BlockBefore
Decorative drawing: open farmland. Not a photograph of this place.

Chelmsford Town (part 3 of 6)

Part 3 of 6 of the account of this town in History of Chelmsford, Massachusetts, published 1917. 15,973 words, covering 7 settlements. Source changes inside the text are labelled at the exact paragraph where the next book begins.

Contents

29 sections

The section headings the book prints inside this chapter, on this part. Each one jumps to where it begins.

Parts

6 pages

The source prints this as one continuous account. It is split here so no single page grows too heavy to load; the text runs straight on across the parts and nothing is omitted.

The chapter

15,973 words

Reproduced complete and unedited from History of Chelmsford, Massachusetts, published 1917. The text is machine-read from scans, so expect recognition errors: misspelled names, dropped words, and stray characters. Nothing has been corrected, because correcting a proper name invents one. The headings below are the books' own; source changes are labelled in place.

Towrrelns Ford

From 1895 to 1915 a hundred houses or more have been erected in the Centre Village shown in part on the left of this map. The other villages in the Town have grown in proportion. The Town Hall has been built on the vacant lot between the railroad and the house | of Miss M. E. Richardson; All Saints' Church stands where the words "Epise. Soc.'"' are on the map; the Congregational Church is on the land marked "G. P. Winn and Sisters;"' the Central Block, below the house of Mrs. E. W. Fiske; and the large fireproof building of the Chelmsford Spring Company, above the mill pond on the lot marked "D. Perham.'' The Adams Library occupies the southern part of the lot marked "Res. of J. A. Bartlett." greatly reduced by a most sanguinary war begun about 1614 between the Pawtuckets and the Tarrantines of Maine, whose devastation was followed by a terrible pestilence, which so afflicted the Indians that they ''died in heaps." Thousands of corpses were left unburied, and the terrors of the plague were greatly increased by the comet of 1618, which appealed to the superstition of the savages.

In the early settlement of New England, says Allen, the Pawtuckets consisted of about 3000; and, in 1674, 250. At Wamesit, when Mr. Eliot persuaded them to receive the Gospel, there were about 75 souls. Wannalancet resisted all Eliot's efforts, until 1674, when he received the Christian religion, and persevered in it, although some of his people abandoned him on that account. At the time of King Philip's war, the English and Indians in New England were about equal in number, probably 55,000 each.

In 1642, upon suspicion of conspiracy to exterminate the English, forty men were sent to arrest Passaconaway, but could not find him. Wannalancet was taken and tied with a rope, which he loosened and escaped. He was retaken, and his squaw captured. When the English saw they had been mistaken in their suspicions, they apologized to Passaconaway, and invited him to Boston. 'Tell the English," he said, ''when they restore my son and his squaw, I will talk with them."

Thinking the Mohawks were about to attack them, Wannalancet and a number of Indians descended the Merrimack, in 1669, and built a fort on what became known as Fort Hill, in Belvidere, Lowell. The English settlers became alarmed. The Indians of this region, numbering several hundred, and including the most dangerous, went against the Mohawks and were badly defeated. Wannalancet, however, was peaceably disposed, and friendly to the English, and escaped the fate of many of his race.

For the first twenty years, the relations between the people of Chelmsford and the Indians were friendly. Trade between them was mutually advantageous. By it the Indian obtained food in winter (when, from their improvidence, it was lacking); better utensils; and, too often, rum.

that ''The exclusive right of Trading with the Indians on the Merrimack River was sold to Simon Willard, Thomas Henchman, ensign Thomas Wheeler and William Brenton for £25. on July 1, 1657." The trade of Concord sold for £5; that of Springfield and Norwottock for £20; Cambridge £2; Nashaway & Grotton £8.

The Indians And Wicassee Island

From 1637, when the crushing blow was given to the Pequots, until 1675, the people of New England were at peace with the Indians. But as the years went by, the courage of the Indians revived. Though contrary to the law, the savages procured rum and muskets, both of which were elements in this revival.

1644, June 12. Passaconaway and Nanamocomuck signed a covenant submitting themselves and their subjects and possessions to the Massachusetts Government.

1645. The military officers of the several towns were ordered to keep a daily watch against the Indians; and the Reverend Elders were requested to give advice concerning the Christianizing of the Indians.

1659. John Eliot asked that Indians have no power to sell their land. But within a month (Nov. 8th) an order was issued permitting them to sell an island in Merrimack river (Wicassee) to John Evered to redeem Nanamocomuck, a son of Passaconaway, from imprisonment for a debt of £45. In 1663 there was made a grant of 3,000 acres on the same river at Naticot to Passaconaway and his associates.

In 1663 John Evered and Thomas Hinchman were appointed to lay out 100 acres for Wannalancet about twelve miles from the house of Evered, on a great hill near a great pond.

1665. The Indians, living on the "Island of Wicosucke,"' asked permission to exchange other lands for the island purchased by Mr. John Webb (Evered), Wannalancet to surrender 100 acres of land formerly granted him by the Court. This was granted, and the Court gave John Evered, alias Webb, 500 acres adjoining his own, if he release his right and interest in Wicosuche.

by the family of Passaconaway, and cultivated as a corn field. Wannalancet, the son and successor of that chief, occasionally made it a place of residence. As stated, Wannalancet's elder brother was in prison in Boston, having become surety to one John Tinker, for another Indian to the amount of £45. In order to have Nanamocomuck released from jail, Wannalancet obtained permission from the General Court to sell the island in 1659 to John Webb, alias Evered. Wannalancet was granted 100 acres on a hill, ten or twelve miles westward. The former owners came again into possession of the island, for the release of which the Court gave Mr. Webb 500 acres, and Wannalancet forfeited his 100 acres, abovementioned. After King Philip's war about sixty of the praying Indians from Wamesit were removed to this island or vicinity, under the care of Jonathan Tyng. They remained there about ten years, when they removed to St. Francis in Canada.

In 1680 Capt. James Oliver, admitted freeman 1640, member of the Artillery Company, petitioned the Court to grant him "the Island whereon the Indian Wianenset lately dwelt lying neer Dunstable,' etc. The Court for his relief on account of his incapacity for getting a '"'livelyhud," granted to his Kinsman, Nathaniel Barnes, with whom he lived, ''a small Island of upland containing about twenty acres (more or less) wch lyeth in Merimack River near to Mr. Jonathan Tings farme wch Island hath been commonly caled & knowne by ye name of Tinker's Island," etc. [Massachusetts Archives, Vol. 45, p. 174.]

December 5, 1683. Tyng's island, called Weikeset, was granted to Mr. Jonathan Tyng, in full, for all accounts having to do with his care of the Indians. [Massachusetts Bay Records, Vol. V, p. 430.]

* * * "Whereas Mr. Jonathan Ting of Dunstable hath obtained of ye Honord Genll Court of the Massachusetts Bay a grant of a certaine Jland lying in Merimack River, near to the north east corner of Chelmsford land and partly right over and against a great commonfield in Chelmsford, lying upon said Merrimack River, which Iland is called & Known by ye name of Wekesoak Jland, which Jland hath been formerly planted by the indians" of which '"'the indian right & title did & do belong & appertaine to Wanalansit, and indian sachem."' The latter sells to Jonathan Ting for the full & just sum of six. pounds sterling, New England coyne - 27th Oct. 1685. [Early Court Files, Number 2356.]

Although the English regarded the Indians as heathen, whose inheritance God would give to His people, yet the Rev. John Eliot and others knew that they had souls, and so were to be brought to a knowledge of the truth. The Indians as a rule resented the attempts of the English to Christianize them. 'With jealous eye the Indian saw his hunting grounds vanish with each advance of the English, and the number of warriors diminish by the increase of 'praying Indians'.'' Massasoit, chief sachem of the Wampanoags, friendly to Plymouth, died in 1660, leaving two sons, Wamsutta and Metacom, christened as Alexander and Philip. The former died in 1662 at Plymouth, where he had been summoned to defend himself against a charge of plotting mischief with the Narragansetts. Thinking his brother had been poisoned, Philip, his successor, became the scheming enemy of the English. After several rumors and denials, it became evident in 1674 that a general Indian uprising had been planned. Mount Hope, a peninsula, running into Narragansett bay, was the territory occupied by Philip. Sausamon, a Christian convert from the Massachusetts' tribe, with his family, had been taught by Eliot. His son, John, was a teacher and preacher to the Indians at Natick. Coming to Plymouth, Sausamon revealed to Governor Winthrop the plot of Philip, who declared his innocence. A few days later Sausamon was murdered near Middleborough by three Wampanoags, Philip's men, who were found guilty and put to death. On June 20, 1674, the Indians attacked Swanzey, killed many and committed fiendish outrages. Indian war parties now spread over the country, and panic seized the English in Massachusetts as far as the Connecticut valley. Worcester and Brookfield had about a dozen houses each, and from Springfield to Northfield a number of small villages were exposed to the Indian attacks. Captain Edward Hutchinson, son of the famous Ann, was sent by Governor Leverett to treat with the Nipmucks at Brookfield. He was murdered, with eight of his men, as his mother and most of the family had been before. Philip, himself, took part in the assault on Brookfield. The large house in which the inhabitants were besieged held them for three days, when Major Simon Willard, more than seventy years old, ancestor of two presidents of Harvard college, on his way from Lancaster to Groton with forty-seven horsemen, being informed of the situation, turned toward Brookfield and routed the Indians. Worcester, Groton, Mendon and Marlborough were destroyed. Attacks were made upon Springfield, Hatfield, Medfield, Hadley, Northampton, Sudbury, Chelmsford, Andover, Wrentham, Scituate, Middleborough and Bridgewater. At Sudbury Capt. Wadsworth, with seventy men, was surrounded by five hundred Nipmucks. He and fifty of his men were killed, six being burned alive over slow fires. By August, 1676, the Indians had been practically exterminated. Philip was shot by one of his own men on August 12th, and his head was exposed in Plymouth. <A dozen sachems were hanged or shot and hundreds of Indians sold into slavery in the West Indies, among them Philip's little son. Of ninety towns, twelve had been destroyed, and more than forty others had suffered.

Chelmsford Officers

In 1655 Isaac Lerned was chosen Sergeant of the band, and Simon Tomson Clerk of the band in Chelmsford. Lerned, or Larned, was one of the first settlers of Chelmsford, and removed here from Woburn. He died November 29, 1657.

Simon Thompson, or Tomson, was of Ipswich in 1636, and was active in securing the removal of the Wenham people to Chelmsford. He returned to Ipswich. Both of these men were among the first trustees or selectmen of Chelmsford.

1659. "Thomas Addams of Chelmsford, being presented by Joseph Parker, in the behalfe of that Towne for their Cheife Sergt & military Officer, This [County] Court being informed that the said Addams hath publiquely manifested himself to be Hessitant, as to the orders and practises of the churches in these places, do not judge meet to allow of ye said choyce, untill they shall be further sattisfied concerning the same - ''

The next year Mr. Adams was accepted by the Court, having solemnly engaged not to disseminate any of his principles or notions contrary to the practice of the churches.

Thomas Adams was born in England in 1612, married in Braintree in 1642, moved to Concord, and to Chelmsford in 1650-4. He was Ensign in 1678, and Lieutenant in 1682, in the company of which his brother, Samuel, was Captain. He was town clerk, selectman and representative. He died July 20, 1688, aged 76 years.

In 1660 Thomas Hinchman was clerk of the train band. He was made freeman in 1654, was a magistrate, and Major of the Middlesex Regiment; a representative in 1666, 1667, 1671 and 1676; died July 18, 1703, aged 74 years. He had an accurate knowledge of Indian affairs, and his influence with them was of much value to the English.

Edmond Hinchman, or Hincksman, of Chelmsford, died Oct. 27, 1668. His widow married the Rev. John Fiske. Major Thomas is supposed to have been the son of Edmond and the father of Capt. Thomas Hinchman.

The Hinchman property adjoined the Warren homestead, and Deacon Joseph Warren married Ruth Wheeler, daughter of Sergeant Thomas Wheeler and niece of Major Hinchman's wife.

1669, Oct. 12. 'In answer to the motion in the petition of severall ye inhabitants of Concord, Chelmsford, Billirrikey, Lancaster, Groton, the court judgeth it meet, & doe order, that such persons living in the frontier townes within the county of Middlesex as are legally capacitated to lyst themselves troopers shall have liberty to doe the same, under Thomas Wheeler, Senior, of Concord, whom this Court appoints to be their leiftent; & for such others as are already listed in the other troope in that country that may find it more convenient to joyne in this new troope, they haue liberty so to doe, provided they doe it orderly & legally, & that a sufficjent number be left in the old troope, according to lawe."

William Fletcher, one of the first settlers, came from Concord, was a selectman, and died November 6, 1677. He had a son, William, born February 21, 1657.

x In 1660 James Parker, of Chelmsford, sold Edward three thousand acres in what is now Tyngsboro. Dunstable was named for the English town, the home of his wife, Mary.

His sons, Jonathan and Edward, born in 1642 and 1649, were prominent in this region, as were William, son of the former, and Edward, son of the latter. William came to Chelmsford and represented the Town in the General Court. He was a Major, and married Lucy, daughter of the Rev. Thomas Clarke, Sept.. 19,1700. He was severely wounded while commanding a batallion between Groton and Lancaster, and died in Concord, August 16, 1710. Lucy, his wife, died April 25, 1708.

"The Nashoba Indians, who lived upon the southern borders of the Town, suffered great hardships during King Philip's War. They were removed by order of the Court to Concord, where they were cared for by John Hoar. Here they lived peaceably. When Captain Samuel Moseley came, he broke into their home, scattered their property, and they were hurried to 'their furnace of affliction' at Deer Island." In May, 1677, they were, with some of the Naticks, removed by order of the Court, to Pawtucket. Those who were removed were mostly women and children. It was ordered "that the men be improved in the service of the country.'' Arms were provided for such as were trusty, and they were placed under the command of Captain Hinchman.

They were shiftless like all Indians and had no permanent homes, and required careful watching by their white neighbors whose pigs and chickens they often made away with.

Gookin speaks of '"'some skulking Indians of the enemy" "the principal whereof was Nathaniel, he and his party did this and other mischief * * in burning several houses at Chelmsford.'' Nathaniel was captured later in New Hampshire and hanged in Boston.

At the opening of King Philip's war each county had its regiment of "trained soldiers.' The Middlesex Regiment consisted of fifteen companies of foot and one of cavalry. Men were impressed from the local companies and placed under officers appointed for special service by the Council. The pay of soldiers was 6s. per week, and 5s. was paid for their "'dyet."' The old matchlock musket was used, but was discarded for the flintlock or snaphance. No bayonets were used and pikemen were useless. The matchlock was too long and heavy to fire at arm's length, so that each soldier was obliged to carry a rest, or crotched staff, with an iron point at the bottom, and attached to his wrist by a string. He carried six feet of match or fuse with which

This weapon had the disadvantage of the burning fuse being scented by the enemy when to leeward, and in wet weather it was well nigh useless. It was perhaps less effective than the bow and arrow.

According to the old colonial law, sixty-four soldiers were accounted a foot company, which could nominate their officers, and must have two drums.

Every foot soldier was to be completely armed and furnished, the pikeman with a good pike well headed, corslet, head-piece, sword and snapsack; the musquetiers with a good fixed musquet | not under bastard musquet bore, nor under three feet nine inches in length, nor above four feet, three inches long, with a priming wire, worm, scouter and mould, fitted to the bore of his musquet - also with a good sword, rest, bandeliers (shoulder-straps with many little boxes containing powder and ball), one pound of powder, twenty bullets, and two fathom of match upon the penalty of ten shillings for every defect; and all other inhabitants of this Jurisdiction, except magistrates, and elders of Churches, the president, fellows and students of Harvard College, shall always be provided of arms, and furnished as aforesaid under the penalty aforesaid.

Soldiers and others provided their own arms. Poor men were put to service to earn out the cost of their arms. Flintlocks came into use shortly after the outbreak of King Philip's war.

In 1672 the town "covenanted with Abraham Parker * * * to cut all the brush in the training place * * * and by training place is understood all that land now cleared by the town for that use."' This land was probably on the pine plain, formerly called the Carolina plain, on the west side of the road between Chelmsford Centre and Lowell.

7th 8mo., 1673. The towne voated Leftenant Samuell Foster and en-william Fletcher Shold a point the place whear the towne house Shold bee bultt....It was voated that all mall persons from the age of twelve years to sixtey, shall, every one, worke one - day in the yeare for the Clearing of Robins hill, on the penalty of twelve pence a boy, and tow Shillings a man, in case thay Neglectt beeing ther unto caled...by order of the Selectmen. For sixe years in sewing, the datte heer of being left to the Selectmen to a point the day yeerly, and likwis thay are to apoint a man to lead on the worke either ther or else whear, att the selectmens apointment, dated as above by order of the Towne. [See Chapter on the Beginning.]

At this period the Chelmsford Company in the Middlesex Regiment had for Lieutenant Thomas Hinchman, and for Ensign William Fletcher. The ensign carried the colors. The title of second lieutenant has been substituted for that of ensign, owing to the changed conditions of modern warfare.

It{em] James Richerson Samuell Flecher Will woodhead Andrew spaulding Will Underwood 2 pds Thom barett Joseph barett Solomon Keies Robertt proctor Efrm hildreth Moses barron Joseph buterfild John Spaulding Nath buterfild John steuens Paull Flecher Will Flecher Jerath bowers George Robines John Wright Samll buterfild Abraham biam Ambros swalow Steuen perce John blanchard John battes Jonathan Adames Thomas hinchman Jacob Warren

Joshuah Flecher Sam Flecher Jun peletiah Adames Thomas Adames Joseph Farwell Thomas Coborn Edward Coborn Sen John Coborn Edward Coborn James hildreth John bauke Thom Corry Abraham parker, Sen 2 pounds John parker John barett Thom Chambrlin Sen Edward Spauldig leften Foster John perham John Fiske Josiah Richenson henry Gidly Eleazer browne Cornell waldow John burge Sam varnum Will Good beniamin spaulding Joseph spaulding lefttenant Foster more Thom Chamberlin Jun Jacob parker this ac't above is to be Charged att 15d p pound And giune by Rate to the Connstable 6 9

John Stevens, whose name appears in this list, (though it may have been another man, for he describes himself in his petition to the Court as a stranger, of Captain Mosely's company,) received a shot in his right arm so as to lose the use of it, and was granted 40 shillings and other compensation. [Massachusetts Archives, Vol. 67, p. 269.]

The Town provided several garrison houses. Lieut. Thomas Henchman's was at Middlesex in the north part of the town, on the Merrimack. One is supposed to have stood on South street near Warren avenue, just north of the Marshall place; another on the high ground between the mill pond and the South Chelmsford road; still another opposite Andrew Spalding's, the Hodson place. Allen mentions ''one south of the meeting-house." An ancient well was recently discovered on Acton street, on Winthrop Parkhurst's lot. There was also one on Francis Hill, near the Keyes' place, which overlooked the settlements on Stony brook. The location of another was on Riverside street, in Dracut, a mile below Pawtucket falls. Tradition says that the mistress of this house drove away a prying Indian by throwing a dipper full of hot soft soap in his face, before blowing the horn to give the alarm.

Allen says (page 148), "'The English erected garrison houses in different parts of the town, to which they fled on the first notice of danger, and where they usually spent their nights. They were environed by a strong wall of stones or of hewn timber, built up to the eaves of the houses; through which was a gate, fastened by bars and bolts of iron. They were lined either with brick or thick plank. Some of them had port holes, for the discharge of musquetry. In these the early settlers spent many a sleepless, anxious night.'"' There were loop-holes in the oldest part of the Spaulding house - the ell - for use in case of an Indian attack. This part of the house is thought to be as old as any building in Chelmsford. It stands on the Boston road, where the old Mill road branches off. Almost all of these buildings have disappeared. Some houses built in the time of the later Indian wars were also constructed as nearly bullet-proof as possible, the framed walls being filled in with brick. A wall of this nature was taken down within recent years at the Putnam farm, and also one at the old Farwell or Timothy Adams place on Billerica street.

The parsonage, where Ebenezer Bridge lived, now known as the 'Railroad house,"' had its walls lined with pine plank of three inches thickness.

The Dupee house and the Homer Thayer house, towards the South village, were used as garrison houses. The walls of the latter were filled with brick. A house that formerly stood near that in which Andrew H. Park lived is also said to have been used as a garrison.

The house, which Jonathan Tyng built about 1674, at Tyngsboro (then Dunstable) is interesting. It was then the most northerly house in the Colony of Massachusetts Bay. Tyng's farm was cultivated by slaves, and in the great attics are said to have been the slave-pens where refractory slaves were chained. In the tower, on one of the adjoining buildings, was the bell which called the slaves in from their work in the fields.

The Heywood, or Hayward, house at South Chelmsford is curiously constructed. The chimney, with three huge fireplaces opening into as many rooms, is about twelve feet square at the base, and rises in an open space in the middle of the house, which was built around it. The rooms on the second floor open on a sort of gallery in this space about the chimney, which here narrows to about half the above dimensions. It was bought in 1726 by Benj. Heywood, a cooper of Billerica, from Thomas Adams, who removed to Dunstable. One room in the house is said to have been a garrison, the plank lining of which was removed by Mr. Heywood, who died about 1860.

What is known as "'The Ark"' at the junction of Bartlett and Acton streets, built by Dr. Nehemiah Abbott, in 1700, had in its immense chimney (taken down some years since) a hiding place, concealed behind a sliding panel. It was a small room about six feet square, and five feet from the floor. It was entered by means of aladder. When discovered, there were in it a low chair and a jug or pitcher.

The Emerson house, opposite Colonel Simeon Spaulding's house at the corner of North and Dalton streets, was a garrison house. At one time, while thus occupied, an Indian attempted to set it afire with a bundle of flax, to destroy the inmates. He was fired upon by a man with a rifle from the meeting house. The ball struck the clapboards, just above the Indian's head, near the door of the house. The hole was still to be seen, at the time the house was burned in 1905. The old part of this house had been standing for more than two centuries and had been held by the Emerson family from an early date.

Credited At The Garrison At Chelmsford

From a paper which was presented to the Court after Major Willard's death, in statement of his unpaid services and expenses for the government, it appears that from the 20th of September (1675) till the 18th of April (1676), the Major was employed about the country business, settling of garrisons in towns, and settling of Indians at Concord and Chelmsford and other business, etc.

He was born in County Kent, England, baptized, April 7, 1605. He came to Cambridge in 1634. At the opening of King Philip's war he was the chief military officer of Middlesex County. He was then seventy years old.

The following names are on the list of those credited with service from Chelmsford under Major Willard, from August 7, 1675 to January 25, 1675-6.

Credited Under Capt. Wheeler Other Credits For Military Service

Cornelius Waldo, who died here January 3, 1700-1, was probably born in England about 1624, and came from Ipswich after 1668. He was a deacon, and had a son of the same name. John, a son of Deacon Waldo, married Rebecca, daughter of Samuel Adams, in 1673 (?) at Chelmsford. In 1678 Cornelius was one of the committee to instruct the selectmen of Chelmsford, and was selectman in 1698.

Rebecca Waldo married Edward Emerson, the school master of Chelmsford, in 1698, and from them Ralph Waldo Emerson inherited two-thirds of his name.

Oliver Wendell Holmes is recorded as saying of Edward Emerson: 'He was noted for the virtue of patience, and it is a family tradition that he never complained but once, when he said mildly to his daughter, that her dumplings were somewhat harder than needful, but not often."

Joseph Hildreth, born April 16, 1658, was the son of Richard, one of the early settlers of Chelmsford, who came from Cambridge in 1656. Joseph married Abigail Wilson at Woburn, the 25th of the 12th month 1683, and died January 28, 1706.

"The towns assumed the payment of the wages of their own Soldiers, to their families left at home, the families thus receiving sure and immediate aid, and the towns being credited to that amount upon their colonial '"'rates'' or taxes. It was doubtless a means of great help to the families, and of saving to the towns, as it secured at once the support of the families without public charge, and at the same time the prompt payment of taxes."

The foregoing lists are from the account book of John Hull, Treasurer of the Colony, from which Bodge quotes extensively, and which is now in the keeping of the N. E. Hist. Geneological Society in Boston.

Between August 9th and 16th Mosely had marched from Mendon to Brookfield, where he distributed his men as above. On the 17th he probably marched towards Chelmsford, as proposed, but on the 22d some of the Nipmuck Indians fell upon Lancaster and killed seven or nine inhabitants, and the next day the people sent for Capt. Mosely, and told him of their suspicions of the Hassanemesit Indians (friendly or Praying Indians) then living under supervision in a sort of fort at Marlborough. Capt. Mosely hastily marched to the fort and seized eleven (or, according to Major Gookin's account, fifteen) of the Indians, "'pinioned"' them and bound them neck to neck, and sent them down to Boston for trial. Of the fifteen, only eleven were accused; all were finally found innocent and acquitted, and Capt. Mosely's proceeding severely criticised by the Court and his superior officers. Major Gookin believes that the people instigated suspicions 'in order to secure the land of the Indians."' After sending these prisoners down on August 30th, Capt. Mosely marched up the Merrimack as far as Pennacook (Concord, N. H.) to the home of the peaceful Wannalancit, where he was prepared to repeat the late transaction; but the Pennacooks had quietly withdrawn and eluded him. He burnt their village and stores of food, and marched back. Capt. Mosely's course was not approved and the Court immediately sent messengers to win back the friendship of Wannalancet. [Bodge, p. 67.]

Yesterday I spayred Capt. Beeres 26 our men to march with him to Sprinkefeild & it was with Major Willard ordder and I have also Accordinge to my orders from Major General Denison Sentt to Dunstable fort to Inlearge there gard 18 men & to Groatton 12 men & to Chelmsford 12 men out of those yt ware under Capt Hinksmans & of those yt Caime with me: Also last nightt about Seaven A clocke we martched into Nashowah [Lancaster] wheare we are Att present butt shall as soon as the Constable haith prest us a dozen Horses proseed for groatton & so to Chensford: according to the order Major Willard gave me yesterday Att Quoah-bawge [Brookfield]; The day before I came from Quoahbaugh - I martched I (n) company with Capt Beeres & Capt Laytrop to the Swamp where they left mee & tooke theire martch to Sprinkfilld and a soone as they ware gon I tooke my martch Into the woods about 8 mills beyond the Swape where Capt Huttcheinson and the rest ware yt ware wounded & killed & so returned to follow the enemy as above saide; also we did find & prsell of wigwoms beyond the Swaimp about 20 which we burnt &c. our Majr having a Seartayne Intelligence of a considerable party of Indians yt have gathered toogather a littell above Chensford which I hope wee shalbe up with this night or toMorrough at furthest & if it pleese God I come up with them God assisting me I will cloosely ingadge with them & God spearing my life I shall as oppertunity gives leave Acquaint your honnor of my Actions; I have with me butt 60 men at present; so desiring your prosperity & yt it my please God to preserve your Honour in good health and humbly beseach your prayers to God for my Good Suckses in this my undertaking with my Humbell Searvis &c in all deuttyfullness I subscribe myself your Respective kinsman & Humble Searvantt Samuel Mosley my Cosson Leverett ppresents his Deuty to yor Honour & my Antt. [Quoted by Bodge, p. 66.]

A merchant of Boston in "'The Present State of New - England," London, 1675, relates an amusing incident, which, from the above letter, we may infer took place ''a little above Chensford" when Capt. Mosely came up with the "considerable party of Indians." We wonder whether he acquainted the Governor ''of his actions' and those of the Indians.

place where few Trees were, and on both sides preparations were making for a Battle; all being ready on both sides to fight, Captain Mosely plucked off his Periwig, and put it into his Breeches, because it should not hinder him in fighting. As soon as the Indians saw that, they fell a Howling and Yelling most hideously, and said, "Umh, Umh, me no staw merre [stay here?] fight Engis mon, Engis mon got two hed, Engis mon got two hed: tf me cut off un hed, he got noder, a put on beder as dis; with such like words in broken English, and away they all fled and could not be overtaken, nor seen any more afterwards."'

"About a week after this Capt. Mosely took two Indians, the Father and his Son, and willing to examine them both apart, proceeded thus: Took the old Man and bound him to a Tree, after he was so bound, he sent away the Son by a File of Men out of sight; the old Man there confessed he was a Praying Indian, and that he was only hunting for Deer thereabouts, but said that his son was one of those Men that wounded Capt. Hutchison. So then after they had pumped him as much as they could, they fired a Gun with no Bullet in it over his Head, untied him, and sent him another way with a File out of sight: then telling him that they had shot his Father, and would shoot him also, if he would not confess what he was, and what he knew: He fairly told them, that he was a Praying Indian, but his Father made him go with him to the Nipmoog Indians, and that there they shot three or four times apiece; whereupon they then brought the old Man and tied him to his Son, and Examined them together, at length they confest. They were both among the Nipmoogs, and that the Son did wound Captain Hutchison; after their Examination, they were both shot to Death.

In this same Week, King Philip's men had taken a Young Lad alive about fourteen Years old, and bound him to a tree two nights and two Days, intending to be merry with him the next day, and that they would Roast him alive to make sport with him; but God over night, touched the heart of one Indian so that he came and loosed him, and bid him run Grande (i. e. run Apace) and by that means he escaped."'

Aug. 30, 1675, the Governor and Council, yielding to the popular prejudice, against their own better judgment, decreed the disbandment of all Christian Indian Companies in service, to be confined in their five villages, one of which was Wamesit. * * * Oct. 18, a party of hostile Indians set fire to a haystack of Lieut. James Richardson, at Chelmsford, and managed that the deed should appear to be done by the Wamesit Praying Indians, that so the English should remove them from their village, or so persecute them as to drive them to the enemy. This crime was afterwards confessed by Nathaniel, a hostile Indian, who was taken at Dover by the strategy of Major Waldron, and executed at Boston. Although Lieut. Richardson declared that the "'Praying Indians' were his warm friends, and would never injure him, their best friend in those parts, all availed nothing. The vulgar clamor prevailed, and the Court next day, passed an order for the troopers to bring down the Wamesits. * * * This order of the Council was carried out by a strong guard of troopers and infantry. The whole number of Wamesits, in their village, was one hundred and forty-five, of whom only thirty-three were able-bodied men. The original order was for all to be brought down; but after the village had been broken up, and all had been started on the way, it occurred to the Council that there were no sufficient accommodations for so large a body of people, especially Indians, and they prudently ordered all, save the able-bodied, back to their village. The thirty-three men were brought down to Charlestown, and lodged in the town-house, under guard, for a few days, and then all except a few, against whom some suspicions existed, were returned to their homes. [Bodge, p. 397.] Three of the Indians were condemned and sent away to be sold as slaves.

Later in the year the Wamesits met with another disaster, in the burning of a barn of hay, by some hostile Indian or Englishman, for the purpose of casting reproach upon them. Lieut. Thomas Henchman, and Lieut. James Richardson, whose barn was burnt, were friends of these Indians, and in charge of them, and believed them innocent; but some of the English at Chelmsford secretly organized a party, which went to the wigwams and shot down five women, seriously wounding them and killing a boy outright. The assault was unqualified, brutal murder. The lad was a son of a Sagamore, and grandson of a worthy old Sachem, Tahatawarre. The mother, who was among the dangerously wounded, was the daughter of the English 'Sagamore John." This horrible outrage greatly exercised the Council; and the murderers, two fellows named Largin and Robbins, who were shown to be the ones who had fired their guns, loaded with shot, into the crowd, were arrested. But, notwithstanding the efforts of the magistrates and ministers, with all the best men of the colony, no jury could be found to convict them; and, after an extended imprisonment, they were set free. By this act the rest of the Indians were so disheartened and frightened that they all forsook their villages and went away toward Pennacook to join Wannalancet. Sam Numphow and John Lyne, their rulers, sent back a written answer, by the messengers of the Council (sent to induce them to return, and promising protection), that they had confidence in the Council's good faith, but feared the people, and so were going away "'to the French." * * * But, being in straightened circumstances and earnestly reassured by the Council, they were induced to return after a few weeks; and Lieut. Thomas Henchman was placed in charge as their guardian, and Major Willard, Mr. Eliot and Major Gookin went up and visited them. * * * Although the magistrates and their faithful friends, Eliot and Gookin, did all in their power to help them, these poor souls suffered terribly from cold and hunger during the winter. Bodge has this further to say: Against Eliot, Gookin and Danforth, the blind fury raged, and the lives of these true men were attempted in a cowardly manner on several occasions. In February the Wamesits, fearing the hostile Indians on the one hand, and their English neighbors on the other, petitioned to be removed to some safer place in the Colony. The Court promised, but neglected to take care of them, and the great body of them fled to Pennacook, to Wannalancet, being forced to leave behind, for the time, some half a dozen of their aged and blind, whom they considered safe, being helpless and harmless. After they were gone, these poor creatures were found and brutally murdered (being burned to death, as appeared, within their wigwams) by two brutes of the English, against whom nothing direct could be proved, but who were quite well known by the public, as they rather enjoyed such notoriety than feared it among their fellows.

The foregoing account is from the full narrative given by Bodge. The Court's record, relating to Robbins and Largin, is here added. The letters and other documents which follow will explain themselves. They are arranged as nearly as possible in chronological order.

; They were bound over to the next County Court at Cambridge in April to answer for their wounding of the Indians under the Court's protection."'

In reference to this outrage, Increase Mather of Boston wrote in his diary: "'It is to be feared yt yr is guilt vpon ye Land in resp. of ye Indians yea Guilt of blood in resp. of ye Indians so treacherously murdered at Chelmsford. I am affraid God

Letter Of Numphow And John Line

I, Numphow, and John a Line, we send a messenger to you again (Wepocositt) with this answer, we cannot come home again, we go towards the French, we go where Wannalancet is; the reason is, we went away from our home, we had help from the Council, but that did not do us good, but we had wrong by the English. 2dly. The reason is we went away from the English, for when there was any harm done in Chelmsford, they laid it to us, and said we did it, but we know ourselves we never did any harm to the English, but we go away peaceably and quietly. 3dly. As for the Island, we say there is no safety for us, because many English be not good, and may be they come to us and kill us, as in the other case. We are not sorry for what we leave behind, but we are sorry the English have driven us from our praying to God and from our teacher. We did begin to understand a little of praying to God. We thank humbly the Council. We remember our love to Mr. Henchman and James Richardson [The marks of Numphow and John Line are affixed to the letter, which bears no date.]

Wepocositt was a servant to William Fletcher of this town. About twenty-three days after this, being much in want of food, the greater part of the Wamesits returned. Lieutenant Henchman informed the Council, who sent, as already stated, Gookin, Willard and Eliot, to encourage and settle them, and persuade the English at Chelmsford to be more friendly with them. Mr. Clarke, the minister of Chelmsford, asked the Indians what they had done while absent. They said they had kept three Sabbaths in the woods, that is, reading the Bible and praying to God, and

Action Of The General Court

1675. Oct. 13 - Whereas the Waymesitt Indians are vehemently suspected to be actors & Concentors to the burning of a haystacke at Chelmsford, this Court judgeth it meet that such Englishmen as cann inform or give euidence in the case be forth with sent for, and also those Indians now at Charls Towne, and the case to be heard by this Court, then & there to consider & conclude what wth the sajd Indians

Vpon the Courts hearing the euidences produced against Wm Haukins, Indian, as to the firing the haystacke at Chelmsford, sentenct him to be sent away by the Treasurer.

Two Indians, one an old man named Mannapaugh, & Mannenesit, a young man, his sonn, pretending themselves to belong to Vncas, being found at Chelmsford, where the haystacke was fired, giving no reason of their coming & staying here, was judged to be spyes, and ordered to be sent away by the Treasurer.

Warrant To Secure Witnesses Against The Wamesit Indians For Outrages Committed At Chelmsford

You are hereby required in his Majty's name forthwith to sumon & require such & so many Englishmen as you or either of you know have heard or any of ye selectmen Wch you know cann Give any evidenc agt the Waymesit Indians wch have been actors or consentors to the burning of a Haystack in Chelmsford as also in refference to the Indians now at Charls toune and require such persons as Cann testify in such respect to make their appearances before the Genl Court sitting in Boston the 25 inst at one of the clock in ye afternoon making your returne hereof nor to faile Dated in Boston 22 oct 1675 [Massachusetts Archives, Vol. 30, p. 183.]

demned parsons are I knov not and so cold not tell will w[hjo to send dovn: bort J having som of the sobrist indens advis and all so thayer de sir that thes Company shold be sent down wich ar in nomer: 14: yon[g] and old: som of wl{hJos husbans ar in the army others of them as J understand are sold or Condemd to be sold: not troblen yover honor any forder bot J sobcrib my Self Yover Sarvent

The Petition Of John Eliot To The Governor And Council

That the terror of selling away such Jndians unto the Jlands fr perpetual slaves who shall yeild up ymselves to your mercy is like to be an effectual prolongation of the Warre. & such an exasperation of ym as may produce, we know not what evil consequences upon all the land." &c.

The withdrawal of the Wamesit Indians into the wilderness occasioned great uneasiness, as it was feared they had joined the enemy. Some of the Chelmsford soldiers, who were in the more exposed garrisons at Groton, desired to be released because of this new peril at home.

On September 8, 1675, the Council issued an order to Cornet Thomas Brattle and Lieut. Thomas Henchman to march to Chelmsford with fifty men, collected, thirty from Norfolk (then a different county from the present one), and twenty from Middlesex County, and distribute them in the garrisons in the frontier towns of Groton, Lancaster and Dunstable. The men were to be left under the command of the chief officers in each town.

For the succeeding months Major Willard was busily engaged in ordering the defences of the Middlesex frontier towns and settling the various bodies of friendly Indians. Garrisons were maintained at Lancaster, Chelmsford, Groton and Dunstable, and the entire available force of the country was kept in a "'posture of war." [(Bodge, p. 123.]

For Cornet Thomas Bratle & Leiftenant Thomas Henchman. You are herby impoured & appointed with a party of horsmen vnder comand, forthwith to march to Chelmsford to attend & put in execution the instructions following:

1 first you are ordered with fifty soldiers that are appointed to meet you, at Leift Henchmans vizt thirty yt are to come from the county of Norfolke & twenty out of the county of Midlesex, that are ordered to neet you at Groton these fifty men you are ordered to sett in garrisons in the frontier townes of Dunstable, Groton, and Lancaster &c in such proportion as in your discretion shal bee expedient placing them vnder the comand of the cheefe military officers of each towne: giueing those officers direction: to joyne & lyst other meet persons of their owne companyes with them, & order them euery day to surraund the townes yey are to secure; & if they can to carry doggs with ym to search for & discouer any entmy that may aproch nere such towne & at night to repaire vnto such corps du gaurd, as are appointed to them for the security of the sd place, and there to keep watch by night; & furthermore you are to declare vnto the Inhabitants of each Towne (you are herby orderd to garrison) that the Gouernor & council do expect their bee meet prouisions of victual made for the garrison soldiers herby ordered, at ye charge of towne; whch is not to bee brought vnto the accot of the publicke; & if any town or people decline so to Doe so you are herby ordered not to leaue any soldiers with them.

Secondly you are further ordered, to Vse your best endeuor to setle, compose & quiet matters respecting the indians our neighboars, particularly those that liue at Wamesit, Nashubah, & Malborough; yt you endeuer to put in execution the printed order, relating to those indians & particularly yt you procure some english man or men to bee with ym or at least, to visit ym once a day to be as guardians for securing the english and indians, that neither the one or other may bee piudiced or injured, & the council are willing to allow such person or psons a meet compensation for their seruice in yt Imploy. And concerning the Indians at Marlborow who are ordered to reside at Hassanamesit about twelue miles distant whether you are to order the cheefe officer of Malborow to conuey them, & if you can possibly procure, an english man or two to reside with them, at Hassanamesit according as the printed order proude but in case that can not bee obtained yn those indians must be left at Hassanamesit with exprse charge puncktualy to Obserue the printed order.

Lastly you are to endeauor either one or both of you (if it may bee) to gaine the Indian Sachem called Wannalanset to com in againe and liue at wamesit quietly [and] pecabley; you may promise him in the Councills name yt if hee will returne & his people & liue quietly at Wamesit hee shal susteyne No priudise by the english: only you are to ppose to him yt he deliuer for a hostage to the english his sonne who shalbe wel vsed by vs, & in case hee come in & can bee gained then you are to impour him to informe the Pennakooke & Natacook indians & all other indians on the East side of Merrimack Riuer, that they may liue quietly & peacable in yr places & shall not bee disturbed any more by the english prouided they do not assist or ioyne with any of or enimiy nor do any dammage or preiudice to ye english:

And what euer is necessary for fulfiling these Instructions you are herby impowred by order of the Gounor & Councel to do it. past by ye councel 8 September 1675

Order Permitting Wamesit Indians To Gather Their Harvest

It is ordered by the Councill that th Indians belonging to Wamesit, vnder Nobhow & John Alyne Rulers (they having approved themselves friends to the English) hau Liberty granted to gather their Corne at Wemisett toune & to haue free Egress & regress to it from their fort neare Leiftenant Henchmans; prouided they do not goe any where whout th bounds of their plantation granted by the Genll Court & layd out to ym and this order to be & continue in force touching theise indians notwithstanding the old printed order Limitting ym not to travell above one mile from their wigwams. & All Englishmen are required to take notice of this order & not to molest theise indians in their lawfull employments duering the time of the Gathering & ining yr Corne. [Massachusetts Archives, Vol. 30, 176b.]

In pursuance of my instructions; I and my Lieut. met at Major Willard's the last day of the week, with the Captaines of the severall townes directed to; as well for the drawing of the Souldiers, as to advise with them; for the first they promise they shall be sent to chelmsford at an hours warning and so will be ready here by that time I have provission for them; and that of absolute necessity for them will be powder shott biscake cheese and raisons, large and warme Wast-coats and drawers tobaco, some hatchets and a Chirurgion; for the later the Major and rest of the officers will advise to no other motion than about this and other towns; but I understanding the intent of the Ho'd Council to be that I should march to Pennycooke although not named in my instructions; I think it need full to acquaint your Honrs there with, and desire your express there unto. I have not farther at present but to subscribe Sr your Honrs humble Servant D. Henchman.

Order For Lt. Thos. Hinchman To Send 2 Indians To Treat With Wannalancet

That Leiftenant Thomas Henchman of Chelmsford do forthwith endevor to procure by hire one or two prudent & sutable jndians of Wamesit to trauill & seke to find out & speake with Wannalancent the Sachem & cary with them a writteng from the Councill, beeing a Safe conduct unto the said Sachem or any other principall men, not exceeding six persons, Belonging to Nantikook, penagooge or other people of thee northerly indians giving them free liberty to come into the house of the said Henchman; where the Councill will appoint Capt Gookin & Mr Eliot (persons known to them) to treat with about termes of Amity & peace between them & the English, and in case Agreem'ts & Conclusions bee not made to mutuall satisfaction then the said Sachem & all others that accompany him, shall have free Liberty to returne Backe againe to their places without any preiudice or molestation By the English. and this offer the Councill are induced to make because the said Wannalancet sachem as they are informed hath declared himsefe that the English neuer did any wrong to him or his father Pasaconaway but alwais lived in Amity & that his said father Charged him so to doe and that hee ye said Wannalancet will not begin to do any wrong to the Englise.

Letter To Wannalancet

These for Wannalancett Sachem or for any other principal Persons of th indians that Live vpon Merrimacke riuer either Belonging to Natakoog Penngooge or others touns. This our writing or safe conduct doth declare that the Governour & Council of Massacusets Doe giue you: & evey of you provided you exceed not 6 persons free liberty of coming unto & Returning in Safty from the House of Leiftenant Thomas Henchman at Naamkeake & there to treat with Capt Daniel Gookin & Mr John Eliot: Whome you Know & wee wil fuly impoure to treat & conclude with you. upon such meet termes And Articles of friendship Amyty & subjection as was formerly made & concluded betwne the Englise and old Passaconaway your father & his sonns & people: And for this end wee have sent these messengers.

_to conuay these vnto you & to bring yor Answer: Whome we desire you to treat Kindly & speedily to dispatch them Backe to us with yor Answer. Datted in Boston the fiuth day of October 1675.

Letter From Sam Numphow

To the honoured gouvnour J Sam Numphow being commanded to carrie a letter to Wannajflan|cit and we cam to pannakook a little further then we se sum of the punnakook indians and asked them were wannallan|cit they sait he was at pemechowasick we went to Wannipposokick that was our way to goe to a pleace were they sait he was but when we cam to wannipposokick there we saw sum more indians we asked them were is the sachem they sait he went away three weeks agone from pemechowasick he went toward the french and they tolled us two indians come from pascattoway today they tolled us they kiled two english men and taken one alive: ten indians in a company.

And they tolled us there was sum more indians went out afore these last: from aospan and killed sum english and brought two children and one maid alive and they tolled us fifty more going out then we asked them which way doe they goe: they sait we can not tell.

Petition Of Thomas Henchman, Oct. 2, 1678

In 1675 the Gen Court ordered that Henchman should be paid by the Town of Chelmsford for maintaining several souldiers at his house on Merrimake River. His account is as follows: Account of Thomas Hinchmans Disburstments in Keeping of Garrison Souldiers which were sent to Garryson at Merrimake River by order of the Honord Councill.

For 6 soulders from the 7th of August 1675 wch continued at the Garrison till ye 27th of June 1676 fo Se 46 weekes at 4s. 8d. per weeke 64: 08: 00 For 4 souldiers from ye 27th of June 1676 and continued untill the 1st of October 1676 13 weekes 5} 12:02:08 days at 4s. 8 d. per weeke For 3 soulders of Majr Pykes who continued at ye sd Garrison one month and 3 from Ipswich six} 07:00:00 weeks.

Whereas Left Thomas Hinchman hath been at great charge in providing ffor the diet of certeine souldjers appointed to garrison his house vpon Merremacke riuer, where sundry Englishmen, his neighbours, are concerned, which is a very apt place to secure that frontier, and besides, the sajd Hinchman hauing, vpon all occasions, binn very serviceable, and hath expended much time and charge to put in execution sundry orders and directions sent to him from the Council, this Court doe order, that the souldiers of that garrison be mainteyned both for diet at the toune of Chelmsfords charge for the tjme to come, and vntill the Court or council take further order; and further more that tenn pounds be allowed him for his extraordinary expences and labour out of the Country treasury.

Order For Capt Gookin And Others To Persuade The Indians At Concord & Chelmsford To Settle At Deer Island

It is ordered that Maior willard Capt Gookin & Mr. Danforth with Mr. Eliot, by the first oppertunity are to repayre to Concord & Chelmsford & to examine those Jndians there & to vse their best endeuor to setle them in sure a posture either at Deare Jland or in the pleces where they live so yt they who are friends to the English may be secured & the English in those parts also securied & as much as may satisfied with their setlement & the said Comittee or any two or three of them are impoured to effect this matter, & they are to vse their best indeur. that those indians may be imployd & kept to lauber & take Care they bee all disarmed Q9december75 Past by ye Council Edw. Rawson D. Secrety

Petition Of Friendly Indians Near Chelmsford Asking For Protection

We pray you Consider how we may be secured from the Indians now the snow is of the ground and they Com When they will to do Mischif nere to us for there is one Indian runaway from the Chansforth and he tell them how we are well among the English, if your worshipfull please brouoid place for us where we may be both for for planding and wod and for food pray consider our condison with speed

Petition Of Citizens Of Chelmsford

To the honored Comite of Majestrs yt are to mete at Namcock about the dispose of the Wamasak Indians We ye humble petitioners of the Town of Chelmsford, do humbly Intreat yt you would bee pleased to take [into consideration] our dangerous Conditions yt We are in, in refferance to our liues & estate by reason of the retourne of the Wamasak Indians Emongst us: & also onfe] Indian whose name is Wibecusit & his wife yt is & have been harboured in a family Emongst us in the former Indians absence these are humbly to Intreat yr honors to take som such a course wth them as may seeme best to yr Juditious eyes so as they may not be a snare unto us: we leaue you & yr wayty concerns to the wise disposinge hand of god & rest

Number Of Men To Be Raised For Garrison Service In 1676

1675/6. Jan. 11. 'It was ordered by the Council that the Garrison Souldjers at Chelmsford, Billerica, Groaten, Lancaster, Marlborough, and Sudbury, under Major Willard, be discharged forthwith, and sent home''; and at the same time it was voted to pay them "two months' pay on their returne.'' This may have been done at the request of the people in the above-named towns, because we know that in many cases these garrison soldiers become very obnoxious to the citizens * * * ([Bodge.]

It is ordered by the Councill that the County Treasurer pay & satisfy Jeraphmiel Bowers of Chelmsford thirty shilling in part of his wages, for gaurding the Wamesit Jndians being appointed thereunto by order of the Councill

Cowley says: On the third of February, 1676, some of Philip's partizans attacked Chelmsford and burned several buildings. Colburn's garrison on the east side of the Merrimack was now strengthened and nearly all the outer settlements were deserted. A second attack was made on the 20th of March, and Joseph Parker was wounded. These dates seem not to correspond with those here given from other sources.

A letter from Groton, written by Capts. Parker, Wheeler and Woodys in Feb. 1675-6 says: '"'The Touns from whence our forces are raised especially Chelmsford and Billerikey, being weak and in want of more strength at home and danger accreuing to them by the sudden and suspicious removall of the Wamassuk Indians," they demand a release.

we have judged our Duty, to acquaint to you, with our present condition, and danger of following or Brethren and Neibors in the Horrible distructiens, ruines and loss of our owne lives and or relatiens. The Savages have been for a day or two discovered to have ranged aboite or Borders: and this morning about an hower and halfe after sunrising, Joseph Parker of this place, with his son, coming for the Hon'd Major Willard, about fower mile from or meeting house, along by some houses perteyning to this town, now against one house standing nigh the way, way-layed, and had ye Indian Bullets thick (as they Report) about them, and were followed, by about 10 nilk guns, discharging at them and shouting: they rod fast to escape them: the young man was wounded in his shoulder by a Musket Bullet, as cut out on the other side of his Arme, and as we conceive, by pistol Bullets his cloathes torne in several places. Or men, ye inhabitants of ye saide place, never came away into towne over-night, but some as we heare gone up hastyly this morning, to see after their cattle; we are in such a posture, as without God's extraordinarye help, we see not how we can stand against the enemy. Or garrisons are so weake, and or men so scattered about their personal occasions: that we are without rational hope, for want of men, and what is otherwise necessary. Argnts [arguments] we shall not need to use to yr Wisdoms to consider or necessity of help: If or frontiere Touns be cutt off, what will be the consequence, Itis not for us to say. We leave it humbly unto yr Hon'd to doe as God shall persuade your hearts. Commending all yr and our concerns unto the Lord Almighty, and subscribe

Yr Hon'dr to command. Chelmsford - 15 of 12.75 [15 Feb. 1676] Post Scr. May it please to understand, yt part of or men are abroad with Majr Willard; upon public service, whereby we are the more enfeebled.

Another Letter

May it please yor Honors tht we owne orselves greatly obliged for the Signal care yor Honors & the honord Counsile, had of us when we were put into or late pplexed feares, with respt to or Enemies, lately alarming of us, in sending for the prsent succor Capt Reynolds & his company; through wch means through Gods Blessing, the Enemies designs upon us further haue ben Retarded hitherto: So where as this morning. Capt Reynolds hath recejved order to goe off from us towards Malbury: & we have for several days, had Expence of Jndian Scouts about or Towne, & the last night, (as this day we are Jnformed from Billereccy) was Seene on or side yt River betwene us, some fires, supposed by them, to be Jndians & this day about 11 of ye clock some house seemed on fire, belonging to or Towne, wherevpon, some Scouts sent out, & a company of Capt Reynolds & others Marching out after them, the horsemen came up to about the place where Joseph Parkr was formerly shot & found three dwelling houses burnt nigh downe to the ground, & where Jndians had been, Att other houses in that parte of the Towne, ye houses deserted by the Jnhabitants, & come into the body of or towne, the sd Horsemen also Report that they also discovered aboute three Mile from the sd Houses, in a dis mal wood some fires, as if there might be some smale body of Jndians wigwams, wch Jntimate that the Enemy are not far from us, so as upon the motion of Capt. Reynolds from us; tis most probable, we shall be soone assaulted, & we yet in to weake a posture for Resistance: And therefore ''we humbly Beseech your Honors to doe us this further favor, as by yor ""countermand to the sd Capt Reynolds, to order his & his company "to reside (at least wise for some days) still amongst us: and withall you would please to order to Billerecay or otherwise, the securing there Bridge in there towne, betwene them & us: & May it please yor Honors, to Consider, that several of or men are prest out, some by or Honord Major Willerd of Troops, some upon the otherside of Merimake, to the present assistance & security of ye Colburns, we adde no further but to commend yor Honors to the protection & direction of the Almighty & Rest yor Honors to serve in the Lord Chelmsford Sam Adams 25 of 12. 75 Sam Foster Will Fletcher

Lieut. Nathaniel Reynolds was in command of the garrison at Chelmsford in the fall and winter of 1675-6, and on February 25th the inhabitants petitioned the Court that he be allowed to remain, with his soldiers, for their protection. After the war he was prominent in the early history of Bristol, R. I.

He was born in England, the son of Robert and Mary; was of Boston, as early as 1632. He married Sarah Dwight of Dedham, Nov. 30, 1657. She died, July 8, 1663, and he married Priscilla Brackett, of Boston, before Feb. 21, 1666. He had three children by his first wife: Sarah, Mary, Nathaniel. By his second wife: John, Peter, Philip, Joseph, Hannah, Mary, Benjamin, Ruth. He was of the Artillery Company in 1658, and admitted freeman in 1665.

Act Of The General Court

Vppon consideration of many sculking Indians about our plantations doing much mischeife & damage, & that a probable way for their surprizall is by scouting in smale partjes, for encouragement thereof, this Court doeth order, that euery person or persons that shall surprize, slay, or bring in prisoner any such Indian on the south side of Piscataqua Riuer, he or they shallbe allowed three pounds per head, or the prisoners so taken, making it appeare to the Comittee of Militia of that toune to weh they are brought.

According to Hubbard, the burning of a part of Chelmsford took place about March 18, 1676, and on April 15 "fourteen or fifteen houses' were burned. John Monoco, one-eyed John, a leader of the Indians, had boasted that as he had burnt Medfield and Lancaster, so he would burn Groton, Chelmsford and other towns.

March 18, several houses on the north side of the river, belonging to the Coburns, were burned, probably in retaliation, by the Wamesits, and two sons of Samuel Varnum were shot and killed while crossing the river with their father and sister in a boat to tend their cattle on the other side. One of them fell back dead into his sister's arms. Varnum shouted to the stupified soldiers who accompanied them, ''Don't let dead men sit at the oars." The young men were buried by the river, on the Howard farm. The guard of soldiers with them were so taken by surprise that the Indians escaped.

Drake mentions this attack upon Chelmsford, ''where were many deserted houses burned in the beginning of April, 1676." See also, 'Indian Wars of New England'': Sylvester, Vol. II, p. 293.

The Council declare yt they are willing for the present to continue the file of solders yt are there as formerly, and that Mr Henchman is impourered [sie] to take in any persons to abide with him to Keepe Garrison, and for their incouragement he shall abide neer to grant such persons liberty to improve any part of the Indians' land within the bounds of Wameset and Naamkeke untill the Council or General Court take further order.

In Boston many maintained that God had set the savages upon the people of New England for neglect to persecute ''false worshippers."' Quaker meetings were forbidden, some harmless Indians were murdered, and there was bitter feeling, even against the Christian Indians and their superintendents, Daniel Gookin, and Thomas Danforth.

Reader thou art desired not to suppress this paper but to promote its designe which is to testify (those traytors to their King and Country) Guggins and Danford, that some generous spirits have Domed their destruction, as Christians wee warne them to prepare for death, for though they will deservedly dye; yet we wish ye healthe of their soules.

The Councill orders that Lieftenant Hinchman take speedy & effectual care that all the corn at the Houses of Colborn & his sons on the East side of Merrymock Riuer or any other Houses there be secured by transporting the same over to his own house. or if any other way be more advisable that he forthwith giue notice to the Councill. And he is hereby Authorized to impresse what help is needful. past E. R. S. [Edward Rawson, Sec'y.]

The following letter from a ''chyrurgeon," or surgeon, who seems to have been sent to Chelmsford to be useful in case of need, gives some indication that there was fear of an attack at the time it was written. He may have been sent to attend the wounded man of whom he writes.

Chelmsford N. E: March ye 20th 1675 Honord Sr. J bless God I came safely hither but was much troubled with a Jadish horse who tyred by that tyme we gott to Cambridge, so that wee had much adoo to gett him to Wooborn. I am in very good Quarters & the Capt is very kinde to mee and extra- ordinary civill, Sr. the young man that was shott in the Belly dyed about two of the Clock this morning he was mortally wounded for his bowells were pricked with ye shott I took out a worme about 4 or 5 inches long & did dress his wounds, good Sr. I humbly intreat you to pray the Councill to grant us a stronger guard for wee expect the Jndians every hour to fall upon us & if they come wee shall be all cutt off. Sr. J would desire you to send mee a paire of fforceps & a probe with an Jncission knife, Thus hoping you will grant me my request, for without those Jnstruements J can do nothing. J remain in hast hauing not time to inlarge att

At the siege of Brookfield in the early part of August, 1675, Edward Colburn of Chelmsford was killed at the ambuscade; and John Waldo was wounded, as was also Captain Wheeler, who being unable to conduct the defense of the garrison, appointed to that office Simon Davis of Concord, James Richardson and John Fiske of Chelmsford.

After the fight, the famous Cornelius Anderson, known as Consort to Captain Roderigo, the chief of the pirates, who had taken part, marched from Brookfield to Groton and Chelmsford.

1: That ye townes of Sudbury, Concord and Chelmsford be strengthened with forty men a peice, which sd men are to be improued in scouting betwen toune and toune, who are to be Comanded by men of prudence, courage and interest in ye sd townes and ye partys in each toune are to be ordered to Keepe together in some place comodious in ye sd tounes, and not in garison houses: and these men to bee vpon ye toune charge of ye country.

A thousand bushells of corn were to be raised upon the Indian land at Wamesit, and there was to be scouting between there and Andover, and on the west of Concord river, on the east and north of Chelmsford.

Major Willard on complaint of the people of Chelmsford fortified Billerica bridge, and seized two great rafts which the Indians had in possession.

In a letter dated April 1, 1676, from the Council to Major Savage, they express a fear that Chelmsford may meet the fate of Groton and Lancaster.

The Council decided to brave the popular prejudice against employing friendly Indians in the war, and April 21, 1676, Capt. Samuel Hunting and Lieut. James Richardson drew up and furnished their company of forty Indians at Charlestown. They were ordered first to march to the Merrimack near Chelmsford, and build a fort and settle a garrison at the fishing place - the great (Pawtucket) falls, but the attack on Sudbury turned Capt. Hunting in that direction where he did good service, his company being doubled in number, and furnished with arms sent from England. The services rendered at Sudbury put the Christian Indians into better favor. The fort at Pawtucket falls was built in the summer and autumn of 1676.

Orders & Instructions, For Mr Samuel Hunting & James

1 You are ordered (with all conuenient Dispatch) To take the conduct & comand of Such English and indians as are ordered to accompany you & with them to march vp to the fishing places vpon Merrimack riuer (neare Pawtuckt falls) & in the most conuienient place there to erect a fortification Sutable for yor company & build such shelters within it as may bee nescerary according to yor best Discretion-

2 But while you are in hand wth this worke you are to send forth dayly one fowerth part of yor men vnder meet conductt both english & indians to scout on the north side of Merrimack riuer about or toune of Billerekey, Chelmsford, Andouer & wooburne, according to yor best discretion & to order the returne of yor men to yor quarters at times appointed

4 For prouision for yor men wee conceue yr wilbe store of fish to be taken: for wh end you are to carry twine to make Scoop netts, or other netts wch yor indians are ready to do, & for supply of corne Leift Tho Henchman hath promised to supply for the prsent at his house ther for wh you are to pass yor recept & take his order for the delivry of it

5 what you shall need for carring on yor worke of fortification & building a shelter you have a warrent to the constables of these townes to supply it, either carts or boards or any other thing, and the comisoners are to furnish you wth tools nails Twine or any other thing nessecary for this affayre

6 If you find any conuenient parcel of planting land Deserted by the english or indians vpon either side of merimake riuer or vpon any Iland you are to incoridg the english & indians vnder yor comand to plant it for ther owne Benifit, prouided the maine designe of scouting After the enimy & securing those parts bee not neglegted but vigorusly prosecuted from time to time with a part of yor company : -

8 you are wh all care to Gouenern the solders vnder yor comand according to the Rules of Gods word & the wholsome laws of the country & take care to punish all profaines & wickednes.

10 All soldiers vnder yor comand are required to submitt & giue obedience to all the Lawfull comands of yor selfe & officers at yr perrll Lastly you are to giue intellegence to the councill from time to time of all occurences:

So. desiring the Lords Presence & Blessing with & vpon your vndertaking for the publike good so wee commit you to God. wee are yo obl freinds Edwd Rawson Seceret by order of ye council

You and every of you are hereby required in his Ma'ties name within your respective touns, to impress carts, boards, or other things necessary to build a fortification and shelter at Pautucket falls neare Merrimack river, under the Command of Samuel Hunting, for which this shall be yor Warrant, and futher more the townes afforesaid are to take notice, yt if at any time you be assaulted, you may send to the said Samuel Hunting for succor, whom we hau ordered to give you ayd as occasion shall require. Dated 19 April 1676.

Capt. Samuel Hunting was born July 22, 1640, the son of John Hunting of Dedham. He settled at Chelmsford and later at Charlestown. He married Hannah Hackburne of Roxbury, Dec. 24, 1662, and had ten children. He was killed by the accidental discharge of his gun, Aug. 19, 1701.

Lieut. James Richardson moved from Woburn to Chelmsford in 1659 & there (Captain Thomas Marshall, by special Act, being empowered to solemnize the marriage) married, November 28, 1660, Bridget Henchman, daughter of Thomas, and by her had 8 or more children. He was with Captain Wheeler in the defence of Brookfield and with Simon Davis, of Concord, and John Fiske, of Chelmsford, was appointed by the Captain, who was disabled by his wounds, to Manage the defence. He was afterwards active in the war; removed to Charlestown, May 1, 1676 & served as Lieutenant with Captain Samuel Hunting in his mixed English and Indian Company in the summer and fall of that year at Pawtucket falls, where they built a fortification and maintained a garrison, of which Lieut. Richardson was left in Charge as well as of the Christian Indians at Chelmsford. He was well acquainted with the ways of the Indians and had great influence with them. Bridget, widow of James Richardson, married William Chandler of Andover, october 8, 1679.

Order

It is ordered that twelve pound of pouder wth Shot answerable be delivered to the Committee of Militia of Chelmsford for so much lent by them out of their store to captain Sill at Groton.

And it is further ordered that the Comissarye Mr Jno faireweatherer forthwith convey ouer to ye Constable to Charlestoun half a barrell of pouder & proportionable shott to be delivered to the persons appointed to carry the same to Capt Scyll at Groton together with twelve pounds of pouder with shott answerable to be conveyed & delivered to ye comittee of Militia of Chelmsford for somme lent by them to Capt Scyll for the Country service.

To The Constables Of Charlestoune

These require you in his Majestys name forthwith on sight hereof to Jmpresse two able men completeately armed with fouer Days provission and two very substantiall horses bridles & Sadles & well shod to convey & carry the amu'tion to Chelmsford & Groaten & deliver the same to Capt Scill as comissary faireweather shall direct making yr returne hereof, dated in Boston the 22d of Aprill

You are ordered to deliver two of the countrys horses ye best you have in yr hands to constable Monsall for ye ends above expressed. 22 Aprill 1676

Letter From Chelmsford

This evening Jnformation comming to hand, of An Indian amongst others yt is come along with Wanalaunset, unto Mr Tings Garison: called Hankancor (& ordinarily by the English) al. Calacumbine: who was certajnely known to be amongst the Indians, yt shot at Lieftenant Hicksman at our toune end & fired afterward in the same day, at Tenne - which sd Indian was one (as is affirmed) of ye Guides of those murderers company: & soone he discharged his Gun upon some of the sd Company: considering several things, we have thought fit rather then to apprehend & bring the sd Jndian before yr Honors: to petition yor Honors, he may be sent for, & examined, & testimonies as may come agst him, be called for, & the sd Jndian to be secured, or at least disposed of from these parts. We being put into so great fears, by reason of ye mischeive is apprehended, he hath ben already amongst us achiefd (7) and if It please yor Honors, that Leift. Tho: Hinksman, Jerahmeel Bowers, or who may be nominated by either of ym, may be examined as to ye Case. Not further to trouble yor Honors: Desiring Gods presence with yor Honors we surcease Yor Honors most obliged Jno ffiske senr

The Councill having received information by Major Waldern of the Coming in of Wanalanset, with the sachim of Penicook & several other Jndians now at Cocheechee, & that they have brought in severall english captives & freely delivered them, as a testimony of their goodwill to the English & their desire to maintain peace & friendship with us; as also that by order of the Comittee there, three Jndians of the number abovesayd in hold as having an hand in the Killing of two Englishmen & Captivating those that they have now brought in. It is ordered that the comittee for treating with the Jndians in those Eastern parts are licensed & Authorized if they see cause to imploy those Jndians so come in, in the publick service against the enemy having some English in same Company. & for that end supply them with competent Amunition & that they may also send out with them any one of the Jmprisoned Jndians retayning & effectually securing the other two, that they may all three take their turnes to goe out if incouragement be found So to doe.

It is ordered that the garrison souldiers of Chelmsford, Billericay & Concord be dismissed unless those Townes or any of them shall make it appear, when ordered to the Council that there is a necessity of continuing them or any part of them and the Comanders of those several towns and the garrison souldiers are hereby required to take notice of this order

Petition Of Moses Cleveland

May it please yr hons. yt my brother Saml Clevland hath been in ye service more then these twelve months & harvest & hay time coming in, & J being disenabled by ye lameness of my arm, request yt you would be pleased to release my brother yt we may get in our corn & hay for ye preservation of or selves & cattle, & therein we shall be obliged to further service when yor honrs call us thereunto. Yor. sevt. Moses Cleavland.

Losses At Chelmsford

The Consideration of the losses that Chelmsford sustained by the Enemy and the laste law made the 3d of May last that the losers should have a meete Alottment in ther proportions in ther Rattes is argument to the Selectt men to psent what they with the Alowance of the honored Jenl. Courtt Judge meette to Alow to the Several persons as foloeth out of ther 10 Rates now Required.

5 Agust 1676 by the selectt men of Chelmsford Sam Adams John Burge Thomas Adams William Underwood Thos Chamberline sen This Account of 753: 7:1 was allowed to be abated thier last 10 countrey Rates William park The deputyes approve of the Hugh Mason returne of theire Comittee John Wayt and to this account ye Honorble

Abatement

"In ansr. to the petition of the selectmen of Chelmsford, &c, it is ordered, that Chelmsford be allowed & abated the sume of fiuety three pounds seven shillings and one penny out of their last tenn county rates, toward theire losses." (by the Indian ennemy) Oct. 12, 1676.

In an Account of People Distressed by the war in Mass. Colony, taken Jan 22 1676/7 we find: In Chettinford [Chelmsford] 11 familyes containing 44 persons £6. 12S, OD.

Yesterday I received a letter from Capt. Brocklebanck at Marlborough signifying his desire of being dismissed with his company the reasons he alleadges are 1. their necessities & wants having beene in the countryes service ever since the first of January at Narriganset & within one weeke after their return were sent out againe having neither time nor money (save a fortnights paye upon their march) to recruite themselves 2. he saith they doe little where they are: & he understands they are called off by the Council. I shall make bould to request the like favor in the behalfe of those (at least) some of those troopers & dragoons of Essex that went out last, intended for Hadley but by reason of the disaster at Groton diverted to Concord &c. to beate of & prosecute the enemy in those parts and I directed orders to Major Willard, that with those he first tooke up wth him & then sent, together with the garrisons at Marlborough Lancaster & Chelmsford (if need more) in all above 200 men he might not only defend the townes but might prosecute the enemy there, being within 2 dayes march, but I heare of no such attempt nor indeed of any considerable improvement of them that hath beene, or is like to be. I am therefore sollicitous for many of them that out of a respect to myself went willingly, hoping of a speedy returne to their families and occasions some of them more than ordinary great and urgent I entreate therefore they may be prsently considered & eased to attend the seed time &c. and if there be necessity that others may be sent in their roomes, who may with far less detriment be spared. The stockade from Watertowne to Wamesit, might better be from Watertowne to Sudbury river 9 miles taking in more country, & that river being as good a stop as the stockade the greatest objection is Merrimack river though broad yet I understand is fordable in 20 places betweene Wamesit & Haveril, & cannot be safe without guards wch must be kept upon it, for hast I Jumble many things, wch be pleased to pardon. The Lord Looke in mercy upon his poore distressed people upon your selves in particular so prayes

A line of fortifications or bulwarks was projected, to extend from Charles river to Merrimack river. It was to be a fence of stockade or stones, about eight feet high, for protection against the Indians. The large ponds along the route were to form a part of the defence.

Jacob Parker of Chelmsford; shot through ye Shoulder. Tho. Dutton of Bellricke; shot in ye knee & body. Slain: Andiver. Jno Parker James Parker Lin: one man wch was all they sent [Massachusetts Archives, Vol. 69, p. 137.]

In 1676, On the ''Sabbath"' Jonathan Atherton, a poor soldier, "cut a peece of an old hatt to put in his shooes" which galled his feet from long use, and emptied two or three cartridges from which the powder was leaking and which had become dangerous to carry. He was sentenced by Capt. Henchman to lose a fortnight's pay, and petitioned the Hon. Governor and Council to have the fine remitted; ''yet if it be deemed a breach of the Sabbath, he desires to be humbled before the Lord, and beggs the pardon of His people'"'

Jonathan Poole petitioned to have the fine remitted, giving Atherton a good character; but the Council declared that they saw no cause to grant the petitioner any relief.

morning to informe me, and then went to Mr. Tynge's to informe him that his son being one ye outher sid of Meremaek River a hunting, and his dauter with him up the River over against Souhegan upon the 22 day of this instant, about tene of the Clock in the morning, he discovered 15 Indens on this sid the River, which he soposed to be Mohokes by ther spech. He Called to them, they answered, but he culd not understand ther spech: and he having a canow [canoe] there in the River, he went to breck his canow that they might not have ani ues of it, in the mene time thay shot About thirty guns at him, and he being much frighted fled and come home forthwith to Nahamcok, wher ther wigowemes now stand.

It is reffered to Major Gookin forthwith to Supply Leift. Richardson & his pty at Chelmsford with provision Ammunition & appl necessary & to order him to scout & range ye woods between Merrimack & Pascatawq River & endeavour to kill and sease ye Lurking enemy in those parts for wch the Major is ordered to encourage ym wth a reward of twenty shillings for every scalpe & forty shillings for every prisoner or ye prisoner. And also to make up in number 25 men, & to order ym after some time spent there, to mrch to Blackpoint garison & Their to bee at ye ordering of Liftenant Tipping until further order from the Council the time of Randevous at Blackpoint is to bee the 26 of this Instant June if possible.

About ninety English and Natick Indians, under Captain Swett and Lieutenant James Richardson, were engaged in the fight at Blackpoint, July 29, 1677, where both lost their lives- "The Lieutenant was killed soon after the first onset."'

Chelmsford escaped the terrible fate of some of the other frontier towns, and this was, no doubt, due in part to the influence of Wannalancet and the friendly Wamesits, but the inhabitants of the town were in constant alarm, if not in fear or terror.

The counsel of Passaconaway had its effect upon his son and successor and upon the actions of his people. Although Wannalancet suffered great provocation at the hands of the English, even in his retreat, his wigwams and provisions at Pennacook being destroyed by Captain Mosely's troops, he would not allow his men to retaliate.

Allen (Hist. Chelmsford) says, '"'Wannalancet after a long absence called on the Rev. Mr. Fiske and congratulating him on the restoration of peace, solicitously inquired after the welfare of the people in Chelmsford, and whether they had suffered greatly during the war. Mr. Fiske replied that they had been highly favored, for which he desired to thank God. 'Me next,' said the sagacious sagamore, intimating that through hts influence this town had been exempted from the calamities that had befallen many others."

In March, 1677, he informed Captain Henchman in Chelmsford that the Mohawks, allies of the French, were not far away, and Lieut. Richardson was sent to prevent them from attacking the English.

Wannalancet, with a remnant of his followers, after the return of peace, came back to Wamesit, but it was through ari intrigue of Major Waldron at Dover, where he managed to gather about four hundred of them, and take them prisoners, half of their number being sold as slaves in the West Indies. Wannalancet brought back seven white captives whom he had rescued. The Indians were placed under the care of Colonel Jonathan Tyng of Dunstable. Wannalancet was a man of simple, native goodness, which contrasts favorably with the treatment he received at the hands of the whites.

In 1683 an order was issued awarding £10 to Wannalancet and other Indians to silence their complaints concerning a breach of the treaty made with them.

A gratuity of land, besides their wages, was promised the soldiers in this war, December 10, 1675. Narraganset Township No. 6, now Templeton, Massachusetts, was confirmed by the General Court, February 12, 1733, to one hundred and twenty grantees, or their representatives, then residing in Chelmsford, Concord, Groton, Marlboro', Billerica, Lancaster, Lexington, and other towns in this vicinity.

At the end of the war the plight of the savages was pitiful; without ammunition, without leadership, without country or hope of any sort, they found no mercy now at the hands of their older foes, the Mohegans and Pequots, nor yet the English, says Bodge. These hunted down their defenseless enemies, some of whom escaped to the eastward and put themselves under the protection of Wannalancet and his Pennacooks, who had remained neutral.

"King Philip's War, which was but the beginning of a long series of wars which devastated the frontiers, may be said, properly, to end with the treaty of Casco, April 12, 1678.'' [Windsor.] Hostilities continued, however, until the treaty of Portsmouth, September 8, 1685.

Province Wars 129

Capt. Thomas Henchman of Chelmsford was apprised of the plot against Dover, and sent down a letter of warning to the Council at Boston, as follows:

This day 2 Indians came from Pennacook, viz. Job Maramasquand and Peter Muckamug, who report yt damage will undoubtedly be done within a few days at Piscataqua, and yt Major Waldrons, in particular, is threatened; and Intimates fears yt mischief quickly will be done at Dunstable. The Indians can give a more particular account to your honor. They say iff damage be done, the blame shall not be on them, having given a faithful account of what they hear; and are upon that report moved to leave yr habitation and corn at Pennacook. Sr, I was verry loth to trouble you and to expose myself to the Censure and derision of some of the confident people, that ware pleased to make sport of what I sent down by Capt. Tom. Iam constrained from a sense of my duty and from love of my countrymen to give the acct. as above. So with my humble service to your Honor, and prayers for the safety of an Indangered people,

This letter was received by Mr. Danforth, and on the 27th laid before Gov. Bradstreet and the Council, and a messenger was sent to Dover the same day with the following letter to Major Waldron, which was received too late to prevent the tragedy.

The Governor and Councill haveing this day received a Letter from Major Henchman of Chelmsford, that some Indians are come unto them, who report that there is a gathering of some Indians in or about Penecooke with designe of mischiefe to the English, amongst the said Indians is one Hawkins (Hogkins or Kankamagus) is said to be a principle designer, and that they have a particular designe against yourselfe and Mr. Peter Coffin which the Councill thought it necessary presently to dispatch Advice thereof to give you notice that you take care of yor own Safeguard, they intending endeavour to to betray you on a pretention of Trade. Please forthwith to Signify import hereof to Mr. Coffin and others as you shall think necessary, and Advise of what Information you may receive at any time of the Indians motions. By Order in Councill, Isa: Addington, Sec'y.

After midnight the gates of the garrison house were opened by the squaws who had asked shelter in the garrison houses. The Indians waiting outside rushed in, struck down and bound the Major, eighty years old, into his arm-chair, and placed him thus on the table, where they mocked him, compelled his family to prepare supper for them, slashed the helpless man across the breast, saying, "I cross out my account."" They then cut off his ears and nose and forced them into his mouth, and, when fainting from loss of blood, they held his sword under him, upon which falling, he expired. Some of the cruelties practiced by the Indians are too horrible to relate. Bodge gives a full acount of this event - page 316.

In June, 1689, James Hildreth was confirmed Lieutenant of the Foot Company in Chelmsford, and John Stevens, Ensign. In 1691, Edward Spaulding was Ensign.

A bounty not exceeding £10 per head was offered for Indians' heads or scalps, respect being had to the quality of the enemy taken or destroyed.

These bring you my humble services, Acquainting you that yors bearing date 11th Instant I have received; wherin I understand the great and eminent danger we are in, upon the account of the enemy, or Towne being threatened the next week to be assaulted; And not only from what yors expresses; but also, what was discovered at Groton, the night before last, the which

Province Wars 131

I understand you have been informed of: And Allso at Dunstable, on Thirsday night last towards morning, appeared within view of Mr Weldses Garrisson 4 Indians shewed themselves, as Spyes; and it is Judged (tho not visible) that all the garrissons in said Towne were veiwed by the enemy: and that by reason their cattle and other creatures were put into a strange ffright. Wherefore Honoured and worshipll., I Judge it highly needful and necessary that we have relief at this Towne, and that speedily of about 20 men or more, for the repulsing the enemy in guarding some out places which are considerable, on each side of Marimake, As Mr Haward, Varnham, Coburne &c: which otherwise must come into us, and leave what they have to the Enemy: or be Exposed to the merciles cruelty of bloody and barbarous men. Thus Honourd and worshipll., pleas to consider this request as highly needfull and necessary and be expeditios in granting the same. AllSo, I have ordered of these Troops which are made up of Towns which are in danger, 40 at a time to be out upon scouting (according to order given me) 'Till the latter end of the next week ensving: concerning whom I Jud[gle it needful and necessary that they be released to go home to guard the several Towns they belong to. Thus Honoured and worshippfull pleas to consider of and grant the above petitioned things, which I hope and believe will be conducible to the saftey and security of vs, and these exposed Touns: and highly oblidge, yor most humble Servant Thomas Hinchman

Provenance

Text from History of Chelmsford, Massachusetts, published 1917, in the public domain in the United States and digitised by the Internet Archive. The settlements listed against this township are matched by point-in-polygon test of each Geographic Names Information System coordinate against the Census Bureau's county subdivision boundary, not by name.