organization was abandoned.

During 1841 the first regular emigration from the East arrived, consisting of 111 persons, and these came without wagons, since it was the general belief both in England and the United States, that wagons could not cross the continent to Oregon. This idea was industriously supported by English authors, several of whom published books on Oregon about this time, and was strongly urged as a reason why Oregon should be given up to the British. As our statesmen derived their information on this subject chiefly from English sources, they held the same views about the inpracticability of overland emigration from the United States to Oregon. Sir George Simpson, governor of the Hudson's Bay Company, visited the country the same year, crossing overland from Montreal. Just east of the Rocky mountains he passed the emigrants the company was importing from Red river, consisting of " twenty-three families, the heads being generally young and active." They reached Oregon in September, and spent the winter on the Cowlitz. During 1841, also, there was the greatest clash yet experienced between the rival religions. The Catholics went among the Cascade Indians, who had been under the influence of the Methodist mission at The Dalles, and induced them to renounce the Protestant for the Catholic creed. This served to intensify the bitterness existing between the religious factions.. The Catholic missions were rapidly growing in power and influence, the Methodist were as rapidly retrograding, while the Congregational missions in the interior were progressing but slowly.

There was quite an immigration in 1842. Seventeen families started from Independence in March, with Stephen H. Meek as a guide. At Green river they were overtaken by Fitzpatrick's brigade of trappers on the way to Fort Hall, and several of the families cut up their wagons and made pack saddles, and packing their effects on their animals, accompanied the brigade. The remainder of the wagons Meek conducted safely through Sublette's cut-off, reaching Fort Hall the same day as the others, much to their surprise. Here, owing to the positive assertions of the company's officers that it was impossible to take wagons any further, they were abandoned, and the party proceeded without them, passing down Snake river, across the Blue mountains, down the Umatilla and Columbia to The Dalles, and by the Mount Hood trail to Oregon City, which town was laid out that fall by L. W. Hastings, one of the new emigrants, as agent for Dr. McLaughlin. The greater portion of this party, being dissatisfied with the rainy winter, were guided to California in the spring by Meek. Among these emigrants was Dr. Elijah White, who had authority to act as Indian agent, being the first official of the United States government to enter Oregon.

We now approach the turning point in the long struggle for possession of this region, and as in the most popular accounts truth and fiction have been sadly mixed, the fiction will be given first and the reality afterwards. Gray's History of Oregon says : " In September, 1842, Dr. Whitman was called to visit a patient at old Fort Walla Walla. While there a number of boats of the Hudson's Bay Company, with several chief traders and Jesuit priests, on their way to the interior of the country, arrived. While at dinner, the overland express from Canada arrived, bringing news that the emigration from the Red river settlement was at Colville. This news excited unusual joy among the guests. One of them - a young priest - sang out : 1 Hurrah for Oregon, America is too late; we have got the country.' 4 Now the Americans may whistle; the country is ours!' said another. Whitman learned that the company had arranged for these Red river English settlers to come on to settle in Oregon, and at the same time Governor Simpson was to go to Washington and secure the settlement of the question as to the boundaries, on the ground of the most numerous and permanent settlement in the country. The Doctor was taunted with the idea that no power could prevent this result, as no information could reach Washington in time to prevent it. ' It shall be prevented, 9 said the Doctor, 6 if I have to go to Washington myself' 'But you cannot go there to do it/ was the taunting reply of the Briton. i I will see 9 was the Doctor's reply. The reader is sufficiently acquainted with the history of this man's toil and labor in bringing his first wagon through to Fort Boise, to understand what he meant when he said, ' I will sec ' Two hours after this conversation at the fort, he dismounted from his horse at his door at Waiilatpu. I saw in a moment that he was fixed on some important object or errand. He soon explained that a special effort must be made to save the country from becoming British territory. Everything was in the best of order about the station, and there seemed to be no important reason why he should not go. A. L. Lovejoy, Esq., had a few days before arrived with the immigration. It was proposed that he should accompany the Doctor, which he consented to do, and in twenty-four hours' time they were well mounted and on their way to the States."

Such is the fiction upon which has been founded a most extended controversy, the result of which has been to show that Dr. Whitman was moved to take this journey by a deep and gradually formed resolution and that long and thoughtful consideration and not the sudden impulse ascribed by Gray had led him to form the resolution. That this scene depicted by Gray is a pure fiction is evident for several reasons: - First, because the Red river immigration was all in and reached the Cowlitz in September, 1841, as surviving members testify, and there was no emigration from there in 1842; second, because Archibald McKinlay, who was in charge of the fort and was a warm personal friend of Dr. Whitman, says that at the time of the visit spoken of there was no one at Walla Walla but the half dozen regular attaches of the fort, and that the Montreal express did not arrive until two weeks after Whitman had departed for the East, during which time Mrs. Whitman remained his guest and then proceeded down the river under its protection; third, because the question of such a journey had been discussed by Whitman and his associates at a special meeting for that purpose several weeks before and the journey agreed upon and a day set for the departure. Let us pass from the realm of fiction to the domain of facts.

Dr. Whitman was a true American, an enthusiastic patriot and lover of his country's institutions. From the time he first set foot in Oregon to the hour of his death, the Americanization of this fair land was one of his proudest hopes. Dr. William C. McKay, son of Thomas McKay, says that in 1838 his father, who was then in charge of Fort Hall, decided to send him to Scotland to be educated. When they reached Waiilatpu, where they were to separate, William to go by the Manitoba route and his father to Fort Hall, Dr. Whitman strongly urged McKay to send his son to the United States to be educated, and "make an American of him," since Oregon would surely belong to the Americans. McKay was convinced, William's destination was changed and he proceeded by the way of Fort Hall to the States. He received his education at Fairfield, N. Y., where Whitman himself had attended school. This incident reveals the Doctor's abiding faith in the destiny of Oregon. Gifted with a philosophical mind and keen perceptive faculties, he gathered from the visit of Governor Simpson and the arrival of Red river immigrants in 1841, an inkling of the plans of the company for acquiring Oregon. His mind dwelt on the subject during the following spring and summer, and when the American immigrants arrived that fall with intelligence that negotiations were in progress between the United States and Great Britain to settle definitely the boundary line, he realized the deep-laid plan of the company. With A. Lawrence Lovejoy, one of the immigrants who had stopped near the mission to recruit, he often conversed about the situation, and one day asked if he would accompany him on a journey back to the States. Though the winter season was just coming on, Lovejoy consented to thus aid him in his effort to save Oregon to the United States. Whitman summoned his associates from Lapwai and the Tshimakain mission among the Spokane Indians, to consult in regard to the matter. Spalding, Gray, Eells and Walker soon assembled at Waiilatpu, and when the Doctor laid before them his plan for saving Oregon, they unanimously opposed it, on the ground that missionary work and politics should not be confused with each other. To this Whitman replied that his first duty was to his country, and if his mission interfered with the discharge of it he would resign. Knowing his inflexible character and deep convictions of duty, they dared no longer oppose him for fear of losing the master spirit of their mission, and gave a reluctant assent. That he might have official authority to leave his charge and that the real object of his journey might not be known by the officers of the Hudson's Bay Company, they delegated him to proceed to Boston to transact certain business in the interest of the missions. The dav of his departure was set for the fifth of October, and the several members departed to their fields of labor to prepare reports of their missions for him to take to Boston. The proceedings of this meeting were recorded in a book, which was lost at the time of the Whitman massacre. The papers having arrived, and all being in readiness for the journey, Whitman went to Fort Walla Walla, some authorities say to administer to a sick person, while Dr. Geiger, whom Whitman left in charge of Waiilatpu during his absence, says that it was to interview McKinlay in regard to the situation. At all events, his conversation with McKinlay whetted his anxiety to depart, and he resolved to start at once. Twenty-four hours later he and his traveling companion turned their backs upon Oregon and entered boldly upon a journey they knew would be attended with hardships and suffering such as they had never before experienced . The only record of that memorable journey is a letter written by Mr. Lovejoy, and the only accounts of what Whitman did and where he went come from those who con - versed with him on the subject and several who saw him at different places in the East including the emigrants with whom he returned to Oregon. From the noble martyr himself there corner no word, save a letter written while at St. Louis the following spring, yet these are enough to place him first on the list of those whose names should be linked with Oregon so long as history shall last. Of that memorable journey Lovejoy says

" We left Waiilatpu October 3, 1842, traveled rapidly, reached Fort Hall in eleven days, remained two days to recruit and make a few purchases. The Doctor engaged a guide and we left for Fort Wintee. We changed from a direct route to one more southern, through the Spanish country via Salt Lake, Taos and Santa Fe. On our way from Fort Hall to Fort Wintee we had terribly severe weather. The snows retarded our progress and blinded the trail so we lost much time. After arriving at Fort Wintee and making some purchases for our trip, we took a new guide and started for Fort Uncumpagra, situated on the waters of Grand river, in the Spanish country. Here our stay was very short. We took a new guide and started for Taos. After being out some four or five days we encountered a terrific snow storm, which forced us to take shelter in a deep ravine, where we remained snowed in for four days, at which time the storm had somewhat abated, and we attempted to make our way out upon the high lands, but the snow was so deep and the winds so piercing and cold we were compelled to return to camp and wait a few days for a change of weather. Our next effort to reach the high lands was more successful ; but after spending several days wandering around in the snow without making much headway, our guide told us that the deep snow had so changed the face of the country that he was completely lost and could take us no further. This was a terrible blow to the Doctor but he was determined not to give it up without another effort. We at once agreed that the Doctor should take the guide and return to Fort Uncumpagra and get a new guide, and I remain in camp with the animals until he could return ; which he did in seven days with our new guide, and we were now on our route again. Nothing of much import occurred but hard and slow traveling through deep snow until we reached Grand river, which was frozen on either side about one-third across. Although so intensely cold, the current was so very rapid about one-third of the river in the center was not frozen. Our guide thought it would be dangerous to attempt to cross the river in its present condition, but the Doctor, nothing daunted, was the first to take the water. He mounted his horse - the guide and myself shoved the Doctor and his horse off the ice into the foaming stream. Away he went completely under water, horse and all, but directly came up, and after buffeting the rapid, foaming current he reached the ice on the opposite shore a long way down the stream. He leaped from his horse upon the ice and soon had his noble animal by his side. The guide and myself forced in the pack animals and followed the Doctor's example, and were soon on the opposite shore drying our frozen clothes by a comfortable fire. We reached Taos in about thirty days, suffered greatly from cold and scarcity of provisions. We were compelled to use mule meat, dogs, and such other animals as came in our reach. We remained at Taos a few days only, and started for Bent's and Savery's Fort, on the head waters of the Arkansas river. When we had been out some 15 or 20 days, w r e met George Bent, a brother of Gov. Bent, on his way to Taos. He told us that a party of mountain men would leave Bent's Fort in a few days for St. Louis, but said we would not reach the fort with our pack animals in time to join the party. The Doctor being very anxious to join the party so he could push on as rapidly as possible to Washington, concluded to leave myself and guide with the animals, and he himself taking the best animal with some bedding and a small allowance of provision, started alone, hoping by rapid travel to reach the fort in time to join the St. Louis party, but to do so he would have to travel on the Sab- bath, something we had not done before. Myself and guide traveled on slowly and reached the fort in four days, but imagine our astonishment when on making inquiry about the Doctor we were told that he had not arrived nor had he been heard of. I learned that the party for St. Louis was camped at the Big Cottonwood, forty miles from the fort, and at my request Mr. Savery sent an express, telling the party not to proceed any further until we learned something of Dr. Whitman's whereabouts, as he wished to accompany them to St. Louis. Being furnished by the gentlemen of the fort with a suitable guide I started in search of the Doctor, and traveled up the river about one hundred miles. I learned from the Indians that a man had been there who was lost and was trying to find Bent's Fort. They said they had directed him to go down the river and how to find the fort. I knew from their description it was the Doctor. I returned to the fort as rapidly as possible, but the Doctor had not arrived. We had all become very anxious about him. Late in the afternoon he came in very much fatigued and desponding ; said that he knew that God had bewildered him to punish him for traveling on the Sabbath. During the whole trip he was very regular in his morning and evening devotions, and that was the only time I ever knew him to travel on the Sabbath."

He at once pushed on with the mountaineers, leaving Lovejoy at Bent's Fort, and reached St. Louis in February. There he inquired eagerly about the status of negotiations on the Oregon question, and learned that the Ashburton- Webster treaty had been signed on the ninth of the preceding August, been ratified by the senate, and had been proclaimed by the president on the tenth of November. He was too late by more than three months to have prevented the treaty ; but his journey was not in vain, for the Oregon boundary had notb?en included in the treaty, had not even been discussed, in fact, as appears from Mr. Webster's speeches and correspondence. This intelligence brought relief to the Doctor's overwrought feelings. There was still an opportunity for him to accomplish his purpose. He found great preparations being made all along the frontier to emigrate to the Willamette valley, notwithstanding the prevailing opinion that wagons could not proceed beyond Fort Hall. He immediately wrote a small pamphlet describing Oregon and the nature of the route thither, urging people to emigrate and assuring them that wagons could go through, and that he would join them and be their pilot. This pamphlet and his earnest personal appeals were efficacious in adding somewhat to the numl)er of emigrants, though it is a fact that probably the greater portion of those who started from the border of Missouri in May never heard of Dr. Whitman until he joined them on the route ; for the emigration was chiefly the result of the reports of Oregon received from trappers, letters written to friends in Missouri by Robert Shortess, who came out in 1839, and debates in congress the year before. That Whitman's efforts added somewhat to the number of emigrants is true, but that he initiated the movement or even contributed largely to it does not appear. He was too late for that ; the movement was well under way before his arrival.

After writing his pamphlet his next anxiety was to reach Washington before congress adjourned, so that he might have an opportunity to meet congressmen and urge upon them the claims of Oregon. He did not undertake to change his apparel, which is thus described by Dr. William Barrows, who met him in St. Louis : " The Doctor was in coarse fur garments and vesting, and buckskin breeches. He wore a buffalo coat, with a head -hood for emergencies in taking a storm, or a bivouac nap. What with heavy fur leggings and boot moccasins, his legs filled up well his Mexican stirrups. With all this warmth and almost burden of skin and fur clothing, he bore the marks of the irresistible cold and merciless storms of his journey. His fingers, ears, nose and feet had been frost-bitten, and were giving him much trouble." Such was Whitman when in St. Louis, such was he still when on the third of March he appeared in Washington, having been to Ithica, New York, to ask for the co-operation of Dr. Samuel Parker, his first missionary associate, and such was he still later in Boston, where he treated the rebukes of the officers of the American Board with a quiet contempt that astonished and disarmed them.

He found in Washington that the prevalent ideas of Oregon were far different from those along the frontier. Public men possessed but little knowledge of the territory west of the Rocky mountains, and deemed it of but little value because of its supposed sterile soil and inhospitable climate. Such had been the prevailing idea since Lewis and Clarke had subsisted on dog meat and Hunt's party had experienced such terrible privations in passing through it; such, also, was the idea fostered by the Hudson's Bay Company and urged by England. It was the Great American Desert, fit only for the abode of Indians and trappers. A year later in a congressional debate it was asserted that: "With the exception of the land alongt he Willamette and strips along a few of the water courses, the whole country is among the most irreclaimable barren wastes of which we have read, except the desert of Sahara. Nor is this the worst of it. The climate is so unfriendly to human life that the native population has dwindled away under the ravages of its malaria to a degree which defies all history to furnish a parallel in so wide a range of country."

To prove the contrary of this and to demonstrate that Oregon could be settled by emigration from the States was Whitman's task. He had interviews with Secretary Webster, President Tyler and many members of congress, in which he urged the importance of securing for the United States as much of the indefinite region known as Oregon as possible, asserting that its agricultural and timber resources were unbounded. He told them of the large emigration preparing to start thither, and declared that he would accompany them and show them a route by which they could take wagons clear to the Willamette. His earnest protestations made a deep impression upon many, especially President Tyler, and he was assured that if he could demonstrate these things it would have a powerful effect upon the solution of the Oregon question.

Whitman then visited Boston to discharge the official object of his journey, and was severely censured for leaving his mission upon so trivial a pretext. Then, after spending a few days at home, he hastened to the frontier to join the emigrants, some of whom had already started and were not overtaken by him till they had reached the Platte. His appearance among them was the first time the majority of them knew of the existence of such a man ; yet even these universally acknowledge that his service* as guide and advisor on the route were almost indispensable. Reaching Fort Hall the earnest representations made by the official in charge that wagons could not cross the mountains between that post and the Columbia had a most demoralizing effect. Had it not been for Whitman many would have changed their destination to California, while the remainder, leaving their wagons, plows and implements behind, would have continued the journey to Oregon with only what they could pack upon their animals. Earnestly he pleaded with them, assured them that he would guide them safely through, that they had found his counsel good in the past and should trust him for the future. They did trust him; the wagons passed on, and after surmounting every obstacle he led them to the open plain in front of the mission at Waiilatpu. He had won the day for his country.

This great train of hardy pioneers who had come to Americanize Oregon, contained 875 persons, of whom 295 were men over sixteen years of age. A complete roll of names was taken at the time by J. W. Nesmith, and is as follows :

The above list includes nearly every male resident of Oregon in 1843, exclusive of the ex-employees of the Hudson's Bay Company and those still in its service.

On the heels of the emigrant train, came the exploring party of Lieutenant John C. Fremont, who had explored the Rocky mountains the year before. After spending a few days at Vancouver, he passed south, crossed the Cascades to Eastern Oregon, continued south into Nevada, and then with much labor and suffering, crossed the snowbound Sierra Nevada to Sutter's Fort in the Sacramento valley. Though he earned the title of Pathfinder, he found his way to Oregon clearly marked by the wheels of the wagons that had preceded him.

Early in 1843 the effort to organize a provisional government was renewed by the American settlers, who were unaware of the great reinforcements already on the way to join them. Even the missionaries were not trusted in the primitive councils and operations of the organizers. The known hostility of every interest in Oregon to a government not under control of such interest, caused the settlers to plan with great caution and execute with extreme care. It became necessary for them to deceive every, one, except a select few, in regard to their designs, in order to obtain a meeting of the settlers under circumstances that would not arouse the suspicion of those adverse to such action, and array them in active hostility. The number and influence of such were sufficient, when combined, to strangle the movement at its birth, A singular device was resorted to. Wild animals had been destroying the young stock, and 'those who were wealthiest suffered most from such depredations. The Methodist missionaries and Hudson's Bay Company were consequently more anxious than the other settlers to be relieved of this scourge. There was but one sentiment, every one wished the depredators exterminated, and to do it necessitated a united action, an assembling of the people, and all organized movement.

The conspirators circulated a notice calling upon residents to meet for this purpose at the house of W. H. Gray on the second of February, 1843. The meeting took place and a committee of six was chosen to perfect a plan for exterminating wolvesbears and panthers, and then call a general meeting of the settlers to whom their conclusions were to be submitted. That committee consisted of W. H. Gray, William of Astor's expedition. With the appointment of this committee, and a general exchange of views upon the subject of wolves, bears, panthers, and the best way to get rid of their destructive raids upon stock, the meeting adjourned till the first Monday in March, when the people were to meet at the house of Joseph Gervais. At the adjourned meeting, after the organization had been completed, one of the gentlemen present addressed the settlers, stating that no one would question for a moment the rightfulness of the proceedings just completed ; it was a just, natural action taken by the people to protect their live stock from being destroyed by wild animals ; but while they were so solicitous about their stock, would it not be a wise thing to take steps for the protection of themselves and their families. The result of this speech was the appointment of J. L. Babcock, Elijah White, James A. O'Neil, Robert Shortess, Robert Newell, Lucie, Joseph Gervais, Thomas Hubbard, C. McRoy, W. H. Gray,

The committee soon met at Oregon City, many others being present, and a lively discussion ensued. Rev. Jason Lee, George Abernethy, Revs. Leslie and Hines, and Mr. Babcock, took strong grounds against the movement and declared in favor of a delay of four years. By striking the office of governor from the list, a unanimous vote was secured to call a meeting on the second of May. At the appointed time the people assembled, the two factions being almost equal in strength, being fifty-two Americans in favor of organization against fifty, chiefly Hudson's Bay Company men, opposed to it. Like Cameron, the great ex-boss of Pennsylvania politics, who said that a majority of one was all the majority he cared for, the Americans were satisfied with a majority of two, and proceeded with the work of organizing, their opponents leaving in disgust. The result of this action was the following organization:

Legislative Committee - Robert Shortess, Robert Newell, Alanson Beers, W. H. Gray, James A. O'Neil, Thomas Hubbard, David Hill, Robert Moore, William Dougherty. Supreme Judge with probate powers - A. E. Wilsob. Clerk and Recorder - George W. LeBreton. Sheriff - JosephL. Meek. Treasurer, W. H. Wilson. Magistrates - A. B. Smith, Hugh Burns, Compo and L. H. Judson. Constables - Squire Ebbert, Bridgers, Reuben Lewis and F. X. Mathieu. Major -

The committee was instructed to report on the fifth of July at Champoeg. At the time appointed the committee made its report, which was adopted, in which the laws of Iowa were declared in force so far as they applied, and the executive management of the government entrusted to a committee of three instead of a governor. For this committee, David Hill, Alanson Beers and Joseph Gale wer« chosen, and at last the American settlers in Oregon had a government. The struggle was over, for the great emigration which a few weeks later came in with Whitman settled the question of American supremacy and the stability of the newly organized government.

The first regular election was held May 14, 1844, to choose officers of the provisional government, at which 200 votes were cast. P. G. Stewart, Osborn Russell and W. J. Bailey were chosen executive committee; Dr. John E. Long, clerk and recorder ; James L. Babcock, supreme judge ; Philip Foster, treasurer ; Joseph L. Meek, sheriff. The territory had been partitioned into four legislative districts. The Tualatin district included what now is Washington, Multnomah, Columbia, Clatsop and Tillamook counties, and the persons chosen to represent it were Peter H. Burnett, afterwards governor of California, David Hill, M. Gilmore and M. M. McCarver. The Champoeg district, which has since been divided into Linn, Marion, Lane, Josephine, Coos, Curry, Benton, Douglas and Jackson counties, was represented by Robert Newell, Daniel Waldo and Thomas D. Keizer. In the Clackamas district was what is now the eastern part of Oregon, a portion of Montana, and all of Idaho and Washington territories. This immense region with its few settlers was represented by A. L. Lovejoy, Whitman's companion in 1842. The legislative committee elected met at the house of Felix Hathaway, June 18, 1844, and chose M. M. McCarver speaker of the house. A nine days' session followed, when they adjourned until December of the same year. On the 16th of December the legislative committee met again, this time at the house of J. E. Long in Oregon City, when a message was submitted to them from the executive committee, in which an amendment of the organic law was recommended. A seven days' session followed, during which an act was passed calling for a committee to frame a constitution. Several acts were passed requiring submission to a popular vote to render them valid, among which was a change from the triumvirate to gubernatorial executive, and from a legislative committee to a legislature, which was adopted by the people.

The immigration of 1844 consisted of 800 people, of whom 235 were able-bodied men. The following list contains the names of the greater portion of them :

Thorp, Alvin Thorp, Theodore Thorp, Mortimer Thorp, Milton Thorp, Cooper Y. Trues, Benjamin Tucker, Long Tucker, Thomas Vance (died on the Platte), George

At the election held June 3, 1845, a total of 504 votes were cast, and George Abernethy was chosen the first governor of Oregon. The other officers were, John E. Long, secretary; Francis Ermatinger, treasurer; J. W. Nesmith, judge; Marcus Ford, district attorney; S. W. Moss, assessor; Joseph L. Meek, sheriff. Two new districts, or as they were subsequently called, counties, were created, being Clatsop and Yamhill. A new code of laws was framed by the legislature then elected, and was adopted by the people by a vote of 255 to 52. A memorial to congress was then adopted, praying for the formation of a regular territorial government, which was carried to ashington by Dr. E. White. The legislature also created Polk and Lewis counties, the latter embracing all of Washington west of the Cascade mountains. Joseph L. Meek, the sheriff, was instructed to take a census of the population. By this it appears that there were 2,110 people in Oregon, 1,259 males and 851 females.

A train of 480 wagons and some 3,000 people crossed the plains in 1845, guided by Stephen H. Meek, a brother of the sheriff, the same who had taken the wagons to Fort Hall in 1842. At Fort Hall about one-third severed themselves from the train and went to California, being under the command of William B. Ide, of bear flag notoriety, and guided by Greenwood, the trapper. Meek undertook to guide them by - a new route across the Blue and Cascade mountains, a route over which he had never passed. He lost his way and the emigrants started out on their own responsibility. The majority of them by a terrible struggle, succeeded in passing down John Day river to the Columbia. Even this episode has been seized upon by the anti-Hudson's Bay Company men, and the charge made that Meek was employed by the company to cause the destruction of this train in the mountains. The fact is that if the emigrants had only trusted him a few days longer, the guide would have fulfilled all the promises he made them. As it was they came near hanging him, and he is roundly abused by the survivors of the train even to the present day.

The Hudson's Bay Company was enjoying a thriving trade with the emigrants passing by their posts at Fort Hall, Boise and Walla Walla, especially in purchasing for almost nothing the worn out cattle, or taking them in exchange for wild cattle which were to be delivered by the chief factor at Vancouver. The feeling against the company was very bitter ; and a number of men who had settled in the extreme southern end of the Willamette valley, among whom Jesse and Lindsay Applegate were leading spirits, determined to open a new route to Oregon from Fort Hall. They organized a small party, which passed through Umpqua and Rogue river valleys, along Klamath, Tule and Goose lakes, and across northern Nevada to Fort Hall, where were found a large number of emigrants, numbering 2,000 souls and having 470 teams and 1,050 cattle. About one-half the number passed down the Humboldt to California, in separate trains, among which was the Donner party, of whom so many perished in the mountains. Of the remainder the greater portion followed the old trail down Snake river and reached their destination after encountering the usual hardships of the trip. A train of 150 people with forty-two wagons tried the new route and found it a long one, almost devoid of grass and water until they reached Goose lake. They suffered severely and their cattle, half-starved and feeble, could scarcely pull the wagons along; nor was this the end, for upon reaching the canyon of the Umpqua mountains they found it almost impossible to proceed and many of them remained a long time in the mountain fastness, themselves and their stock in a deplorable condition, while others only reached the Willamette by abandoning everything. Much abuse has been heaped upon the heads of the men who induced the emigrants to try this new route, but it is evidently undeserved, at least so far as it imputes to them unworthy motives. They passed over the route on horseback and evidently did not realize how more frequent grass and watering places mast be for a train of wagons than for horsemen. However, this route through Nevada was a few years later used by thousands of emigrants entering Northern California and Southern Oregon, though, of course, the good camping places were well known by that time. As for the Umpqua canyon, wagons were taken through it by- Stephen H. Meek in 1843, and would have been easily passable by this party had their stock been strong, instead of being barely able to stand upon their feet, such, at least, as were not lying on the burning alkali deserts of Nevada. There has been too much of this imputing of bad motives for the conduct of those who differed in opinions in the pioneer days ; and if these reckless charges could be credited, instead of being properly classed as the bitter fruit of sectarian or political prejudice, we would be compelled to believe that Oregon was peopled /with the moral refuse of society instead of the brave and noble-hearted men and women we well know them to have been.

Though the Oregon question had been practically settled by the American immigrants, it was not officially disposed of until 1846. For several years it was warmly discussed at every session of congress and received much prominence in the newspapers. The people at large, as well as a few members of congress, adopted a very belligerent tone and asserted the superior title of the United States to all of the coast south of the Russian possessions. In the presidential contest of 1844, "Fifty-four forty or fight'* became a party cry, and upon that issue James K. Polk was elected. In his first message to congress the new president devoted one-fifth of the space to an exhaustive discussion of the question, and recommended that the required notice for a termination of the treaty of joint occupation be given, that military posts be constructed along the emigrant route and that the national laws be extended over Oregon. The debate which followed was long and earnest, and it seemed as though war would be the result. The resolution terminating the treaty of joint occupation passed the house and went to the senate, where for many days it engrossed the attention of the greatest statesmen of America. Finally the resolution passed that body, but so modified as to strip it of its pugnacious tone and admit of a compromise. It had occupied the attention of congress for four months and twenty-one days, during which time the whole country had been engaged in its discussion and the dark cloud of war hovered over the nation. Negotiations continued between the two governments until a treaty was signed on the seventeenth of July, 184(5, by which the boundary line of the 49th parallel east of the Rocky

On the fourth of June, 1846, officers were elected in the various counties in Oregon, as well as representatives in the legislature. June 3, 1847, another county and legislative election was held. At the same time George Abernethy was chosen governor for a second term, the opposing candidate being A. L. Lovejoy, who had a minority of only sixteen votes. The other officers were: 8. M. Holderness, secretary; John H. Couch, treasurer; George W. Bell, auditor of public accounts; A. Lawrence Lovejoy, attorney general; Theophilus McGruder, auditor; J. Quinn Thornton, judge of the supreme court; H. M. Knighton, marshal; Alonzo A. Skinner, judge of the circuit court. Another large immigration came in 1847 and still another in 1848. On the twelfth of June, 1848, county and representative officers were chosen for the last time under the provisional government.