Spartanburg County, South Carolina - Chapter 9: A General Review of Political Events, Elections R Appointments, Etc., in Spartanburg District, from the Year 183o to the Year 1860, Inclusive, 1900

A GENERAL REVIEW OF POLITICAL EVENTS, ELECTIONS r APPOINTMENTS, ETC., IN SPARTANBURG DISTRICT, FROM THE YEAR 183O TO THE YEAR 1860, INCLUSIVE.

In the absence of a newspaper in the district of Spartanburg during the first half century of her existence, it is impossible at this time, except by the perusal of the pages of history in general to appreciate what must have been the political agitations on public issues before the people, during the mentioned period, and to take up a general consideration of all the great political questions, State or National, which have from time to time come before the people of South Carolina, is a matter which is not contemplated in this volume, being solely, as already stated in the outset, a- history intending to embrace in a large degree the important events as occurring within the county of Spartanburg.

The first great political agitation affecting the whole people of South Carolina and other Southern States, began with what is know^n as the Nullification movement, in 1824, which was the result of an imposition of a tariff on certain indispensable articles of import, thereby discriminating in favor of similar articles of manufacture in the New England States. The Southern States at that time being exclusively agricultural, the people of these States felt that such legislation by the National Congress was an outrageous proceeding and hence the stubborn resistance that followed.

olina. There was also about this time a strong feeling against internal improvements springing up all over the State. These two measures, says Governor Perry,, first destroyed the National feeling in South Carolina,, which, prior to this, had been one of the strongest Federal States in the Union.

After the passage of the tariff in 1824, there were - numerous meetings held in different parts of South Carolina protesting against its injustice and inexpediency.

In 1828, upon the recommendation of the President,. John Quincy Adams, a Tariff Act was passed in Congress which was bitterly opposed by the South Carolina delegation. The latter, however, determined, on their return home, after the adjournment of Congress, to call public meetings of their constituents and stir them up in opposition to the act, which was done all over the State.

In the Legislature of South Carolina, wdiich met in 1828, the tariff was discussed for two weeks. This was. the beginning of the formation of future factional parties upon which depended the future action of the State. All were opposed to the tariff, but they differed very widely as to the mode of redress. Governor Perry states that from 1828 to the fall of 1830 there was a gradual formation of parties in South Carolina for and against Nullification ; that in the winter of 1829 and 1830 Governor Hayne announced the doctrine of Nullification and called it the " Carolina Doctrine," which gave great popularity to the doctrine during the ensuing spring and summer.

In the summer of 1830 the propriety of calling a State convention in South Carolina was discussed by the candidates for the Legislature all over the State. On this question parties were formed for and against, , which turned the elections in every district. " Nothing," says Governor Perry, "was advocated beyond the expediency of calling a convention, the question of Nullification being kept in the background." Whatever action the State was to take was dependent on the proposed convention, through which the people were to decide what course of action should be adopted to resist the encroachment of the tariff in South Carolina. This, it is said, was the most prudent and politic course to be pursued by the advocates of Nullification, and it was in this way, it was claimed by Governor Perry, who strongly opposed the measure, that the State was carried for a Convention and, ultimately. Nullification. Says Governor Perry, further :

"Those who opposed a Convention were denounced as Federalists, Aristocrats and Tariff men, who were afraid to trust the people. There were a good many who were strongly opposed to Nullification, and yet went for a Convention on the ground that the people ought to decide for themselves on so grave and momentous a question. There were others, however, who, although decided in their opposition to the Tariff, did not go for a State Convention. They could not see how it was possible for a Convention to remedy an evil unless it was by resorting to Nullification, dis-Union and civil war. They regarded the Convention as Nullification in disguise and that Nullification was nothing less than destruction of the National Government. They were unwilling to break up the Union to get rid of the tariff. This class of persons assumed the name of ' Union Men,' and the others that of 'States' Rights or Free Trade.' "

From one of Major William Hoy's articles to the Spartan^ it appears that the political sentiment in Spartanburg District on the question of Nullification was controlled largely by the visit of Judge Smith to the district in the fall of 1831, when he made his great

Union speech. In the same he charged Mr. Calhoun with being the originator of the tariff of 1816 and other measures of consolidation, all against the interests of the South. He stated that all of the South Carolina delegation voted for the measure except General Thomas Moore of Spartanburg, and in support of this he brought up an array of documents and newspaper charges to prove it. His contention was that there was no need of a separate State action on the tariff, and said it was a measure upon which public opinion was reaching and laid great stress upon an article prepared by Mr. Lee, of Boston, against protective tariffs, and said that this was the ablest exposition of the subject that had been written. He brought up Verplank, the Chairman of the Committee on Ways and Means, in the lower house of Congress, as a strong opponent to the protective principle, and declared further that Verplank was the ablest debater in either house of Congress, notwithstanding Clay, Webster, Forsyth and others were in the tw^o houses. It is said that it took Judge Smith five hours to deliver this speech, and that it was afterwards published in book form by a newspaper in Charleston called The I n' shut a n^ and sold for twenty-five cents a copy.

In Spartanburg District where the two factions were formed and well divided, the result of the fall election in 1832 proved the Union men to be largely in the majority. In referring to the prevailing sentiment in the district at that time. Major Hoy in one of his communications to the Spartan states as follows :

" The celebration of the Fourth of July at Spartanburg in 1832 was partly political, from the fact that there was going to be an effort made to raise a strong Nullification party in the county (district). Thomas Moore, a talented young lawyer, early in the year pub- lished an able address to the voters of the county, urging them to join the Nullification party. His address was signed 'A Descendant of theCowpens.' It was not concealed who was the author of the appeal, and it was well known that his father was a general in the war of 181 2. The address strongly hinted that the county needed missionary work. He stated that there was not a single post-office north of the court-house. Another cause that gave uneasiness to those that were inclined to be Union men was that Colonel Zachary Edwards, up to that time the most popular man in the county, was going to join the States' Rights party, as they called themselves.

' ' A meeting of the leaders of the Union party was convened, and the result was the whole county formed into a celebration at Spartanburg on the Fourth of July. Joshua Richards,* a Baptist preacher and a soldier of the Revolution, was president of the meeting ; J. M. Crook, a young member of the bar, orator of the day ; James E. Henry was to read Washington's Farewell Address in place of the Declaration of Independence ; Berry man Hicks, chaplain ; Lieutenant-Colonel Evans, marshal of the day ; William Trimmier, chairman of the committee of arrangements. It is due to his memory to say that he made a good one. At sunrise on the 4th a salute was fired which was heard all over the county. The people began early to collect on the public square. At 11 o'clock the line was formed, the longest that was ever seen in the place except the Hampton meeting in 1876. It was put in motion by the marshal, headed by the president of the day and several Revolutionary soldiers, Collins, Caldwell, Dodd and Seay are remembered. When the center of the procession was about opposite the Palmetto House a call was made to know the length of the line. The call, though apparently very simple, caused one of the most ludicrous events of the day. It appeared to start from the center and was communicated to the ends of the line, causing much laughter and merriment. There were two persons who attempted to see the ends ; one was John (Jack) S. Collins, well remembered as a very tall man. He tiptoed and reported that he could see no ends either way. The other effort was made by a perfect dwarf. Of course he had nothing to report and received a severe rebuke from a free-spoken old gentleman, who thought he had a spattering of wit and scripture, but perhaps more whisky than either. He called him Zaccheus who climbed the tree and attempted to do what Collins had failed in. He remarked that if any man could reach the North star by tiptoeing a little, Collins was the man. The procession reached the stand. Chairman Trimmier, of the committee of arrangements, showed his gallantry by seeing that every lady was provided for. He then addressed the president of the meeting, regretting that they had no Joshua to command the sun to stand still until they got through with their arrangements.

"After prayer, Major Henry advanced to the front and made an explanation why Washington's Address was to be read in place of the Declaration of Independence. The orator of the day then came forward and made an address that was highly spoken of by his audience.

"In those times what was called regular toasts were read. The citizens were called on for their sentiments. I remember a few of them. There was a brilliant comet and the Asiatic cholera had reached this continent, and an elderly gentleman by the name of Spencer said that this sentiment occurred to him on hearing the salute fired in the morning : 'Black is the heart that would from his country depart.'

"By S. Bobo : 'The advocates of the new-fangled doctrine of nullification may find this sentiment in Jefferson's second inaugural : Absolute acquiescence to the will of the majority is the vital principle of a republic from which there is no appeal but by force.'

"Colonel Edwards appeared that day in his brilliant uniform, in which he, in addition to his being a verv handsome man, made a fine appearance ; but the report having gone out that he leaned to the nullification side, caused him not being asked to act as marshal of the day. He was, without doubt, the greatest militia officer in the State. He ever acted after that day wnth the Nullifiers.

"The election in the fall resulted in a large majority for the Union candidates. The Union nominee received about 1,800 votes. Colonel Moore, leading his ticket, received about 800 votes and his colleagues about 700 each."

After the fall elections in 1832 were over, the result showed that two-thirds of both houses in the Legislature were in favor of calling a State convention. Governor Hayne immediately convened the Legislature,, which called forthwith a convention of the State which embraced the. leading men of the State of both parties. Among those elected to represent Spartanburg District in that convention were Judges J. B. O'Neall, J. S. Richardson and Alfred Huger, none of these residing in said district being ardent Union men, but the people of Spartanburg composing that faction wisely selected them as able standard-bearers to represent their principles. The other three delegates elected on the same ticket with these gentlemen were John S. Rowland,. James Crook and John P. Evins.

In reference to the election by the people of Spartanburg District of Hon. Alfred Huger of Charleston, one of the delegates referred to, Judge Simonton once related to the writer a pleasant little incident complimentary to Spartanburg, and not remembering the particulars, he wrote him and received the following reply:.

"Dear Doctor: - Yours of i8th inst. came by last mail. The incident to which you refer was this : During the Convention of 1865, in a debate under the operation of the five-minutes' rule, the Hon. Alfred Huger had the floor. When he had been speaking for five minutes Judge Wardlaw, the President of the Convention, dropped the gavel, and so notified him that his time had expired. A member of the Convention rose and moved that the rule be suspended as to Mr. Huger, and Judge Wardlaw put the question, 'The gentleman from Spartan- "burg moves that the rule be suspended and the gentleman be permitted to proceed.' This was carried, and Mr. Huger resumed his speech thus : ' The gentleman from Spartanburg! the gentleman from Spartanburg! None of you are old enough to remember, and I will never be old enough to forget, that Spartanburg honored me, a stranger, with a seat in the Convention of 1832 as one of her delegates.'

In the Nullification Convention of 1832 Judge Huger was quite a prominent member, and was one of the ablest counselors in caucus among the Union men of that Convention. In the first caucus he made a speech against the delegates taking their seats in the Convention. He said : "If we take our seats in the Convention we shall be the means of keeping the Nullification party together. We shall hear things that will call for blood." He said it would be impossible to sit there and listen to the speeches of the delegates on the opposite side without resenting what was said. "If they talk as I suppose they will, blood must be shed ! It cannot be avoided." It was believed in the caucus that a test- oath of allegiance to the State would be required of the Union members, which would be inconsistent with their allegiance to the Federal Government.

When, however, the Convention met, it was, indeed, a most dignified body, containing most of the great men of both parties in South Carolina. They were fine-looking gentlemen, and showed great respect for each other throughout the entire sitting of that body.

It is well known to every reader of our State history that the ordinance of Nullification was passed at this Convention. It was drawn by Chancellor Harper, and provided for a dissolution of the Union. The tariff laws were declared null and void, and judges and juries were to be sworn to say so whenever the question came before them. The Legislature was authorized to make all laws for carrying the ordinance into effect.

Immediately after the adjournment of the Convention the Legislature assembled and appropriated money for the purchase of arms, and authorized the raising of an army of twenty thousand volunteers to enforce the enactment of the Nullification ordinance, which in its reading declared that no customs should be collected in South Carolina after the first day of February, 1833.

Soon after this, President Jackson, in a proclamation,, declared the proceedings of the State Convention of South Carolina treasonable, and that, as the Chief Executive of the Government of the United States, he would enforce absolute obedience to its laws. Forces were at once sent to Castle Pinckney and Sullivan's Island. These forts were at once put in a proper state of defence. General Scott was sent to take command of the United. States forces. The sloop Natchez was stationed in the port of Charleston, and it was evident that unless there was very soon some pacifying measures adopted a bloody conflict was inevitable. Virginia deputed a commission to South Carolina, with the request that the Nullification ordinance be not enforced until the next regular session of Congress. The Nullifiers called a meeting of their party in Charleston and suspended the operation of the ordinance. In the following spring a compromise of the tariff question was effected at Washington between Mr. Clay and Mr. Calhoun. The protection of domestic manufactures was provided for, and a gradual reduction of the tariff was to take place for the period of ten years until it reached the low point demanded by Mr. Calhoun, United States Senator and the exponent of the principles of Nullification in South Carolina.

With the subsidence of the Tariff agitation in South Carolina, other National issues, in the course of time, sprung up. The sj^stematic agitation of slavery came up as early as 1835, by a party called Abo/itionisis^ which, it was claimed, instead of striking at an express and specific provision of the Constitution, aimed directly to destroy the relation between the two races in the South, their avowed intention being to bring about a state of things which would force the abolition of slavery. As the years advanced, the party grew stronger at the North ; so much so, that in 1849 the Southern delegates in Congress issued an address to their constituents which, among other things, set forth the fact that societies and newspapers were everywhere established, debating clubs opened, lecturers employed, pamphlets and other publications disseminated, pictures and jDetitions to Congress resorted to, regardless of truth and decency ; that both the object and means were aggressive and dangerous to the rights of the South ; that slavery was a domestic institution and belonged to the States, each for itself to decide whether it shall be established or not, etc. ; that in the sacrifices and efforts of all the States to maintain the National Government the South had contributed more than her share of volunteers and money.

In the same address it was recommended that meetings be held in the congressional districts of the Southern States in order to give the people an opportunity to express themselves on this subject, signifying their approbation of their representatives in Congress and, like their Revolutionary ancestors, pledge ' 'their lives, their fortunes, and their sacred honor" to defend their constitutional rights. In response to this request, public meetings were held all over the Southern States, and among the first meetings held in South Carolina was at Spartanburg court-house, March 6th, 1849. The number of citizens present was unusually large, it being court week.

Dr. John Winsmith, by a unanimous vote, was called to preside over the deliberations of the meeting, and Z. T. Cottrell and G. W. H. Legg were requested to act as secretaries.

Dr. Winsmith, assuming the chair, stated that the meeting had assembled for the purpose of taking under consideration the address of the Southern Delegates in Congress, and delivered an extended address, and among other things stated that when the State of Missouri was admitted into the Union in 1816 under a compromise known as the Missoitri Compromise., by which the South was required to make important concessions for the sake of the Union, it was hoped that she would be permitted to repose in the enjoyment of her rights. He urged that not only the slave interest, but every other interest in our country was involved. He stated that the question must be met at once, and he hoped all were fully pre-

Hon. J. Edward Henry offered a resolution that a committee of twenty-one be appointed by the chair to report a preamble and resolutions for the meeting responsive to the address of the Southern Delegates in Congress, which was adopted, and under the same Mr. Henry was made chairman. Very soon a lengthy preamble and resolutions were reported by the committee, which set forth a cordial approval of the action of the Southern Delegates ; that no evil whatever could befall us more intolerable than submission to the grievances, injustice and degradation which had been induced and with which the country was threatened, and that the citizens of Spartanburg District were prepared to imite with others in arresting further progress of such injustice, oppression, etc.

Upon the assembling of the Legislature of South Carolina, November 27th, 1849, the message of Governor Whitemarsh B. Seabrook was received and read. Under the head of the subject, Federal Relations^ he transmitted certain resolutions of the States of Virginia, North Carolina, Georgia, Florida and Missouri, on the restriction of slavery in the Territories of the United States. Governor Seabrook in commenting on these, said that the opinion of South Carolina on the grave matter at issue had been repeatedly expressed, that, at its last session , the Legislature of South Carolina, unanimously declared that the time for discussion by the slave-holding States had passed, and that the General Assembly, representing the feelings of the State, was prepared to co-operate with her sister States in resisting the application of the Wilmot Proviso* to the territory acquired from Mexico at any and every hazard. Governor Seabrook, also in said message, called attention to the fact, that at a convention held in Columbia the May previous, composed of delegates of the Committees of Safety, it was, among other things, resolved that, in the passage of the Wilmot Proviso, or an equivalent measure, the Governor be requested to convene the Legislature, if not already in session, "to consider the mode and measure of redress."' The Governor in said message endorsed the project of a Southern convention and hailed with satisfaction the proposition of Mississippi, for a convention of the people of the Southern States, the permanent object being the preservation of the Union, in conformity with the principles of the Constitution of the United States, and if that could not be attained, then to let it be resolved

*" The probability that the war with Mexico would result in the acquisition of extensive territor}' in the southwest early led to the reagitation of the slavery question. In 1846 David Wilmot, of Pennsylvania, introduced into Congress a proposition, called by him the Wi/mol Proviso, that slaver\' should be prohibited in all territory that might be acquired by treaty. This proviso failed to receive the sanction of Congress, and the question being thrown before the country for discussion a party holding the views of Mr. Wilmot was organized. They took the name of Free-soi/ers, and in June, 1848, nominated Martin Van Buren, as their candidate for the presidency. The Democrats nominated Gen. Lewis Cass, of Michigan ; the Whigs, Gen. Taylor, whose brilliant victories in Mexico made him the favorite of the Nation. Taylor was elected, and with him Millard Fillmore, of New York, as Vice-President." See Quackenbos's History, page 444..

to protect and defend, at all hazards, the sovereignty and independence of the members which compose it, and if the latter alternative should, by dire necessity, be forced upon the South, then, at once, commit its cause and destiny to God.

The attitudes of Alabama, Georgia and other Southern States were similar to South Carolina, the great principle being laid down, that, whenever the Congress of the United States attempted to exercise control over the territory which had been acquired by treaty with Mexico, so far as the question of domestic servitude was concerned, they had by said act violated the. Constitution and dissolved the union of the States.

The Georgia resolutions declared that the Government of the United States was one of limited powers, and could not rightfully exercise any authority except authorized by the Constitution, and that said Constitution granted no power to Congress to prohibit the introduction of slavery into any territory belonging to the United States.

It was upon this momentous question that, by concerted agreement between all the Southern States, a convention was called to meet at Nashville, Tenn., in June, 1850, to be composed of two delegates from each of the congressional districts in all the Southern States.

For what was then called the Pinckneyville Congressional District, composed of the districts of Spartanburg, Union, York, and Chester, the names of a number of prominent gentlemen were suggested through the press as suitable persons to represent said Congressional district in the Nashville convention, and among those mentioned in Spartanburg District were. Dr. C. P. "Woodruff of Woodruff, and Col. E. C. Leitner.

Hon. David Johnson, on account of ill health, failing to attend the said convention, his place was filled in that body by Dr. Otterson, who, on his return home, delivered an address before the citizens of Spartanburg of considerable length (see Spartan files, Oct. 17th, 1850), in which, among other things, he stated that, as a member of the Southern convention at Nashville, he would always treasure it as one of the greatest honors ever conferred upon him ; that he received from the citizens of that city the most respectful attention.

An address, called the " Southern Address," was issued by the convention to the people of Maryland, Virginia, North Carolina, South Carolina, Georgia, Florida, Alabama, Tennessee, Kentucky, Mississippi, Louisiana, Texas, Missouri and Delaware, which contained some information as to the results and counsels of the convention. (See Spartan files, June 24th and July 4th, 1850.) The address stated that it was no ordinary occasion which had brought the convention together. The Constitution and the Union it created, so long dear in the hearts of the people, were to be preserved and our liberties and our institutions maintained.

In December, 1850, the Legislature of South Carolina passed a bill which provided for the election of delegates on the second Monday in October of the following year to elect delegates to a Southern Congress, to meet in Montgomery, Alabama, in January, 1852, provided other sister Southern States, or any of them, would then and there meet. Also, a bill providing for an election, by the people, of delegates to a State convention, said election to be held on the second Monday of February of the following year, and the convention to meet by a call of the governor whenever he deemed it proper, after the meeting of said Southern Congress, provided, that if not sooner convened, the next legislalature should, by a majority vote, fix the time for the meeting of said convention.

It is said that in the passage of this bill providing for the election of delegates to a State convention, there was unanimity of feeling. All rejoiced at the happy issue of the discussion, and in accordance with its provisions, providing for the election of delegates, February 2, 1851, to the said convention, the following gentlemen were elected and are herein named, as they were highest on the list of votes polled, viz. :

At the election of delegates second Monday in October, 1851, to represent the Pinckneyville Congressional District in the Southern Congress, to meet at Montgomery, Ala., January, 1852, the following was the result of the vote in Spartanburg District, each gentleman receiving the number of votes opposite his name, viz. :

The two first named (Dawkins and Rainy) represented the Southern Rights Cooperative ticket; /. ^., they were opposed to separate State action in regard to secession, ,

The two last named (Wallace and Vernon) believed in asserting the sovereignty of SoiitJi Carolina by separate State action ; that nothing but the bold and fearless action of the State could save the South and preserve the liberty, safety and prosperity of our country.

In searching the pages of history, we have been unable to gather any information as to the action of the Southern Congress, which met according to appointment in Montgomery, Ala., in January, 1852, but we believe it adjourned without taking any definite action whatever, the main reason being the want of a general cooperation among the sister Southern States.

Upon the call of the Governor of South Carolina, the delegates which had been elected in February, 1851, met in Columbia, S. C, in April, 1852.

It was composed of three factions, viz. : Secessionists^ in favcr of separate vState action, Cooperationists^ favoring secession along with other sister Southern States, and Union men. Prominent among the latter faction was Hon. B. F. Perry, of Greenville, and Judge Alfred H. Huger, of Charleston, both of whom had figured prominently in the Nullification Convention of 1832, as we have already stated in the preceding pages of our account of the proceedings of that convention.

When the convention met a committee of twentyone was appointed to consider the legality of the Legislature authorizing the calling of said body together. Said committee was composed of twelve Cooperationists, eight Secessionists and one Union man. The work of the convention was practically through this committee, in which harmony and good feeling, it is said, existed. There was no disposition more than to assert the right of sccessiofi.

Judge Huger made a speech before the committee in which he said that the present Federal Government, as formed by the Constitution, was the most perfect system of government in the world, or ever had been, and that he was opposed to cooperation because it was unconstitutional for States to cooperate or to enter into any compact or agreement.

There was a question raised before the committee as to the right of the convention to alter the State Constitution, and, strange to say. Chancellor Wardlaw, Judges Whitner and Evins and a majority of the committee voted that the sovereign power of South Carolina had no right to alter or change their Constitution. Certainly it had this right, if it had the power to throw off the Federal Government.

As to the final action of the committee, it reported to the convention an ordinance declaring the constitutional right of a State to secede from the Union.

Dr. Bellenger offered an amendment to the report of the committee, giving the Legislature the right to secede by a vote of two-thirds of that body, which was tabled.

By virtue of an act of Congress passed in the year 1846, which enacted that "the Electors of President and Vice-President shall be appointed on Tuesday next after the first Monday in the month of November of the year in which they are to be appointed," and the annual meeting of the Legislature of South Carolina, by a constitutional provision, not taking place until the fourth IMonday of November of each year, the governor, Hon. Wm. H. Gist, called that body together in extraordinary session, early in November, i860, stating in the message to the same, that under ordinarv circum- stances the duty of that body would soon be discharged by the election of electors representing the choice of the people of the State, but in view of the threatening aspect of affairs and the strong probability of the election to the presidency of a sectional candidate by a party committed to the support of measures which, if carried out, would inevitably destroy our equality in the Union and ultimately reduce the Southern States to mere provinces of a consolidated despotism to be governed by a fixed majority in Congress, hostile to our institutions and fatally bent upon our ruin, he (the governor), respectfully suggested that the Legislature remain in session and take such action as would prepare the State for any emergency that would arise.

The Governor further stated that an expression of the people should be obtained on a question involving such momentous consequences, and earnestly recommended, in the event of the election of Abraham Lincoln to the presidency, that a convention of the people of the State be immediately called to consider and determine the ' ' mode and measure of redress. ' '

Governor Gist, in said message, further declared that his own opinions of what the convention should do were of little moment ; but believing that the time had arrived when every one, however humble he might be, should express his opinions in unmistakable language,, he was constrained to say that the only alternative left, in his judgment, was the secession of South Carolina from the Federal Union ; that the indications from many of the Southern States justified the conclusion that the secession of South Carolina would be immediately followed, if not adopted simultaneously by them, and ultimately the entire South ; that the long-desired cooperation of other States having similar institutions for which the State had been waiting, seemed to be- near at hand, and if we were true to ourselves would soon be realized ; that the State had already declared with great unanimity that she had a right peacefully to secede, and no power on earth could rightfully prevent it.

The governor further declared that, if in the exercise of arbitrary power and forgetful of the lessons of history, the Government of the United States should attempt coercion, it would be our solemn duty to meet force by force, and whatever might be the decision of the convention representing the sovereignty of the State - and amenable to no earthly tribunal - should, during the remainder of his administration be carried out to the letter, regardless of any hazards that might surround its execution.

Governor Gist also, in his message, recommended a thorough reorganization of the militia, so as to place the whole military force of the State in a position to be used at the shortest notice and with the greatest efficiency ; that every man in the State between the ages of eighteen and forty-five should be well armed with the most effective weapons of modern warfare, and all the available means of the State used for that purpose. In addition to this, the governor recommended that the services of ten thousand volunteers be immediately accepted ; that they be organized and drilled by officers chosen by themselves in readiness to be called on, upon the shortest notice.

"With this preparation for defence," said the governor, "and with all the hallowed memories of past achievements, and with our love for liberty and hatred for tyranny, and with the knowledge that we are contending for our homes and firesides, we confidently appeal to the Disposer of all human events and safely trust our cause to His keeping."

It is unnecessary to relate the excitement, the enthusiasm and the hearty response with which this message was approved by the people of South Carolina. In a few days, even the quota of volunteers asked for by the governor, were already organized and ready to march forth, even before the Legislature had time to take action on the recommendations contained in the message. That body within a few days passed unanimously a joint resolution providing for the call of a convention, the delegates to the same to be elected on the 6th of December, and the convention to be convened on the 17th of the same month.

The other recommendations set forth in the message of Governor Gist were fully carried out by the Legislature. A bill was immediately enacted for the organization and equipment of an army in the State, supported by a heavy appropriation to maintain the same.

The scenes of those days are yet fresh in the memory of the writer, who was among the first to respond to the call foi volunteer troops. The people awaited the action of the Legislature with intense interest and excitement after the reception, reading and publication of th-e message of Governor Gist. The Hon. Gabriel Cannon, at that time the senator representing the District of Spartanburg, issued an address to the people of said district, in which he clearly set forth the recent action of the Legislature, and urged upon his constituents the necessity of making a prudent selection of delegates to the approaching State convention ; that they should look around for such men as they were willing to trust with their destinies ; to let them be wise and prudent men who would act cautiously but firmly ; that the occasion demanded and the times called for harmony and union amongst ourselves, and that we shoiild consider well and act like men.

Other prominent political leaders in the State were also out, through the press, with a full expression of their views and sentiments on the critical situation of affairs, and among this number was Hon. Thomas N. Dawkins of Union, who had been for years the recognized leader of the faction known as Cooperationists^ which, as we have already stated, carried Spartanburg District by a considerable majority in the election of delegates in October, '51, to the Southern Congress at Montgomery, Alabama.

Judge Dawkins, in responding to a call made on him at the Walker House in Spartanburg, November 15th, '60, spoke eloquently of the wrongs which the South had suffered in the Union, and said that the Constitution had been violated to such an extent by our enemies of the Northern States, that we could no longer remain in a government with them consistently with our honor and with due regard to our cherished institutions.

The Hon. Simpson Bobo, in a meeting of the citizens of the town of Spartanburg, stated that he had at last fallen into strange company ; that he had always been a Union man; that, in 1832 he belonged to that part}' in opposition to Nullification, because he did not believe the State had a right to remain in the Union and nullify its laws; that in 1852 he was a Union man and a Cooperationist, as he did not at that time think the aggressions of the General Government sufficient to warrant extreme measures, but since the Republican party had got the rule and control of the Free States and had sent their senators and members of Congress to the capitol, and tliere proclaiming eternal war on the South, avowing "a higher law" than the Constitution or even the Bible - that there was an "irrepressible conflict" declared by their leaders, between the labor of the sections which could never be overcome

"which the churches," said Mr. Bobo, "instead of preaching salvation^ have made the institutions of the South the subject of their denunciations in every pulpit in the Free States ; that the infamous raid of John Brown was eulogized by them and their church-bells were tolled throughout their land in sympathy for the wretch - for his dark and wicked offenses." Said Mr. Bobo further, "They have sent their minions abroad in the South, with weapons of death in one hand and the lighted torch in the other, exciting insurrection in the country, thereby working our ruin throughout the land."

Said Mr. Bobo in his closing remarks : "In view of all this, I feel that the crisis is upon us, and as painful as it is to utter the word, I must say that this Union must be dissolved y

Governor Francis W. Pickens, on assuming the executive chair of South Carolina, December, i860, stated in his Inaugural Address, that South Carolina had no other alternative left but to interpose her sovereignty as an independent State, to protect the rights and ancient privileges of her people ; that the State was one of the parties to the Federal compact of Union ; that we had agreed to this as a State, under peculiar circumstances when we were surrounded with great external pressure for purposes of the national protection and to advance the interests and general welfare of the States equally and alike, and that when it ceased to do this, it was no longer a perpetual union ; that it would be an absurdity to suppose it was a perpetual union for our ruin. That the Constitution was a compact between co-States and not with the Federal Government ; that on questions vital and involving the peace and safety of parties to the compact, from the very nature of the instrument, each State must judge of the mode and measure of pro- tection necessary for her peace and the preservation of her local and domestic institutions, and that South Carolina should, therefore, decide for herself, as she had a right to do - to resume her original powers of government as an independent State.

We cannot here go further - thirty-eight years after the scenes we have described were enacted - to relate all the particulars of the stirring events as they occurred in rapid succession, in the District of Spartanburg, as they came under the immediate observation of the writer. Liberty poles were raised in different sections of the district, upon which were hoisted a red flag with the emblem of the palmetto tree on one side and the Lone Star on the other, amid the shouting of the multitude, the pealing of guns and the rattle of the drum. Public meetings were held, patriotic speeches were made, spirited resolutions were passed, and their proceedings sent abroad for publication.

The most noted mass-meeting, however, held in the district during this exciting period was on a general call for a meeting at Spartanburg, on Saturday, November 24th, i860. The writer was present at this meeting, and, although the day was cold and bleak, there was present a large and enthusiastic number of citizens from every section of the district. All over this dense crowd, which had assembled in front of the Palmetto House (the capacity of the court-house being too small to accommodate the meeting), were seen, with unmistakable meaning, the blue rosettes or cockades pinned on the hats of the Minute Men - a society which had already organized and were ready to respond to the very first call for their services. Over this meeting Mr. S. Bobo, Chairman of Committee of Arrangements, announced the following officers had been chosen to preside, viz. :

After prayer by the Rev. Whiteford Smith, D.D., the Hon. James Chesnut, Jr., late United States senator from South Carolina, was introduced amidst the wildest enthusiasm and cheering, who stated that he had only the day previous addressed a number of the patriotic citizens of Carolina, sixty miles away ; and that his love for South Carolina would not permit him to remain quiet and silent when so many from the " Old Iron District " of South Carolina desired to hear him; and through the rain, the dark, wet night, and the chilling blasts he had come at their invitation, and was now ready to state to them our wrongs and grievances - which he did in such a plain and practical manner that all who heard him felt the force of his remarks and the importance of the occasion.

Hon. A. G. Magrath, recently judge of the United States District Court for South Carolina, was present by invitation and introduced. He had laid aside his judicial robes so soon as the first blast from the North rune the intelligence in his ears that we were no lonoer free ; and in a most eloqnent and effective manner he told his andience a tale true, but which many of them had never heard before.

Suitable resolutions to the occasion were introduced and passed, and the entire day was consumed in listening to the speeches of a number of gentlemen who were called out. and who expressed their views, all of them favoring immediate separate State action.

On the 6th of December, i860, the election in Spartanburg District fcr delegates to the State convention was held. Each of the following named gentlemen were elected, receiving at the polls the number of votes opposite their respective names :

On the 17th of December, i860, the Convention of South Carolina - known in history as the Secession Convention - according to the time fixed by legislative enactment, met in Columbia and organized, but immediately adjourned to meet in Charleston, where, on the 20th of the same month, passed the following ordinance:

State of South Carolina. We, the people of SoutJi Carolina, in Conve)ition assembled, do declare and ordain that the ordinance adopted by 7is in Conve?itio?i, on the 2jd day of May, ij88, whereby the Constitiiii07i of the United States was ratified, and also all Acts and parts of Acts of the General Assembly of this State ratifying amendments of said Constitution, are hereby repealed, a /id that

It is unnecessary to go further to review the great events recorded in the pages of American history, resulting from the passage of this famous ordinance by a convention of the peoj^le of South Carolina assembled for that purpose. They are still fresh in the memories of the survivors of that period, and it has been an oftrepeated story to the generations that have come after them. Whatever was the wisdom or justice of this action of the State of South Carolina, under all the trying and pressing circumstances which surrounded her, remains to be recorded by the impartial historian yet unborn. We are willing to leave the matter in his hands with no fears as to a full vindication of the South in her alleged wrongs, and with full justice to the memories, valor and patriotism of the brave defenders of a "Lost Cause."