Benton County, Oregon - Chapter 25: The War of 1853, 1885

Chapter 25: The War of 1853

A Prejudiced Writer Criticised - How the Indians Procured their Arms - Indian Characteristics - Their Allies Not to be Depended on - The Cow Creeks and Grave Creeks in Trouble - The Rogue Rivers Commit Outrages - Murder of Edwards - An Indian's Revenge - Murder of Wills and Nolan - Killing of Hodgings, Gibbs, Smith, and Whitmore - Miners and Settlers Seek Safety - Organization of a Military Force - Californians Offer their Services - Energetic Officers and Efficient Troops - The Indians also Organize - The First Fight an Indian Victory - Lieutenant Griffin's Battle - Disgraceful Atrocities- The Governor and General Lane Appealed to-- The Indians Evacuate Table Rock - Ely's Desperate Fight - General Lane Arrives and Assumes Command- Disposition for a Campaign - The Army Follows the Indians - Finds Them - Battle of Evans' Creek - A Drawn Battle - General Lane Wounded - A Peace Talk - Armistice Arranged - Casualties.

A certain writer for the public prints, while treating of the condition of the Indian affairs in Southern Oregon in the early part of 1853, made use of the following language :

" The summary justice dealt out to 'Taylor' had the effect to somewhat check for a time the depredations of the Indians north of the Siskiyous, and they became more friendly, and more profuse in their expressions of good will toward the whites. These professions proved only a blind, however, under which the Indians matured plans, and collected munitions of war for the renewal of hostilities on a larger scale. By resorting to this ruse, they were enabled to augment their forces from neighboring tribes, and form alliances unsuspected by the whites. In the meantime, being allowed access to the premises of the settlers, they procured more or less guns and pistols by theft or otherwise ; and also to accumulate considerable ammunition. In those days all the tea brought into the country was put up in lead caddies, which being emptied, were thrown out with the rubbish, and from this source the Indians collected a very abundant supply of lead, and through a few unprincipled dealers they procured a large amount of powder."

It may be a pleasing diversion to examine a few of the statements made with such assurance. It is said that the Indians began, in the spring of 1853, to court the friendship of the whites. This article evidently refers to the Rogue Rivers almost exclusively, thus seeming to imply that this tribe had not thus far been friendly to the whites. Yet there is an immense amount of first-rate evidence to show that this tribe was on excellent terms with the whites in 1852, both before and after the fight at Big Bend. So quickly were the scars of war healed that Sam and Joe felt highly aggrieved because they were not invited to the celebration given at Jacksonville in honor of Captain Lamerick and his brave followers. Several highly respected pioneer inhabitants of Jacksonville, including two or more ladies, have now (1883) given testimony concerning the unvarying courtesy and gentleness of the principal chiefs of the tribe, when met in times of peace. Sam and Joe, they say, were favored guests in private houses ; and by their dignified and manly ways, won the approbation of all who could appreciate their simple yet honorable character. They were, to be sure, only ignorant and uncultured savages, and perhaps entirely incapable of a high degree of civilization ; yet with proper treatment they remained harmless and peaceable individuals, however intractable and fierce a great part of their tribe might have been. To charge these simple natives, who were merely children of a larger growth, with such a degree of duplicity as that implied by the writer we have quoted, seems absurd. And at the time mentioned nearly all the Rogue Rivers were in the habit of coming into Jacksonville, where they begged food, fraternized with the lowest whites, and were friendly to all. Sam, Joe, Tipsu Tyee, Queen Mary, and others were familiar figures. These barbarian aristocrats were immeasurably above their subjects, as they never condescended to beg, but took with ready grace what was offered. Their indignation was quickly roused when their worth and dignity were slighted, and to neglect to invite them to eat at the dinner hour was an offense which their haughty blood could not brook. Upon such occasions they would stalk indignantly homeward. Tipsu Tyeei whose home was in the mountains between Applegate and Bear creeks, used frequently to be seen in Jacksonville. This savage, less interesting and attractive than the others, was a bugbear to the miners and settlers, because of his occasional " insolence" and mysterious character. Yet his impulses were not all bad, as the following anecdote will show. This is given on the authority of Henry Klippel, who was an eye-witness. John Sands, a rough miner, intoxicated himself, and meeting Tipsu Tyee in Jacksonville, struck him over the head with a stick. The insulted savage, bow in hand, drew an arrow to the head, and appeared about to pierce his assailants heart; but shouting "Hi yu him; nika wake mcmeloose mika!" lowered his bow. Experts in the Chinook jargon translate the above as "You are very drunk, or I would kill you!" This is certainly a case of forbearance on the Indian's part, as he had ample opportunity for escape to his brushy kingdom in the hills.

Such incidents and peculiarities throw considerable light upon the character of the savages, and go far to prove the improbability of any such deep plots as many have ascribed. Their schemes could not have taken such a range as we are assured they did. All that we can allow in this connection is that the Indians were in time of war accustomed to receive re-inforcements from such neighboring tribes as were accustomed to fraternize with them in time of peace. But it should not be supposed that this aid was regularly granted or withheld by the chiefs or headmen of the neighboring tribes, for on such occasions the young men were accustomed to use their own discretion as to their individual acts of assistance, and were not under sufficiently strict command to be deterred from doing as they liked in that regard. There is a restless element in every tribe and on every reservation, consisting chiefly of young braves desirous of achieving renown in battle, and the history of Indian wars, almost without an exception, shows that the ranks of the hostiles are swelled by such volunteers from neighboring tribes, without any preconcerted arrangement being made; and, it may be remarked, this element seems at times as willing to fight on one side as the other, and to their assistance we owe many of our greatest victories over hostile tribes. The extent of the aid furnished is an important, but indeterminate matter. It seems consistent with the Indian character that aid so furnished would be of a most unreliable sort indeed. It would most likely occur that the volatile young warriors would desert the cause of their friends when the novelty of the occasion was worn off. Such seems to have been the case in the principal war in Southern Oregon, as we shall see. Before dismissing the subject we may enunciate the broad general truth, that the tribes of American Indians have been found altogether unable to combine together in the sense in which political combinations are spoken of. It is a significant fact that not even Tecumseh nor Pontiac nor King Philip was able to unite several tribes permanently against the whites. Had the latter, with his consummate strategy, been able to consolidate the New England tribes, the unavoidable result would have been to exterminate the Puritan colonists of that country. It is true of the Indians of New York and generally throughout the thirteen original colonies, that in their incipiency a thorough union of the hostile tribes would have resulted in a total extinction of the white inhabitants; but providentially for the pioneers of these now powerful and prosperous states, the Indian character was incapable of such union. It is true that Pontiac, and afterwards Tecumseh and his brother the Prophet, brought about a sort of confederacy between the great Indian tribes of the Ohio valley; but these existed for but little time; and we may conclude that if these chiefs of experience and intelligence, operating as they did at a great distance from the whites, could not effectually unite the Indians of their time, the Rogue River chiefs, surrounded and watched by whites, most certainly could not effect that result. It appears consistent to allow only that the Indian allies were but chance visitors or errant warriors from neighboring tribes.

The writer further says: "They procured more or less guns and pistols by theft and otherwise." Giving its due weight to the word otherwise, no one can dispute that assertion. To ascribe procurement by theft, when it is an undisputed fact that their arms were usually procured by a much viler means, is to avoid a topic whose relative importance excuses the indelicacy of naming it. Every one of experience knows that the Indians often came into possession of their guns, horses, ammunition and other valuables through the sale of their women. It is useless to disguise the fact. White men became the eager purchasers, and the Indian who had traded a bad wife for a good gun, felt equally the gainer. Thus both parties were satisfied and harmony prevailed. But by and by the new found bride might tire of her white lord, and taking advantage of his absence, might run away, seeking again the wigwam of her earliest love. In such a case the impassive brave awaited the coming also of the white Lothario, whose judgment was warped by affection, and who to regain the society of his bright particular star, would give a second gun. Thus the Indians grew rich in guns, while the white men found their compensation in gentle woman's blessed companionship. Thus the Indian warriors placed themselves on a war footing, while the whites were figuratively sunk in luxurious ease. This is certainly an easier mode of providing arms and munitions of war than by theft, even were Sam and Joe's men such expert thieves as certain individuals insist.

Throughout the spring and the first part of the summer of 1853 little was heard of the depredations of the savages, only one incident seeming to mar the ordinary relations of white man and native. The event referred to was the murder of two miners, one an American, the other a Mexican, in their cabin on Cow creek, and the robbery of their domicile. As a matter of course the deed was laid to Indians and probably justly; for the Indians along that creek had a very bad reputation. They were of the Umpqua family, but had independent chiefs and were far more fierce and formidable than the humble natives of the Umpqua valley proper. They had committed several small acts of depredation on the settlers in that vicinity, such as attempting to burn grain-fields, out-buildings, etc., but had not, it appears, entered upon any more dangerous work until the killing referred to. The unfortunate Grave creek band allowed themselves to be mixed up in the affair, and suffered ill consequences ; for a party of whites proceeded to their encampment and fired unceremoniously into it, killing one Indian and wounding another. The total number of Grave Creek Indians who were killed in consequence of their supposed complicity in the acts and in the so-called murder on Galice creek previously spoken of was eleven ; of whom six were hanged and five shot. The Grave creek tribe was rapidly becoming extinct.

In August, 1853, the Indians broke out into open war, or to limit this assertion somewhat, certain Indians, indifferently from various bands of the Rogue Rivers, committed several bloody atrocities in the valley, alarming the settlers and causing them to seek the protection of fortified places, while the Table Rock band under Sam and Joe, joined by several other bands, left their pleasant location and retired to the hills to escape the vengeance of the whites from whom their leaders wished to permanently remove.

On the fourth of August the first act of the new era of hostilities took place, being the murder of Edward Edwards, an old farmer, residing on Bear creek, about two and a half miles below the town site of Phoenix. In his absence the murderers secreted themselves in his cabin, and on his return at noon, shot him with his own gun, and after pillaging the house, fled to the hills. There were but few concerned in the deed, and subsequent developments fixed the guilt upon Indian Thompson, who was surrendered by the chiefs at Table Rock, tried in the United States circuit court in February, 1854, and hanged two days later. According to the prevailing account of the circumstances of this murder, the deed was committed in revenge for an act of injustice perpetrated on an Indian by a Mexican named Debusha, who enticed or abducted a squaw from Jim's village, and when the chief and the woman's husband went to reclaim her they were met by threats of shooting. Naturally disturbed by the affair, the aggrieved brave started upon a tour of vengeance against the white race, killing Edwards and attempting other crimes. Colonel Ross, a prominent actor in the events that followed, identifies the murderer as Pe-oos-e-cut, a nephew of Chief John r of the Applegates, and represents the difficulty substantially as above stated, adding the particulars that Debusha had bought the squaw, of whom the Indian had been the lover. She ran away to a camp on Bear creek, and the Mexican, with Charles Harris, went to the camp and took her from Pe-oos-e-cut, much to his anger and grief. The disappointed lover next day began venting his rage against the whites by killing cattle and also shot Edwards as described. No sooner had the murder become known, than other savages became imbued with a desire to kill, and during the following fortnight several murders were committed, through treachery mainly.

On August fifth, occurred the murder of Thomas Wills, a member of the firm of Wills & Kyle, merchants of Jacksonville, who was shot when near the Berry house, on the Phoenix road, and almost within the town of Jacksonville. The murder was committed at about the hour of twilight. The report of the Indian's gun was heard, as well as the wounded man's cries, and immediately his saddle-mule galloped into town, with blood on the saddle. Men went hurriedly to his assistance, but saw no Indians. The wound was through the back-bone, and necessarily fatal, although the victim lingered until August seventeenth. Excitement prevailed throughout the place and every man of Jacksonville's overflowing population armed himself and constituted himself a member of an impromptu committee of safety. The alarm was increased by a third murder which took place the following morning (August sixth.) The victim was Rhodes Nolan, a miner on Jackson creek, who, in returning from town, at sunrise, after a night of watching to repel anticipated assaults, was shot as he entered his cabin door.

Somewhat later than the events mentioned above, a very serious murder, or perhaps it may be called massacre, took place in the upper part of Bear creek, resulting in the death of several persons aud the serious wounding of others. Tipsu Tyee became hostile, probably in consequence of the influence of the Indians in the lower valley, and an attack was made on settlers in the vicinity of the site of Ashland. Tipsu Tyee was not present at this event, and no evidence tends to show the degree of his participation therein ; nor is it material to the story. A detached party of his band, under sub-chief Sambo, being temporarily encamped on Neil creek at the time of the Edwards- Wills-Nolan murders, excited the suspicion of the white men newly settled in the upper part of Bear creek valley and on tributary streams, who united to the number of twelve and proceeded to the Indian camp. The whites being armed, fired on the savages, who took refuge, as is their invariable custom, in the brush, whence they fired at the whites and shot Patrick Dunn through the left shoulder and Andrew Carter through the left arm. " One Indian only is known to have been killed, and a few slightly wounded." According to the accounts of interested parties this action occurred on the thirteenth of August. On the same day or that following, the Indian women and children of the encampment were collected and taken to the camp of the whites, which was the house of Messrs. Alberding and Dunn (now the General Tolman place), where a stockade had been constructed for the protection of the settlers and their families. On the seventeenth, Sambo and his warriors, numbering a dozen or so, came in voluntarily and surrendered to the whites and were provided for and retained at the " fort." Several families, including those of Samuel Grubb, Frederick Heber, Asa Fordyce, Isaac Hill and Robert Wright, were at this station, besides several single men whom the idea of mutual protection had drawn there. Having ample confidence in the good faith of their savage guests, no great precautions were taken to guard against surprise, and so the Indians had ample opportunity for an outbreak, which they effected on the morning of the twenty-third of August, as asserted by survivors, but on the seventeenth as given in various printed records. On this occasion they killed Hugh Smith, and wounded John Gibbs, William Hodgings or Hudgins, Brice Whitmore, Morris Howell and B. Morris. Gibbs died soon after at the stockade at Wagner's, where the whites moved for protection ; Hodgings expired while being taken to Jacksonville, and Whitmore, reaching that place, died within a few days. The others recovered, as did Dunn and Carter, previously wounded, both of the men being alive and well at this day.

Indian Wars

In consequence of the murders described, a spirit of alarm necessarily spread itself throughout the country. The miners on Applegate, Foot's, and other creeks abandoned their places and come into Jacksonville for protection. The settlers in various directions did the same, some of those who were better prepared, " fortingup," with the intention of resisting Indian attacks. The people who thus prepared to defend themselves were gathered mainly at T' Vault's place (the Dardanelles), N. C. Dean's (Willow springs), Martin Angell's (now Captain Barnes') and Jacob Wagner's, in Upper Bear creek valley. As soon as possible a military company was formed in Jacksonville, having Ben Armstrong as captain, and John F. Miller, B. B. Griffin and Abel George as lieutenants, and Charles E. Drew, quartermaster. But within a few days this organization was superseded by others, a company of home-guards taking the most of the men. This latter company was under the command of W. W. Fowler. A large proportion of the houses outside of Jacksonville were abandoned by the owners, and these were mostly burned by roving parties of natives, who were scattered for a few days over the whole valley.

The people were compelled to seek assistance from wherever it might be procured and with this view dispatched messengers to Fort Jones the newly established military post near Yreka. The messengers arrived there on the eighth of August, and Captain B. R. Alden, 4th U. 8. Infantry, commanding Fort Jones, instantly set out for the scene of hostilities with a very small force of infantry, not more than twenty men all told, but with forty or fifty muskets, and a supply of cartridges. Simultaneously a large number of volunteers presented themselves at Yreka and agreed to serve under Captain J. P. Goodall and Jacob Rhoades, well known as Indian fighters. Captain Goodall's company numbered ninety men, all mounted, as were those of Rhoades' company which was about sixty strong. Unfortunately the muster-rolls of these two companies have been lost, so that it is impossible to present the names of all the members. Of Captain Goodall's company a partial list only is given, which will be found in its appropriate place.

The volunteers raised in Southern Oregon were six companies in all, having as captains, R. L. Williams, J. K. Lamerick, John F. Miller, Elias A. Owens, and W* W. Fowler. They were ordered - with the exception of Fowler's company, which was raised exclusively for the protection of Jacksonville, and which did no outside service - to rendezvous at Camp Stewart. An organization was here effected and the troops, the most formidable, and numerous body of men thus far seen in this part of Oregon, assumed the semblance of an army. Each volunteer furnished, as a matter of course, his own riding animal and equipments. A quartermaster's department was extemporized for the occasion, and B.F.Dowell became master of transportation or equivalent title. Captain Alden, by wish of the volunteers, assumed command of the whole force, whose numbers probably reached three hundred men. All the volunteers were of course without uniforms, wearing merely their ordinary clothes, and carrying rifles and revolvers as dissimilar in pattern as their own garments. Their saddle animals were horses and mules indiscriminately. It would be difficult to conceive a body of soldiery of more irregular type than the " army " at Camp Stewart; but it would be equally difficult to imagine a body of men better adapted for Indian fighting in a rough country, or for that matter, in any country. The sequel of the short campaign which they carried on showed conclusively that with energetic and reliable commanders they were capable of the greatest services. The successful issue of their expedition it would seem was due to the energy and vigor with which their leaders moved upon the foe, and having found him, fought him relentlessly.

Meanwhile, the malcontents who were scattered about the valley doing much damage in the way of burning houses, barns, fences, etc., left that employment and sought security with Joe, Sam and other chiefs, who were gathered at Table Rock, making what preparations they could against the threatened attack of the whites. They selected a naturally strong position and fortified it with considerable skill, digging a ditch, rearing a wall of rocks and earth, and otherwise strengthening the place. They were reported to be in strong force, numbering not less than 300 (an exaggeration, doubtless), and consisting of the Table Rock band, and the subsidiary bands of Jim and Jake (the Butte Creek Indians), with the App legates and a few Grave Creeks. These minor bands had been ^rorse treated by the whites than had the Table Rock Indians, and in consequence were much worse affected toward them, and as a result they entered into the coming contest with alacrity. The attitude of Tipsu Tyee was a subject of anxiety to the endangered whites, but much to their surprise this Indian refrained entinely from hostilities throughout the war, which would have been thought a fitting opportunity for his hatred to vent itself. But he kept aloof from either party, doubtless fearing the whites less than the defection of the lukewarm chiefs, Sam and Joe, who were deemed likely to accept the first overtures on the part of the whites. Be the cause what it may, he remained personally in seclusion until after the close of hostilities.

From the eighth to the sixteenth of August, movements were made with a view of ascertaining the savages' whereabouts, and the vicinity of Table Rock was reconnoitered, when it was found that they had abandoned their position and retired to the north or west. Their trail showed that they were in great force and nearly the whole tribe were together. They had sent out their scouts, and up to this time knew every move of the whites. They declared themselves satisfied to await the decision of warfare, and that they would fight until every white man was driven from the valley. Such bold, defiant talk naturally produced a great effect upon the whites, who were imbued with a sense of the fighting qualities of the Indians, and added to the anxiety of many for their families increased the feeling of apprehension throughout the valley. This feeling was heightened by the news of an engagement, the first of the war, between a party of whites under Lieutenant Burrell B. Griffin, of Miller's company, and a party of Indians under the redoubtable Old John. This fight occurred on the twelfth of August, on Applegate creek, near the mouth of Williams' creek (subsequently so named), The lieutenant, with some twenty men, had reached the main Applegate, at the mouth of Little Applegate, and proceeding thence to Sterling creek, destroyed an Indian village. Some little resistance was exp3rienced, and Private George Anderson was wounded in the hip. Moving down to Williams' creek, the next day, an Indian band was found and followed, and when several miles up that stream, the men were ambushed by their wily foes and defeated with the loss of two, Lieutenant Griffin severely wounded in the right leg, and Private Francis Garnett killed. The engagement, which lasted three-quarters of an hour, was closely contested, and bravely and skillfully fought. The Indians, better sheltered than the whites, met with a heavier loss, as they acknowledged five killed and wounded. The soldiers were compelled to retreat finally, leaving the battle-field to the Indians. The savages probably outnumbered the whites by at least two to one, and had the additional advantage of being at home. But more than anything else that contributed to this success was the fact that Old John, their redoubtable war chief, led them, and by his strategy and foresight secured a victory. If their chief was so warlike the individual warriors of his band were hardly less so. Of one of them, " Bill," who was wounded at the fight on Williams' creek, General Lane once said that he never met a braver man in peace or war. Their opponents, without in the least recognizing the valor and shrewdness of John and his band, sought to explain Griffin's defeat by asserting that the hostiles numbered from three hundred to five hundred - which is a palpable absurdity. Probably there were not more than fifty Indians present at the fight, nor were more required.

John R. Harding (or Harden) and William R. Rose, of Lamerick's company were killed on August tenth, near Willow Springs, The two, with one or more companions, were on detached service, or, according to other accounts, were proceeding to Jacksonville; when having reached a point a mile north of the springs they were fired on by Indians concealed near the road, and Rose was killed, and Harding was shot through the hips. He escaped, as did the others, but died on August fourteenth (some accounts relate that he died in eleven hours). Rose's body falling by the wayside, was stripped and mutilated, the throat cut and an eye gouged out ; six hundred dollars upon his person were taken, and his saddle horse also.

Other incidents of the eventful period preceding Lane's campaign of August 21-25, were the capture and shooting of a suspected Indian by Angus Brown, the hanging of an Indian child in the town of Jacksonville, and other acts of that nature, which reflect no credit upon those engaged therein. That stern-visaged war had wrought up people to deeds of this sort, is not very remarkable. Five Indians, it is credibly reported, were hanged in one day, on a tree which stood near David Linn's residence.

On the fourteenth of August a Mr. Ettlinger was dispatched north, with letters to the governor of Oregon and to other parties, setting forth the condition of affairs and soliciting aid to prosecute the war. General Lane heard the news when at his home on Deer creek, and instantly set about raising volunteers. Fifty men joined his party, and with these he set out and traveled rapidly to the scene of hostilities. On arriving at Camp Stewart he found the main part of the troops there, together with Captain Alden and his regulars. The command of all was tendered to the General by Captain Alden, and by him accepted. Preparations for moving on the enemy had been made, and an active campaign was resolved upon.

On or about the fifteenth, a detachment under Hardy Elliff was sent to the rear of the enemy's position behind Table Rock, in order to provoke an engagement ; but their position had been evacuated, and the hostiles had withdrawn. On August sixteenth a detachment of Goodall's company was sent out, consisting of twenty-two picked men, commanded by Lieutenant E. Ely, with the design of discovering the enemy's whereabouts. So well did they perform their duty, that on arriving at Little Meadows, on Evans' or Battle creek, they ran upon the savages and lost several men in one of the sharpest skirmishes that has been known in the annals of Indian warfare. The scene of the collision was some two miles northwest of Table Rock, and about the same distance from the mouth of the stream which flows into Rogue river at the village now called Woodville. It was on the seventeenth of August ; the men had picketed their horses in the flat and sat down to enjoy dinner ; sentries were stationed, but soon left their posts and gathered with the rest around the smoking viands. Just at this blissful moment there came a volley of bullets from a fringe of willows close by, that killed and wounded ten of their number. Leaving their horses they rushed to cover 250 yards away, and gaining a strong position in the brush and amid fallen trees, they kept the savages at bay. They fought the enemy in true Indian style, from behind the protection of trees and rocks, and probably inflicted considerable injury. Privates Terrell and McGonigle set out for help, and before the enemy had completely surrounded them got away and hastened to Camp Stewart, where Goodall's company w r as stationed, and reported that they had found the Indians, and that ten men with Lieutenant Ely were in a precarious situation, seventeen miles off and the Indians ki-as soUuz.

Goodall and his men set out at top speed, and in the shortest practicable time arrived on the field. J. D. Carly and five others were in the advance, and when the Indians saw them they decamped at once, carrying away eighteen horses, blankets, etc. The casualties inflicted on Ely's men were found to be - Sergeant Frank Perry and Privates P. Keith, A. Douglas, A. C. Colbourn, L. Stukting, and William Neff killed outright ; and Lieutenant Ely and Privates Zebulon Sheets, John Alban and James Carroll wounded. Carl Vogt, a German, is said to have been killed at this fight, although his name is not to be found in any official documents relating to the killed in the war. The Indians had fallen back, and the main force under Captain Alden came up during the night, and all camped on the flat. The next morning the dead were buried with the honors of war. Scouts sent out reported that the Indians had retired a long distance into the mountains, setting fire to the woods in their rear, and almost obliterating their trail. It was decided by the council of officers that it was necessary to return to headquarters and recruit with jerked beef and other frontier relishes in preparation for still more arduous duties. This was done ; and General Lane most opportunely appearing, received the command of the whole army, as has been related.

The commander-in-chief made the following disposition of his forces. The companies of Miller and Lamerick, composing a battalion in charge of Colonel Ross, were ordered to proceed down Rogue river to the mouth of Evans' creek, and thence up that stream to the supposed vicinity of the enemy, or to a junction with Captain Alden's command, which consisted of his regulars and the two California companies of Goodall and Rhoades. This division was ordered-to proceed up Trail creek to the battle ground where Ely was found by the Indians. The orders were to find the enemy's trail and pursue it regardless of the whereabouts of the other battalion. General Lane himself proceeded with Captain Alden's division. Scouts reported late in the day of starting that the Indians had taken to the mountains west and north of Evans' creek; hence the general ordered a halt and the forces encamped for the night. Early on the following day (August 23), the line of march was taken up and the Indian trail was followed through a very difficult country, mountainous, precipitous and bushy, where there was constant prospect of going astray, as the trail left by the savages was very dim and nearly obliterated by fire. Late in the afternoon, having crossed a high mountain, the command reached a branch of Evans* creek and halted for the night. The horses were allowed to feed on the bulrushes which grew by the side of the stream and which alone had escaped the forest fires. Indian "sign" had been noticed, it being small patches of ground left unburned, recently killed game, etc., thus indicating the proximity of the enemy. On the morning of the twenty-fourth, a shot was heard, which was known to come from the Indian camp. Scouts came in directly afterward and reported the enemy encamped in a thick wood filled with underbrush, and apparently impenetrable to horses. General Lane decided to attack instantly. Captain Alden insisted on leading the advance with his little force of regulars, and the whole command (with the exception of a detachment of ten men under Lieutenant Blair of the Humbug volunteers, who were sent to turn the enemy's flank) precipitated themselves on the enemy's position. The first intimation that the savages had of the approach of the army (which they doubtless thought still at Camp Stewart), was a volley of bullets. They were not stampeded by this rough salute, however, but catching up their guns, entered with zest into the fight, while the squaws and other impediamenta were sent out of harm's way. A small force having been sent down a ridge to prevent the enemy's escape in that direction, all the remaining volunteers were brought into action in the Indians' front, and each man selecting a tree, got behind it and fired at the enemy, who were equally well concealed. The result was that the casualties were not very numerous. Captain Alden was wounded early in the fight, and his regulars had difficulty in preserving him from the Indians, who attempted his capture as he lay upon the ground The soldiers kept them at bay, however, until the wounded officer was removed to the shelter of trees. Pleasant Armstrong, of Yamhill county, a much respected gentleman who had volunteered with his friend General Lane, was mortally wounded by a bullet in the breast and fell, it is said, exclaiming, "A dead center shot!" The fight was very warm, and had lasted for an hour, when the pack trains arrived with their guard. Leaving fifteen men to guard the animals, General Lane took command of the others, not more than ten in number, and ordered a charge, to drive the natives from their cover. Being in advance he approached within thirty yards of the nearest Indians, when he received a severe bullet wound through the right arm. Still exposing himself, he was forcibly dragged back behind a tree, where he continued to direct the fight. He gave orders to extend the line of battle so as to prevent the Indians from outflanking his force, and feeling the loss of blood, retired temporarily to have his wound attended to. The savages still held their strong position, and it was thought that they could not be driven from it. At this juncture the Indians, having found that General Lane was in command of the whites, began to call to him and to the soldiers, professing their readiness to treat for peace. A close wa-wa seemed very desirable to them, as they could not get away, and did not wish to risk further attacks. Robert Metcalf, sub-agent for the Indians, went to their camp, and through him and others negotiations were commenced, General Lane having returned to the front. Not wishing to inform the savages of his wound, the general went among them, having thrown a heavy coat over his shoulders so as to conceal his arm. In spite of pain and inconvenience he conversed with the Indians throughout an interminable peace talk, and ultimately agreed with them upon terms for a cessation of hostilities. No definite arrangements were made upon the occasion, but it was agreed between Chief Joe, who was in charge of the Indian force, Sam being absent, that a final peace talk should be held at Table Rock, within a few days; and that the Indians should proceed there in a body and await the results of the conference. Seven days were agreed upon as the duration of the armistice, after which the natives were to deliver up their arms to General Lane, and go upon the reservation at Table Rock which was to be, and afterwards was duly set off.

During the following night both sides received accession to their forces, Colonel Ross arriving with the battalion, and Chief Sam coming in with about half the warriors, with whom he had been reconnoitering for a permanent camp. It seems that as soon as the engagement began, runners were sent out by Joe to apprise his brother of the state of affairs and hasten his return. The distance prevented his arrival in time to take part in the fight, and his braves had no opportunity to display their valor. It is the opinion of many who took part in that battle, that Joe's deliberate intention was to throw the whites off their guard by professions of peace, and having done so to recommence hostilities at a time when all the advantages were with his side. It is possible that he was only waiting for Sam's braves in order to commence a massacre of hundreds of sleeping volunteers. It would be in consonance with the Indian character to act in that manner, therefore it may have been providential that Ross' battalion arrived when it did.

Peace and good-will reigned between white and red man when war's stern alarms were so quickly changed into the piping of peace, and in figurative language the lion and the lamb lay down together. The Indian ponies and the American horses were turned loose to browse, and the Indians furnished a relief party to assist in bringing in the American wounded. They themselves owned to a loss of twelve killed and wounded, which is very likely, considering the superior excellence of white men's marksmanship. John Scarborough, of the Yreka volunteers, and P. Armstrong, aids to the general, were killed, and General Lane, Captain Alden, privates Thomas Hays (Humbug volunteers), and Henry Flesher and Charles Abbe (Yreka volunteers) were wounded, the latter mortally. Captain Alden died two years later from the result of his wound, and General Lane never quite recovered from his own hurt.

As soon as the terms of the armistice were arranged, the troops took up their march homeward and went into camp at Hailey's (Bybee's) ferry, giving the location the name of Camp Alden, in honor of the gallant Major.