Concord Town (part 4 of 10)

" We the subscribers, committee of correspondence for the town of Concord, having taken Into consideration the conduct of Dr. Lee of said town of late, are fully of the opinion, that he be confined to the farm his family now lives upon ; and that, if he should presume to go beyond the bounds and should be killed, his blood be upon his own head. And we recommend to the inhabitants of the town, that, upon his conducting well for the future, and keeping his bounds, they by no means molest, insult, or disturb him, in carrying on his common affairs on said farm. Jonas Heywood,

Dr. Lee was not set at liberty till June 4, 1776. His house was fired at several times by soldiers who passed through town ; and so strong was the feeling against all called tories, that he would probably have been killed, had he gone beyond his bounds. All his privileges were, however, restored to him.^ The estate of one individual only in Concord, that of Daniel Bliss, Esq., was confiscated and sold by government.

The citizens of Boston, called by a notice published in the newspapers, held their town meeting in Concord, July 18, 1775, when they elected a representative, and transacted other town business. At this time that town was occupied by the British troops, and many of its inhabitants removed to Concord.

The Provincial Congress ordered that the probate records, " supposed to be at Mr. Danforth's and Dr. Kneeland's houses, and the other records of the county at Mr. Foxcroft's, should be removed to Dr. Minott's in Concord."

The buildings of Harvard College were occupied as barracks for the American army, while stationed at Cambridge, and the students were dispersed. The college was removed to Concord, and commenced its operations on the first of October, 1775. President Langdon lived at Dr. Minott's (now the Middlesex Hotel) ; Professor Sewall lived at James Jones's ; Professor Wigglesworth at the Bates place on the Bedford road ; and Professor Winthrop at Darius Merriam's, near which was the library and philosophical apparatus ; and other officers in different parts of the town. Twelve of the students boarded in the house now owned by Joseph Barrett, Esq., and others in many different places. The recitations were at the court-house and meeting-house. Prayers were attended at the latter place. The following proceedings of the government of the college were communicated to the town when it was about to be removed to Cambridge.

" Concord, June 12, 1776. At a meeting of the President, Professors, and Tutors of Harvard College, voted, that the following address of thanks be presented by the president to the selectmen, the gentlemen of the committee, and other gentlemen and inhabitants of the town of Concord, who have favored the college with their encouragement and assistance, in its removal to this town, by providing accommodations.

" Gentlemen, - The assistance you have afforded us in obtaining accommodations for this society here, when Cambridge was filled with the glorious army of freemen, which was assemi Dr. Lee's son, Jonas, was a warm friend of liberty, and for his son's sake many were restrained from committing outrages upon him.

" We have observed with pleasure the many tokens of your friendship to the college ; and particularly thank you for the use of your public buildings. We hope the scholars while here have not dishonored themselves and the society by any incivilities or indecencies of behaviour, or that you will readily forgive any errors which may be attributed to the inadvertence of youth.

" May God reward you with all his blessings, grant us a quiet re-settlement in our ancient" seat to which we are now returning, preserve America from slavery, and establish and continue religion, learning, liberty, peace, and the happiest government in these American colonies to the end of the world.

The committee of correspondence, &c., chosen March, 1776, w^ere John Cuming, Esq., Ephraim Wood, Jr., Esq., Captain Jonas Hey wood. Captain Joseph Hosmer, James Barrett, Esq., Captain David Brown, and Captain George Minott. In 1777, Colonel John Buttrick, Josiah Merriam, Isaac Hubbard, Captain Abishai Brown, Captain David Wheeler, Mr. Ephraim Potter, and Lieutenant Nathan Stow. In 1778, John Cuming, Esq., Colonel John Buttrick, Ephraim Wood, Jr., Esq., Jonas Heywood, Esq., James Barrett, Esq., Captain David Brown, and Mr. Josiah Merriam. These were reelected in '79, '80, '81, and '82, In 1783, James Barrett, Esq. Jonas Heywood, Esq., Ephraim Wood, Jr., Esq., Captain David Brown, and Lieutenant Joseph Hay ward. This committee was not chosen afterwards.

A convention of about 100 members of committees of correspondence from 32 towns in the county, called by the members in Concord, was held here August 20, 1776, and passed some spirited resolutions in relation to the duties of committees, and guarding against any efforts of the enemies of liberty. Ephraim Wood, Jonas Heywood, and James Barrett, Esquires, were chosen a county committee to call other meetings.

by the town for the purpose, reported the prices of various kinds of " common labor, carpenters', cordwainers', blacksmiths', women's labor, firewood, charcoal, live swine, horse-hire, chaise-hire, upper leather, saddlery, entertainment at public houses, flax, spirits, milk, clothiers' work," &c. &c. All who varied from the established prices were prosecuted and treated as enemies. Colonel John Buttrick was chosen to collect evidence against such as might be brought to trial. It does not appear, however, that any prosecutions took place in Concord.

A state convention met in Concord, July 14, 1779. The delegates from this town were John Cuming, Esq., Jonas Hey wood, Esq., James Barrett, Esq., Colonel John Buttrick, Ephraim Wood, Jr., Esq., Captain David Brown, and Mr. Josiah Merriam ; from Bedford, Mr. John Merriam ; from Acton, Captain Joseph Robbins, Mr. Seth Brooks, and Mr. Thomas Noyes ; and from Lincoln, Capt. Samuel Farrar and Abijah Pierce, Esq. The whole number was 174. The object of this convention was to establish a state price-current, and to adopt other means to prevent monopoly, extortion, and unfair dealing. The meeting was opened and closed with prayer by the Rev. Mr. Ripley. The Hon. Azor Orne, of Marblehead, was Chairman, and Samuel Ruggles, Secretary. After passing some very spirited resolutions, fixing the prices of several articles of merchandise, and agreeing upon an address to the people, the convention adjourned on the 17th, recommending another similar one to meet again in October.

Their proceedings were laid before the town, July 30th, when they were approved, and a committee of thirteen chosen, " more fully to regulate the prices of articles of produce among us." This committee reported, August 9th, when another, of six, was chosen, in conjunction with the committee of correspondence, " to keep a watchful eye over the people, and proceed against any who should dare transgress the regulated prices of articles enumerated, either in or out of town, by taking more than they are set in the report ; and to treat them as enemies to their country." The town voted also " to support their committee in every regular method they shall take to punish those that violate them."

ford, Acton, and Lincoln, was held here, Aug\ist 5th, which revised previous price-currents, and endear\'oured to make one which should he uniform through the towns represented. John Cuming, Esq. was Chairman, and Ephraim Wood, Jr., Secretary.

A state convention met in Concord again, October 6th, and continued in session seven days. Colonel Cuming and Captain David Brown were delegates from Concord. A revised edition of the state price-current, several new spirited resolutions, relating to trade, currency, &c., and an address to the people, were adopted and published. County, town, and district meetings were recommended to carry these resolutions into effect. They were laid before this town, November 1st, and a committee of fourteen chosen, to fix the prices of such articles as were not therein enumerated. They reported, the next week, that, as the regulations agreed upon by the late convention had been broken over by the inhabitants of Boston and many other places, they thought it not proper to proceed in the business assigned them, but to postpone the matter." Thus ended the proceedings relating to this difficult subject. It was indeed a fruitless attempt to enforce a system of uniform prices of merchandise, while the currency was constantly depreciating in value. And it is believed, that the attempts just noticed were means to increase private property, more than to promote the public good. The value of money was regulated monthly. January 1st, 1777, ^100 in silver was worth $105 currency ; in 177S, $328 ; in 1779, $742 ; in 1780, $2934; and in February, 1781, $7500. Such a rapid depreciation introduced great embarrassment and distress into all commercial transactions, which no body of men could remove by resolutions, addresses, price-currents, or prosecutions.

The number of men furnished by Concord for actual service in the war of the revolution was very great in proportion to her population ; but how great cannot now be fully estimated. From the commencement of the war till May, 1778, unless voluntary enlistments could be procured, the militia officers were called upon to make drafts. These drafts were often made on the property, and sometimes included females and persons ordinarily exempted from military duty, who were obliged to hire a man. These were hired in or out of town, as was most convenient. From that time the town by its committees, or in classes, procured men. On the 10th of May, 1777, the 9th of December, 1778, and the 4th of April, 1780, estimates were made by the town of the " several services done in the war, 3 years' men excepted, by the town, classes, or individuals," and an average of the same made and assessed upon the inhabitants, and called average or war taxes. The amount of the first average was £2161 Os, Sd, ; the 2d, £5192 ; and the 3d, (in silver), £1295 4s. 11c?. The following table, compiled with labor and care from these estimates and other authentic sources of information, exhibits, though imperfectly, the number of men from Concord, the date of the resolve of the Council, or General Court, when they were required, at what place they were employed, and the bounties paid by the town. In this abstract are not included many who enlisted voluntarily, or marched on a sudden alarm for a short period, or were procured in classes, or where it is doubtful to what campaign they belonged. This would swell the list very much. In some instances they were not exclusively stationed as mentioned in the table, but marched to other places.

The pecuniary sacrifices made by Concord on account of the revolution were also very great ; but how great, it is impossible fully to estimate. I have gathered the following facts on the subject.

Whilst Boston w^as occupied with the British troops, in 1775, the poor endured great sufferings. In January and February £70 in money, 225 bushels of grain, and a quantity of meat and wood were, at different times, contributed by Concord for their relief. May 1st, the provincial Congress ordered that they should be supported by the country towns ; 66 were assigned to Concord, 32 to Acton, 29 to Bedford, and 29 to Lincoln. It appears, however, that 21 families, containing 82 persons, were supported here. £80 was paid for them between May 13th and October. In the winter of 1775 and 1776, the town carried to Cambridge, for the use of the army, 210 cords of wood, 5 tons of hay, and some other articles, for which it paid £150. In July, 1775, the town was required to furaish " 37 pairs of shirts, breeches, and stockings, and 75 coats." In January, 1776, Concord provided 20 blankets, Bedford 12, Acton 10, and Lincoln 14. In November, 1777, and at several other times, the town voted to provide for the families of those engaged in the continental army. £1214 was paid for this purpose before September, 1779. The town voted, in March, 1778, to procure, at an expense of £285, " shirts, shoes, and stockings, equal to the number of soldiers in the continental army, or the seventh part of the male inhabitants of the town over 16 years of age : " 60 were assigned to Concord, 19 to Bedford, 28 to Acton, and 28 to Lincoln. Captain Joseph Hosmer was the receiver for the whole county. From October, 1780, to the July following, 42,779 lbs. of beef were furnished by the town for the army. Every aid, whether in men, money, clothing, or provisions, required for the public service during the war, was readily furnished.

As a specimen of the enormous expenses of the town at this period, I select, from its records, the taxes actually assessed and collected during 1780 and 1781. In 1779 the taxes amounted, in silver, to $6,281-88, in 1782 to $9,544-98, and in 1783 to $5,208-69. When it is recollected that the town then contained about 1300 inhabitants only, their sacrifices will appear still greater. The annual taxes, principally for the public benefit, were then double what they have been for some time past with a population more than one third greater. The currency having been fluctuating, I have reduced the several sums to their real value in silver at the time they were assessed, according to the authorized tables of depreciation.

In addition to these oppressive taxes, large sums were raised in classes to hire soldiers, and by individuals who were drafted and compelled to go into actual service, or hire a Substitute. It is as impossible to estimate the exact amount paid by the citizens of Concord to purchase our independence, as it is too much to admire their exalted patriotism.

On the first of October, 1776, the town was called upon to act on the question, " whether it would give its consent that the House of Representatives w^ith the Council should enact a constitution or form of government for this state." The subject was referred to a committee, consisting of Ephraim Wood, Jr., Nathan Bond, Colonel James Barrett, Colonel John Buttrick, and James Barrett, Esq., who reported the following resolves, which were unanimously accepted by the town.

Resolved, 1. That this state being at present destitute of a properly established form of government, it is absolutely necessasary that one should be immediately formed and estabhshed.

" 2. That the supreme legislature, in their proper capacity, are by no means a body proper to form and establish a constitution or form of government, for reasons following, viz. 1. Because we conceive that a constitution, in its proper sense, intends a system of principles established to secure the subject in the possession and enjoyment of the rights and privileges against any encroachments of the governing party. 2. Because the same body that forms a constitution have of consequence a power to alter it. 3. Because a constitution alterable by the supreme legislature is no security at all to the subject against the encroachments of the governing party on any or all their rights and privileges.

"3. That it appears to this town highly expedient, that a convention or congress be immediately chosen to form and establish a constitution, by the inhabitants of the respective towns in the state, being free and twenty-one years of age and upwards, in proportion as the representatives of the state were formerly chosen : the convention or congress not to consist of a greater number, than the House of Assembly in this state heretofore might consist of, except that each town and district shall have liberty to send one representative or otherwise, as shall appear meet to the inhabitants of this state in general.

4. That when the convention or congress have formed a constitution, they adjourn for a short time, and publish their proposed constitution for the inspection and remarks of the people of the state.

" 5. That the House of Assembly of this state be desired to recommend to the inhabitants to proceed to choose a convention or congress, for the purpose above mentioned, as soon as possible."

Notwithstanding these wholesome instructions, a constitution was made by the General Court and sent to this town ; but it refused, June 15, 1778, unanimously, by 111 votes, to accept it, for reasons above mentioned.

A convention, to which John Cuming and Ephraim Wood, Jr., Esqrs., were delegates from Concord, met in Cambridge in the fall of 1779, and formed a constitution, which was submitted to the town. May 27, 1780. The bill of rights was approved with the following exceptions. The 2d article had 2 votes against it ; the 3d, 8 ; the 9th, 3 ; and to the 29th, one desired to add the words " no longer." The 1st, 2d, 4th, 5th, and 6th chapters were unanimously adopted with the following exceptions. The 1st and 2d article of the 2d section, 1st chapter, had 3 votes against it ; the 8th article in the same section, 8 ; the 3d and 6th articles of the 3d section, in the same chapter, had 1 vote each against them. The 2d article, 1st section, 2d chapter, was proposed to be amended by inserting the word " Protestant " ; and the 13th of the same section, by having the " salary of the governor," &c. stated yearly. The word " Protestant " was also proposed to be inserted in the 1st article in the 6th chapter.* The first town

* The votes on the constitution, as revised, in 1820, were as follows. The first article 46 yeas and 77 nays ; the 2cl, 46 yeas, 81 nays ; the 3d,

Chapter Ix

State of Feeling subsequent to the Revolution. - Proceedings of the County and of the Town. - Mr. Avery's Letter. - Armed Men assemble at Concord. - Courts stopped. - Notice of the Insurgents. - Proceedings of the Town. - The War of 1612. - County Courts and Shire Towns regulated. - Proceedings of the Town on this Subject.

Concord, from its central situation and importance in the . county, was also the theatre of many interesting events during the insurrection of 1786, known as " Shays's Insurrection." In common with other towns, it felt, with great severity, the pressure of the times immediately succeeding the revolutionary war. The large drafts on the town for men and money to carry on that . war, the scarcity of money, and the depreciation in value of that received for public service, the decay of business, the increase of public and private debts, and the numerous law-suits arising therefrom, tlie introduction of profligate manners, and the want of confidence in government, with other existing evils, were grievances (as they were then generally called), which produced great public and private embarrassment. There were a few persons in this, and many in other towns in the county, who were inclined to join in such an appeal to arms as would, in their opinion, compel the government to grant relief. A great majority of the inhabitants of Concord lamented the existing evils, but their proceedings were constitutional, conciliatory, and highly commendable. Interesting and able instructions, given to the representatives in 1782, 1784, and 1786, express the sentiments of

A convention of delegates from a majority of the towns in the county of Middlesex was held in Concord, August 23, 1786, " to consult on matters of public grievance under which the people labor." This convention was called by Captain John Nutting, of Pepperell, chairman of a convention of committees from Groton, Pepperell, Shirley, Townsend, and Ashby, which had met at Groton the 29th of the previous June. Concord was represented in the convention by Messrs. Isaac Hubbard, David Brown, Jonas Lee, Joseph Chandler, and Samuel Bartlett ; and, to guard them against any rash proceedings, the town instructed them " to oppose every unconstitutional measure that may be proposed by said convention, strictly to adhere to the rules prescribed by the constitution of this commonwealth ; in particular, to oppose any instructions in favor of paper money being emitted ; and that they endeavour to take every measure to encourage industry, frugality, and good economy through the country." John Merriam and Timothy Jones were delegates from Bedford ; Simon Tuttle and Thomas Noyes, from Acton ; Samuel Farrar and Samuel Hoar, from Lincoln ; and Thomas Hutchins and Asa Parlin, from Carlisle. After the objects of the meeting had been considered, ten articles of grievance voted, and an address to the public adopted and ordered to be pubhshed, the convention adjourned to meet again on the first Tuesday in October. There were several in this convention who took an active part in the subsequent opposition to government.

These proceedings did not meet the entire approbation of the people of Concord. They were aware that some of these sentiments were highly improper, and, if carried into effect, would lead to open rebellion. On the 22d of August, conventions had been held in the counties of Hampshire and Berkshire, whose proceedings were similar to those in Middlesex ; and about 1500 men had actually assembled under arms at Northampton, and prevented the sitting of the court there. The Court of Common Pleas, which was to sit in Concord on the 12th of September following, had been mentioned, by the Middlesex convention, as one of the public grievances. And though there was good ground to believe the people of this county were more

September Sth, tiie Governor ordered that the artillery companies of Roxbury and Dorchester be called upon to march to Concord " to support the court on Tuesday next, to be under the command of General Brooks." Such other companies as the exigencies might require were to be ordered from the county of Suffolk.

At this critical period, a special town meeting was called on Saturday the 9th, when the riotous measures, which had taken place in other counties to suppress courts of justice, were " seriously and deliberately " discussed. The town voted that they were " alarming," and " declared their utter abhorrence of such riotous conduct." A committee, consisting of the Hon. Joseph Hosmer, Rev. Ezra Ripley, Mr. Samuel Bartlett, Jonas Heywood, Esq., and Captain David Brown, was chosen to prepare a circular letter to other towns in the county, " inviting their cooperation in acting as mediators between the government and the opposition, and in using their utmost endeavours to calm the people's minds," should they meet the next week to prevent the session of the court. After an adjournment of half an hour, the committee reported the following address, which was several times read, and unanimously adopted.

"Gentlemen, - Alarmed at the threatening aspect of our public affairs, this town has this day held a meeting, and declared, unanimously, their utter disapprobation of the disorderly proceedings of a number of persons in the counties of Hampshire and Worcester, in preventing the sitting of the courts there. And apprehending the like may be attempted in this county, and probably attended with very dangerous consequences, we have thought it advisable to endeavour, in conjunction with as many of the neighbouring towns, as we can give seasonable information to, by lenient measures, to dissuade from such rash conduct as may involve the state in anarchy and confusion, and the deprecated horrors of civil war. We conceive the present uneasiness of the people to be not altogether groundless ; and although many designing men, enemies to the present government, may wish and actually are fomenting uneasiness among the people, yet we are fully persuaded, that the views of by far the greater part are to obtain redress of what they conceive to be real grievances. And since the method they have taken cannot fail of meeting the hearty disapprobation of every friend of peace and good order, we cannot but hope, from what we know of the strenuous exertions which have been made by the towns around us, and in which those disorders above mentioned now exist, to purchase at the expense of blood our independence, and the great unanimity with which they have established our present government ; and from what we know of the real grounds of their complaints ; were lenient measures used, and a number of towns united to endeavour, by every rational argument, to dissuade those who may seem refractory from measures which tend immediately to destroy the fair fabric of our government, and to join in legal and constitutional measures to obtain redress of what may be found to be real grievances ; they w^ould be attended with happy effects. We have therefore chosen a committee to act in concert with the neighbouring towns, for the purpose of mediating* between opposing parties, should they meet. And we cannot but hope, our united endeavours to support the dignity of government and prevent the effusion of blood, will meet with general approbation, and beattended with happy consequences.

" If the above should meet with your approbation, we request you to choose some persons to meet a committee of this town, chosen for that purpose, at the house of Captain Oliver Brown, innholder in Concord, on Monday evening or Tuesday morning next, that we may confer together, and adopt measures which may be thought best calculated for the attainment of the ends above proposed. We are, gentlemen, with great esteem and friendship, your humble servants.

Copies of this address were immediately sent to the several towns in the county, and, notwithstanding the short notice, twentyfour were represented in the convention. Captain Duncan Ingraham, of Concord, was chosen to present the address to the Governor for his approbation. This was done the next day (Sun- day), when, on account of tlie critical state of public affairs, a special session of the council was convened in Boston. The proceedings of Concord were ]ii<i;lily approved, and the address was copied, by order of the Exeruti\ e, and sent to ]5ristol county, with an urgent request that similar measures might be adopted there. In consequence of tliese tinudy proceedings, the orders to General Brooks for calhng out the mihtia were countermanded ; and much good was anticipated from the proposed mediation.

The following letter to the Honorable Joseph Hosmer from the Secretary of the State, in relation to the proceedings of Concord, is deemed worthy of preservation.

" Dear Sir, - The address of the town of Concord, to the several towns in the county of Middlesex, does the town great honor ; and I cannot but think, that the measures you have adopted will have a happy tendency to conciliate the minds of the people, and be productive of great good. Your address came in a critical moment, which his Excellency communicated to the judges of the Supreme Judicial Court, and several gentlemen of the Senate and of the House of Representatives, who were assembled, by the desire of the Governor, to consult on measures necessary to be adopted at this very alarming crisis of our affairs, who expressed their approbation, in the warmest terms, respecting the proceedings of your town. And be assured, that the measures that were taken in consequence thereof gave me the highest satisfaction ; and as a convincing proof, I have set myself down this evening to express it to my good friend Major Hosmer, whose goodness of heart I have long been acquainted with through very perilous times."

" It is the greatest grief to me to see people, who might be the happiest in the world, adopt measures to sap the very foundation of our excellent constitution. I am sensible that we are under great embarrassments and there are grievances, but in my humble opinion they are most of them really imaginary. If a little more industry and economy were practised by the community at large, they would be very happy ; but there are some idle people going from county to county, inflaming the minds of many, filling their heads with stories of the most improbable nature, sowing sedition, and making every attempt to overthrow our excellent constitution. The stopping of the Courts of Common Pleas, in the several counties, is but a small part of their infernal plan, which many worthy good people, who join these persons, are little aware of, but sooner or later they will be acquainted with it.

" I have not time to add further, except wishing that the gentlemen, who shall meet at Concord on Tuesday next, upon the subject matter of your address, may have divine direction in their deliberations.

Notwithstanding these precautionary measures, about 100 men under arms from Groton and its neighbourhood, commanded by Captains Job Shattuck, of Groton, and Nathan Smith and Sylvanus Smith, of Shirley, assembled at Concord, about 5 o'clock on Monday afternoon, September 12. They lodged that night in the court-house, barns, and such temporary shelter as they could obtain, and on Tuesday took possession of the ground in front of the court-house, marked out their lines, and formed in columns around it, to prevent any but their own party from entering. About 2 o'clock, P. M. one of the party, acting as a sergeant, with two drums and fifes, went some distance, and in about half an hour returned at the head of about 90 men, armed and on horseback, from the counties of Hampshire and Worcester, led by one Wheeler of Hubbardstown, and Converse of Hardwick, and joined the other party, which had increased to about 200.

The convention, invited by Concord, convened at the meetinghouse on Tuesday morning, and was organized by choosing Isaac Stearns, of Billerica, chairman, and Samuel Bartlett, of Concord, secretary. It was opened with prayer by the Reverend Ezra Ripley. A committee was appointed to confer with the people under arms, to know the purpose of their assembling ; and another ta wait on the justices of the courts to inform them of the objects of the convention and of the insurgents. In this manner, commucation was opened between the different parties. The committee to confer with the armed men were unsuccessful in convincing them of the impropriety of their conduct. About one o'clock they received the following note.

" The voice of the people of this county is, that the Court of General Sessions of tlie Peace and Court of Common Pleas shall not enter this court-house until such time as the people shall have a redress of a number of grievances they labor under at present, which will be set forth in a petition, or remonstrance, to the next General Court. Job Shattuck.

After the reception of this paper tlie committee used further arguments to dissuade from violence, and to be contented with the openino; and adjournment of the courts, which finally produced the following endorsement.

Half past 3 o'clock. " Since writing the within, it is agreed that the Court of Sessions may open and adjourn to the last Tuesday of November next without going into the court-house.

The committee laid these communications before the justices of the courts, and stated the particulars of their conference with the insurgents ; and it was recommended that they should suspend their session. While this subject was under consideration, the insurgents became impatient. Smith beat round for volunteers, and addressed the people, declaring that " any person who did not follow his drum and join his standard, should be drove out of town at the point of the bayonet, let them be court, town committee, or W'hat else." " I am going," said he, " to give the court four hours to agree to our terms, and if they do not, I and my party will compel them to it. I will lay down my life to suppress the government from all triannical oppression, and you, who are willing to join us in this here affair, may fall into our ranks." Few, however, joined his standard. His language was offensive even to his own party.

Two companies, one on horseback, and another on foot, marched to Jones's tavern, where the court was assembled, and halted and faced about towards the house in a menacing manner. They were informed that neither court would be opened ; and the party marched off to the main body. The court soon after left town ; and the convention separated, after choosing a committee to lay their proceedings before the Governor, and adopting the following expression of their sentiments.

" This body cannot forbear to express their disagreeable and painful sensations, that their endeavours to dissuade from rash and unlawful measures have proved so ineffectual. They declare their utter abhorrence of the measures adopted by the body in arms, and are fully sensible of the high criminality of such opposition to established authority, which, if not speedily prevented, must unavoidably involve the commonwealth in calamities innumerable and inexpressible."

The insurgents increased during the day to about 300, nearly 200 of whom were armed with guns, and the remainder with swords, clubs, &c. They generally looked wretchedly. " Almost all the muskets," says a cotemporary writer, " were rendered useless by the rain, and the men by New-England rum, so that probably, if occasion required, not above 30 or 40 men would have been procured capable of opposing any governmental measures." They dispersed late on Tuesday night ; and it was several weeks from that time before any new exertions were made in Concord in opposition to government. The discontented turned their attention to other counties. These events, however, produced great excitement among the people. All classes arranged themselves with, or in opposition to the government. Even the boys in the streets were seen with their hats labelled with government," or " opposition." It was indeed a day of great anxiety.

The county convention, which met here, as already noticed, on the 23d of August, met again by adjournment on the 3d of October. Eighteen towns were represented. The following petition to the general court was drawn up, and signed by Samuel Reed, chairman, praying relief for seventeen specified articles of grievance. The first ten were the same as voted at the first meeting of the convention, on the 23d of August. It specifies, -

" That your petitioners, being chosen by their respective towns for the purpose of collecting the sentiments of those towns which they represent respecting their present grievances, and to seek relief in a peaceable, orderly, and constitutional way ; viewing, with the greatest abhorrence and detestation, the late riotous pro- ceedings of a rash and inconsiderate body of people, in opposing the sitting of the courts of justice, notwithstanding their leaders did falsely pretend to signify the ' voice of the people ' in this county in so doing ; and, having collected the sentiments of the several towns, which we here represent, do point out the following particulars as grievances, and pray the honorable court for redress, viz.

1st. The sitting of the General Court in the town of Boston, which, for reasons we trust obvious to the honorable Court, is by no means adapted to expedite public business.^

" 2d. Tijat the Court of Common Pleas is so burthensome by reason of the extraordinary expense arising therefrom, without any considerable advantage to the people.

" 5th. The want of a circulating medium has so stagnated business, that, unless speedily remedied, it will involve the greater part of the community in a state of bankruptcy.

" 6th. The taking of men's bodies, and confining them in jail for debt, when they have property sufficient to answer the demands - of their creditors.

" 9th. The manner of electing jurors, as to their qualifications and pay. Serving as jurors has been esteemed as a burthen on the subject, which has been the means of filling our boxes with many men entirely unqualified for that business.

^The people wished the General Court should sit in the country; and Concord was, for several years about this time, talked of as the place of

" 13th. That the registering of deeds, under the present establishment, is far more expensive than is necessary, as the same might be done in the several towns.

" 17th. That the thirtieth article in the bill of rights in the Constitution is not more strictly attended to, - in admitting persons to hold seats in our legislature to enact laws, and at the same time hold and exercise the judicial powers of government, as thereby our government becomes a government of men and not of laws.

" Your petitioners humbly beg your honors' attention to these our grievances, and pray for a speedy redress, and, as in duty bound, will ever pray.

The proceedings of this convention were taken into consideration by the town of Concord at a meeting held October 9th, when, after long dehberation, it was voted not to approve of them. A committee was chosen to draw up instructions to their representative, w^ho reported, at great length and with great abihty, the reasons which governed them.

On the 31st of October the Supreme Court met at Cambridge, and it was anticipated that efforts would be made to oppose its proceedings ; and about 3000 of the militia marched thither for its protection. They were shortly dismissed. The chief justice, in his charge to the grand jury, spoke of the riotous proceedings of the insurgents in strong terms of disapprobation.

On the 28th of November the Court of Common Pleas was to sit in Cambridge ; and though the leading insurgent of the 12th of September had been persuaded not to take any measure in opposition to government, his agreement was overruled in secret council with the leaders in Worcester county. On the 27th a party, headed by Oliver Parker, marched into Concord, intending to proceed to Cambridge. Job Sbattuck came in a secret manner; and, after his arrival, went under cover of night " to Weston to get intelligence of the Worcester forces ; but though they had begun their marcli, they did not appear ; and from want of cooperation the whole plan fell through. The insurgents at Concord, growing disheartened, scattered before any force could reach tliem."

Warrants were issued for apprehending the leading insurgents in Middlesex, and were committed to the sheriff. A military force volunteered to assist him, leaving Boston the 29th of November, and proceeding immediately to Concord. The militia of this town stood ready to aftbrd any assistance. A party of horse was despatched to secure the subjects of the warrants, and returned at night with Page and Parker prisoners. Not having succeeded in apprehending Shattuck, the principal leader, they proceeded to his house in Groton, and on their arrival found he had taken the alarm and fled to the woods. A search was made, and after considerable exertion he was taken, about 10 o'clock, A. M. November 30th. He received several wounds from his pursuers during his arrest, some of which were very dangerous, - a treatment which was generally censured. He was taken to Boston the next day and confined in prison, where he received medical aid, but never entirely recovered the use of his limbs. In the fol lowing May he was tried at Concord, and condemned to be hanged. But the government treated him with lenity, as they did all those who unfortunately acted, as he did, from mistaken views, and gave him a full pardon, September 20, 1787.^ Ephraim Wood, Esq. obtained this pardon from government.

1 Captain Job Shattuck died in Groton, January 13, 1819, aged 84. He had been a brave and successful officer in the French and revolutionary wars, and often affirmed, that he looked on no act of his life with more satisfaction than that to which I have adverted ; though he is said to have felt grateful for the pardon at the time, and remarked, he " would always be a good subject afterwards." Whatever the object of those acts i might originally have been, the ultimate results were undoubtedly good, j The people were thereby taught the necessity of a general union of the ll states, and of the speedy adoption of the federal constitution. TJiey were t| induced to take such measures as gave the people confidence in the government, and promoted the general prosperity.

After the apprehension of the opposing leaders in Middlesex, the insurrection was confined to other counties. Detachments of soldiers were made in January to suppress it. One fiom Concord marched to Worcester, Springfield, Hadley, Amherst, Petersham, back to Amherst, Hadley, Northampton, Westhampton, Pittsfield, Farmington, Loudon, Sandersfield, Southwick, West- Springfield, back to Worcester and home. The officers of this company w ere Roger Brown, Captain ; Amos Barrett, Lieutenant ; and Jonas Heald, of Acton, Ensign ; and were attached to the regiment commanded by Colonel Henry Woods, of Pepperell, and Lieutenant Colonel William Monroe, of Lexington. They left Concord, January 19th, and returned February 26th. On the 27th of January the town voted " to provide the famihes of those soldiers, that were gone, w^ith the necessaries of life, while absent, if asked for." A bounty was paid by subscription. All the militia marched as far as Marlborough ; but, before they had been long absent, they were ordered back again. The people of this town took no further part in the insurrection.^

From the following instructions, given to the representative in May, 1787, it will be perceived that the town had not forgotten the critical state of the times. As it was the last time the > town instructed its representative, it is thought proper to present them entire.

" Sir, - The critical period, in which you are appointed to represent this town in the General Court, points out to us the importance of a strict adherence to the principles of our constitution, while we express our sentiments on those measures we suppose necessary to be adopted. With real sorrow we have seen, in the course of the year past, an attempt made by wicked and unreasonable men to destroy that constitution we have so lately established, and to interrupt the execution of those laws, without which our lives, property, and every thing dear and sacred, would be insecure. We should be wanting In gratitude should we neglect, on this occasion, to express our hearty approbation of the

I General Daniel Shays, the leader in this insurrection, died at Sparta, New York, September '29, 18*25, aged 64. Notn ithstanding his conduct in this affair, he was pardoned, and was afterwards a pensioner on government.

wise and spirited measures, adopted by the legislature, for preventino; the calamities which of late threatened this commonwealth, and for sup[)orting the dlii;nity and authority of our government, and for the elfccts wiiich have happily followed those measures. We conceive it to be hif^hly ex})ediL'nt, that a similar line of conduct should still be preserved in order to perfect peace and tranquillity among us.

" The happy privilege enjoyed by us of choosing annually our rulers, men from among ourselves, who must share equally with their brethren the weight and burthen which may be necessarily laid, and who are responsible to their constituents for the faithful discharge of their duty, must greatly aggravate the folly and madness of those, who, under pretence of procuring a redress of grievances, have drawn the sword against their own government and laws ; especially as our representatives, if they are men of ability and integrity, may remove every real grievance complained of. Many causes concur to render our present situation critical and distressing. The debts contracted in the late war, public and private ; the decay of public faith and credit ; the want of public and private virtue ; the shameful neglect of economy, frugality, and industry ; an unbounded fondness for foreign luxuries, fashions, and manners, w^th a restless, impatient, and unreasonable jealousy of our rulers, are the causes of our present unhappiness ; to remove which we conceive no effectual remedy can be applied, unless as a people we tread back the steps that have led us to our present unhappy situation.

" The want of confidence in public promises requires, that every exertion should be made, when promises are made by public bodies, that they should be held sacred and inviolable. To restore public and private virtue, those in higher stations (whose manners are readily copied by the lower classes of men) should set the example ; and all orders endeavour to revive and practise that honesty and simplicity of manners, that have hitherto been the characteristic of the inhabitants of this state.

^' There is certainly need of economy and prudence in the expense of government, as far as it consists with the preservation of the same ; that eveiy encouragement be given to our own manufactures, and that such further duties he laid on foreign luxuries as shall tend to stop their importation. And that our government may be preserved and respected, it is necessary that the laws should be punctually executed. To provide some way for raising some supplies for the public expenses, which shall be less burdensome on the landed interest, is an object we particularly recommend to you. And we especially instruct you to oppose the emission of paper money. When any matter of importance is to be transacted, respecting which the mind of your constituents is not known, you will have recourse to them for direction. And at the close of the session, or at the end of the year, in order that your constituents may have the fullest information of the doings of the legislature, as well as the reasons therefor, that you be ready to satisfy them. And in every respect, that you make the constitution of this commonwealth your rule, and the happiness and prosperity of this and the United States the end, in all measures adopted. By order of the committee,

" Concord, May 28, 1787. Ephraim Wood, Chairman,'^ These instructions were drawn up by a committee, consisting of Messrs. Ephraim Wood, James Barrett, Samuel Bartlett, Jonas Lee, and Asa Brooks, and were attributed to the pen of Mr. Bartlett.^

From this time to 1812, no events of great importance took place in town, excepting such as will hereafter be mentioned in the miscellaneous history. June 6, 1794, there were detached 41 persons, under command of Captain William Jones, and composed part of the " Oxford Army."

In the war, declared in 1812, Concord furnished several enlisted and several drafted soldiers. The Honorable John L. Tuttle, a Colonel till his death ,^ and Frederick Hildreth, a

1 Samuel Bartlett, Esq. was son of Roger Bartlett and Anna Hurd, and born in Boston, November 17, 1752. He was bred a goldsmith, and soon after commencing business removed to Concord in 1775, and was married the next year. While resident here he was an influential and useful man. In 1795 he was chosen register of deeds, and removed to Cambridge, where he died, September 29, 1821, aged 69 ; having held that office till his death. Of three sons, all born in Concord, Samuel was bred a mechanic ; John, born May 23, 1784, graduated at Harvard College, in J 805, and is now minister at Marblehead ; and Benjamin Dixon, born September 12,1789, graduated at Harvard College in 1810, and is now settled as a physician in Maine.

Lieutenant a short time, were the only commissioned officers in the regular service. Lieutenant Sullivan Burbank was stationed, as a recruiting officer, in the house now owned by the Honorable Samuel Hoar.

The militia were called upon several times. The town voted, in May, 1812, to allow {J*3 each, in addition to their wages, to all who should be detached under the United States law. Early in September, 1814, orders were issued for calling out the militia of the state for the defence of the sea-coast. The Light Infantry and Artillery companies of Concord, and the Acton Blues, marched September 10th. Nehemiah Flint was Captain, John Brown, Lieutenant, and Artemas Wheeler, Ensign, of the Concord Infantry ; and Reuben Brown, Captain, Francis Wheeler, First Lieutenant, and Cyrus Wheeler, Second Lieutenant, of the Artillery. The Infantry were attached to the first regiment, under the command of Col. Joseph Valentine. Eliab W. Metcalf was Adjutant, and the Reverend Nathaniel How, Chaplain. These companies were stationed at South Boston, and returned home, October 31.

Military affairs then much engaged the attention of the people. A company of exempts was organized here, September 13, 1814, and Colonel Roger Brown was chosen Captain, Colonel John Buttrick, Lieutenant, and Major James Barrett, Ensign. At a parade, October 3d, a standard was presented by the ladies, with appropriate ceremonies.

In 1813 several British naval officers, prisoners of war, resided in Concord on parole, some of whom were taken in the Guerriere. A number left here, November 23d, but their places were sup^ plied by others the next day. Some of them were of distinguished families, and scattered their wealth with liberal hands.

In regard to the political sentiments of the town at this period, it will be sufficient to remark generally, that they partook of the excitement of the times. For many years the vote of the two parties was nearly equal, and in one instance a sick man was carried to the poll, and turned the scale. Many of the political conventions of the county were held here ; and some of them were distinguished for the high party zeal with which they were managed. The political history of those times is, however, marked with no peculiar feature in this town, and is therefore omitted.^

In 1S14 efforts lo establish Concord as the principal shire town, where the county records should be kept, were made for the last time. And it may not be amiss in this place to give a brief history of these efforts.^

The county of Worcester was incorporated April 2, 1731 ; and in the following winter a convention of delegates, from several towns in Middlesex, was held in Concord ; and, by adjournment, May 26, 1732, when it was agreed to petition the General Court to have the towns of Concord, Sudbury, Framingham, Marlbo-

^ During the colony charter, tlie county courts were held alternately at Cambridge and Charlestown. Afler the second charter, a new organization of the courts took place. In 1692 the Inferior Court of Common Pleas, and the Court of General Sessions of the Peace, were established, and ordered to sit at Cambridge on the 2d Tuesday of September ; at Charlestown, on the 2d Tuesday of December and March ; and at Concord on the 2d Tuesday of June. In 1742, at Cambridge, 3d Tuesday of May ; at Charlestown, 2d Tuesday of December and March ; and at Concord, last Tuesday of August. In 1751 the session at Concord was altered to the 1st Tuesday of September. In 1765, at Charlestown on the 1st Tuesday of March and last Tuesday of November ; at Cambridge, 3d Tuesday of May ; and at Concord, 2d Tuesday of September. In 1770, at Cambridge, 3d Tuesday of May ; at Charlestown, 2d Tuesday of March and last Tuesday of November; and at Concord, 1st Tuesday of September. November 9, 1775, both the sessions, before held at Ciiarlestown, were ordered to be held at Concord at the same time. In 1778, a session was ordered at Groton, 3d Tuesday of May, and at Cambridge last Tuesday of November. In 1790, at Concord 3d Tuesday of March and 2d Tuesday of September, and at Cambridge last Tuesday of November. In 1795, an additional session at Concord, 3d Tuesday of May. In 1796 all the sessions were altered from Tuesday to Monday. In 1797, at Cambridge, the Monday next preceding the last Tuesday of November, and at Concord the Monday next preceding the 3d Tuesday of March, 1st Tuesday of June, and 2d Tuesday of September, and at Cambridge 3d Tuesday of December. In 1812 and since, at Concord 2d Monday of March, 2d of June, and 2d of September, and at Cambridge 2d of December.

The Supreme Court was first held in Concord on the 2d Tuesday of April, 1776, having before been annually held in Charlestown at the same time. In 1783, at Concord 2d Tuesday of April, and at Cambridge last Tuesday of October. In 1800, at Cambridge 4th Tuesday of October, and, in 1805, 1st Tuesday of November. In 1816, at Concord 1st Tuesday of April. In 1820, the 2d after the 4th Tuesday of September at Cambridge, and at Concord the 4th Monday of March. In 182(), on the 2d Tuesday of April, and at Cambridge on the 3d after the 4th Tuesday in October.

rough, Groton, Chelmsford, Billerica, Stow, Littleton, Bedford, Dunstable, Westford, Dracut, and IXorth Town [?], incorporated into a sejnuate county, of which Concord was to be the shire town. Messrs. Benjamin Whittemore and John Fox were chosen, by- Concord, to aid the ol)ject. It does not appear, however, that any definite measures were taken.

In 1763 petitions were ai^ain presented from several towns, and the agents had a hearing in January, 1701. Caj)tain Abel Lawrence and several others, of Groton and llie adjacent towns, renewed the petition, at the following June session, to have the western part of Middlesex, and the northern part of Worcester, erected into a separate county. These petitions were continued under agitation till 1766. Remonstrances were sent in by the town of Concord, and others more easterly ; and also petitions for Concord to become the only shire town in the county. Several towns were very anxious that the last project should be carried into effect. The whole subject, however, was finally abandoned after several orders of notice had been issued, and several different committees of the General Court had had it under consideration.

In May, 1791, Duncan Ingraham of Concord, Aaron Brown of Groton, Zaccheus Wright of Westford, Charles Whitman of Stow, Jonas Brooks of Acton, and John Minott of Chelmsford, the representatives from those towns, petitioned the legislature to have Concord made the only shire town in the county ; and that accommodations for the safe keeping of the public records be made in the new court-house proposed to be erected there by the county. An order of notice passed on this petition. May 9, 1792, but here ended the proceedings on this subject.

The county buildings at Cambridge had become so much out of repair, that the authorities began, in 1812, to consider the subject of erecting new ones. This was a favorable time to attempt again to have the county offices removed to Concord. January 16, 1812, the town chose Samuel Hoar, Jr., Joseph Barrett, and Jonas Lee, Esquires, to draft a petition to the legislature for this object. The following was reported and accepted ; and the same committee, with the addition of Messrs. Tilly Merrick, Isaac Hurd, Jonas Buttrick, Francis Jarvis, and Benjamin Prescott, Jr., were chosen to sign and present it to the legislature.

" The inhabitants of the town of Concord, in the county of Middlesex, humbly show, that the existing laws, requiring some of the sessions of the courts for said county to be holden in said Concord, and others in Cambridge in said county, are in their execution attended with many inconveniences. The clerk of said courts is required to transport a large number of dockets and other papers from his ofhce in Cambridge to Concord, when the courts are to hold a session in the latter place ; delays are often produced in the trial of causes by the unforeseen demand of papers, in the public offices, at a distance from the place of trial ; a large bill of costs is annually created to said county by the transportation of prisoners, from one of those towns to the other, for trial ; parties, jurors, and witnesses, when the courts sit at Cambridge, are drawn to one extremity of the county to attend the trial of causes ; much useless expense to said county is created, not only in building, but in the frequent repairing two court-houses and two jails. The court-house and jail in Cambridge are now old and decayed, and unfit to answer the purposes for which they were built ; and others, if the courts are hereafter to be holden there, must soon be erected.

" Your memorialists further represent, that said Concord is nearly in the centre of said county, and that a court-house and jail in said town have recently been erected at a considerable expense, which are commodious and sufficient for the use of said county ; that in the court-house in Concord, convenient rooms for all public offices for said county may be fitted up at a trifling expense, in which the public records may be deposited more safely than in their present situation.

" Wherefore your memorialists pray, that said Concord may be made the shire town of said county, and that all the courts for said county may in future be holden in said town of Concord. And as in duty bound will ever pray."

Orders of notice were passed on this petition, and sent to all the towns in the county. Twelve towns in the lower part of the county, containing 19,559 inhabitants, voted in favor of Cambridge ; and thirty-two towns, containing 23,233 inhabitants, in favor of Concord ; and petitioned the legislature accordingly.

All these efforts, however, were unavailing, and the Court of Sessions finally determined to build at Cambridge. It then became a question of great interest to each party, whether these buildings should be at Old Cambridge or Lechmere Point. The agents for each of those places appeared before the Court of Sessions, and made public offers of the encouragement they»would afford, in case their wishes should be preferred ; and several times bid upon each other. At length Messrs. Craigie, Otis, and Coolidge, agents for Lechmere Point, made a private, written proposition, which was not disclosed in open court, agreeing to give the land and ^24,000 in money ; and it was determined in their favor at an adjourned session, October 19, 1813. The agents for the to\ni of Cambridge preferred a petition to the legislature, in which they state at length the arguments for preferring Old Cambridge to the Point, and praying the interference of the legislature in their favor. An order of notice passed January 18, 1814. They had offered the land and 5,000. At the same session, Messrs. Joseph Hosmer, Jonas Lee, and Tilly Merrick, agents for the town of Concord, petitioned again in favor of that town. But these petitions were in vain ; the legislature did not interfere definitely and the decision of the Court of Sessions in favor of the Point was adhered to ; subjecting the inhabitants to have the greater part of the business transacted at one extremity, instead of the centre of the county.

Ecclesiastical History

Organization of the Church. - Installation of the Rev. 'Mr. Bulkeley and Mr. Jones. - Church .Covenant. - Proceedings of the Church. - Notice of the Rev. Mr. Jones. - Letters of the Rev. Mr. Bulkeley, and Notice of his Life and Writings. - Rev. Edward Bulkeley. - Rev. Joseph Estabrook. - Rev. John Whiting.

Embarrassment attends any attempt to prepare the earlyhistory of the church in Concord. No records are preserved during the first hundred years of its existence ; and such facts only can be given, during this long and interesting period, as can be gleaned from early historians, ancient manuscripts, and family records. By careful and laborious researches, 1 am fortunately enabled to supply some important information.

This church was organized at Cambridge, July 5, 1636 ; and was the thirteenth established in the colony.-^ The meeting was called by the Rev. Peter Bulkeley,^ and the Rev. John Jones, who, with others, had previously begun the settlement at Concord. The governor and deputy-governor were invited to be present on the occasion, but, because they supposed there was an informahty in the invitation, at variance with their over-precise notions of etiquette, they did not attend. " They sent word, three days before, to the governor and deputy, to desire their presence ; but they took it in ill part, and thought not fit to go, because they had not come to them before, as they ought to have done and as others had done before, to acquaint them with their purpose."

On the 6th of April, 1637, the church "kept a day of humiliation " at Cambridge, preparatory to the ordination, or installation, of Mr. Bulkeley, whom they chose teacher, and of Mr. Jones, whom they chose pastor. Delegates were present from most of the churches in the colony to assist in this ordination ; but, says Winthrop, " the governor, and Mr. Cotton, and Mr. Wheelwright, and the two ruling elders of Boston, and the rest of that church which were of any note, did none of them come to this meeting. The reason was conceived to be, because they counted these as legal preachers, and tlierefore would not give approbation to tlieir ordination." One of the delegates from Salem proposed a question which led to the adoption of the following opinions. Such* as had been clergymen in England, and received ordination in the established church by the bishop, were to be respected as having there legally sustained the office of ministers by the call of the people ; and such ordination was considered valid here. But for receiving this ordination by the bishop they ought to humble themselves, acknowledge their sin, and repent. Having come to this country, they should not consider themselves regular ministers until called by another church. When thus elected, they were to be considered as ministers even before ordination.^

No man had a greater aversion to Episcopacy than Mr. Bulkeley, as his writings most fully show. There was, however, some difference in opinion between him and some of the leading men in the colony. He w^as supposed to attach too much importance to good works, though from his letters and treatise on the Covenant the supposition appears to be without foundation. The ostensible reason assigned for not giving approbation to his ordination was, that he was considered a legal preacher, - one who was for a covenant of worlds instead of a covenant of grace, or one who held to the doctrines of the law in distinction from the doctrines of grace. The former were denominated Legalists, and the latter Antinomians. The discussion of this question produced great excitement

1 Some historians, for whose opinion I have great respect, have asserted, that the first settlers of Massachusetts were Episcopalians. But this, as it seems to me, if true at all, can be so only in a very limited sense. The colonists regarded Episcopacy with abhorrence, and looked with jealousy on the least appearance of propagating it in this American wilderness. They came here to get rid of Episcopacy ; and if they did not cease to be Episcopalians when they refused to conform to the ceremonies of the " mother church," when, it may be asked, did they cease to be Episcopalians ? They lived Non-conformists in England, and were Congregationalists on their arrival in America. They acknowledged a respect to the church of England as their mother, but being free children they set up for themselves in ways of their own choosing, - pure Congregationalists. Their ministers even considered it a sin, to have received their ordination from such a mother. It might be equally proper to call a Congregationalist, who had chosen to adopt the peculiar ceremonies of the Baptist church, a Congregationalist after he was really a Baptist; and in the same manner of any other change from one denomination to another.

and alienation ; and all classes of society joined in it.^ It probably influenced the gentlemen invited to this ordination. I have a long letter before me, written by Mr. Bulkeley before his ordination, to the Rev. Mr. Cotton, of Boston, in which this subject is discussed in his usual logical style. Its great length prevents its insertion here. In a postscript he says, " I should have acquainted you yesterday, that the ordination of the elders of the church of Concord is to be on Wednesday come sevenight. It is to be here at New-Town. I pray take notice of it. If it be necessary to give any other notice to other persons, or in any other way, we would not be wanting therein for avoiding of offence. And I have spoken also to Mr. Wilson." The distinguished reputation of Mr. Bulkeley, of noble family, a man of wealth, a scholar and divine, might have excited the envy of his fellow clergymen. He however received their approbation ; and, on the 30th of the following August, was chosen one of the moderators of the first great ecclesiastical council, or synod, of the colony, which was then held in Cambridge. Winthrop mentions the Rev. Mr. Hooker as also a moderator. This assembly was attended by nearly all the clergy and magistrates, and many other distinguished laymen of the colony. It continued in session twenty-four days, and examined and condemned . eighty-two opinions which had crept into the churches, " some blasphemous, others erroneous, and all unsafe."

Among other old family papers, transmitted from an early member of the church, is the following, endorsed " Concord Church Covenant, which was adopted by them." Though without signatures or date, it has internal evidence of authenticity, and of being the first church covenant. The orthography only is altered.

Considering the instabihty and inconstancy of our hearts in cleaving to the Lord in that which is good, we do bind ourselves one with another this day before the Lord, that we will endeavour, by the grace of God assisting us, henceforward to walk as becometh the people of God, according to the gospel of our Lord

I Neal, in his " History of New England," informs us, that this question was agitated even hy the soldiers composing the army sent against the Pequots, in 1636 ; and that they had to stop in the wilderness and settle the question, whether they were in a covenant of works, or a covenant of gracCf before they could proceed !

Jesus Christ. And more particularly we do promise and covenant before the Lord, that, whereas he hath of his 2;reat goodness brought us from under the yoke and burdening of men's traditions to the precious liberty of his ordinances, which we now do enjoy, we will, according to our places and callings, stand for the mamtenance of this liberty to our utmost endeavour, and not return to any human ordinances from which we are escaped. And we further covenant to subject ourselves to every ordinance of Christ, which he shall please to make known to us to be his will. Also we do take him to be our only Priest to instruct us, our only High Priest to make peace with the Father for us ; so we will set him up as our King and Sovereign to command us, to rule in us and reign over us by the help of his word and Spirit. And that we may the better be kept in an holy subjection to him and his will, we will watch over each other in the Lord, admonishing one another, both to prevent the evils into which we might fall, and to recover ourselves out of those that we have been overtaken with, not suffering any raging pollution or spiritual uncleanness amongst us, but labor to cast it forth by the power which Christ hath given to his church. And further, considering that we are members one of another, and have civil respect, and are liable to be oppressed and devoured one of another ; and considering also the increase of this evil, daily getting strength through the abounding of self-love so mightily prevailing in us ; we do therefore here solemnly promise before the Lord, that we will carefully avoid all oppression, griping, and hard dealing, and walk in peace, love, mercy, and equity, towards each other, doing to others as we would they should do to us. And in testimony of our willing assent to this covenant we have hereunto subscribed our names."

" Lelchford's Plain Dealing" mentions the church in Concord as the first one in the colony which had adopted the practice of catechizing children. Mather says, this was one of the constant exercises of the Sabbath. All the unmarried people were required to answer questions, after which expositions and applications were made by Mr. Bulkeley to the whole congregation. This exercise was, however, soon after adopted in other churches.

difficulties of the town, occasioned by its peculiar local situation and its condition at that time, induced many to remove, which rendered it difficult for the remainder to support two ministers ; Mr. Bulkeley's salary as teacher being £70 per annum. Some difficulties arose in the church on this account. The subject of a separation was often discussed ; and on the 2Sth of July, 1642, some of the elders went to Concord, being sent for by the clmrch there to advise with them about the maintenance of their elders, &ic. They found them wavering about removal, not finding their planvaluable notes on Winthrop (vol. i. p. 289), of Ambrose Martin, who was fined £10, " and counselled to go to Mr. Mather to be instructed by him," for calling- the church covenant " a stinking carrion and a human invention," and uttering some other impudent expressions. The following petition, containing the original signatures of the first two pastors and several members of the church, relates to him.

" Your humble Petitioners do intreate, that whereas some years ago our said brother Mr. Martin was fined by the Court for some unadvised speeches uttered against the church-covenant, for which he was fined £10, and had to the value of £20 by distress taken from him, of which £20 there is one halfe remayning in the hands of the country to this day, which £10 he cannot be persuaded to accept of, unless he may have the whole restored to him (which we doe impute unto his infirmity e and weakness.) We now considering the great decay of his estate, and the necessityes (if not extremityes) which the familye is come unto, we entreat that this honored Court would please to pittye his necessitous condition, and remit unto him the whole fine which was layd upon him, without which he cannot be perswaded to receive that which is due to him. Wherein if this honoured Court shall please to grant this our petition, we shall be bound to prayse God for your tender compassion toward this our poor brother.

" The 5th of the Ath month, 1644. The case appears to the magestreates to be now past help through his own obstinacye ; but for the overplus upon sale of the distresse he or his wife may have it when they will call for it. Jo : Endecott, Gov."

tation answerable to their expectation, and the maintenance of two elders too heavy a burden for them. The elders' advice was, that they should continue and wait upon God, and be helpful to their elders in labor and what they could, and all to be ordered by the deacons, (whose office had not formerly been improved this way amongst them,) and that the elders should be content with what means the church was able at present to afford them, and if either of them should be called to some other place, then to advise with other churches about their removal." ^

The advice of this council was followed a short time ; but about October, 1644, a separation took place, and Mr. Jones removed to Fairfield, Connecticut. Mather gives the following account of this affair in his own peculiar style. Upon Mr. Bulkeley " pressing a piece of charity, disagreeable to the will of the ruling elder, there was occasioned an unhappy discord in the church of Concord ; which was at last healed by their calling in the help of a council, and the ruling elder's [Mr. Jones] abdication. Of the temptations which occurred on these occasions, Mr. Bulkeley would say, ' he thereby came, 1. To know more of God. 2. To know more of himself 3. To know more of men.* Peace being thus restored, the small things in the church there increased in the hands of their faithful Bulkeley, until he was translated into the regions which afford nothing but concord and glory ; leaving his well-fed flock in the wilderness under the pastoral scare of his worthy son Mr. Edward Bulkeley."

The Rev. John Jones was born, educated, and regularly ordained as a preacher of the gospel, in England ; but at what place is not known. He arrived in New England, October 2, 1635,^ with the Rev. ]\Ir. Shepard, afterwards of Cambridge, and the Rev. John Wilson of Boston. After remaining as the colleague pastor of the church m Concord about eight years, he removed with part of his society to Fairfield, and there undertook the charge of a newly organized church, w^here he spent the remainder of his life. He attained an age exceeding " three score and ten," and died about 1664. Fe»w records are preserved concerning this early, devoted friend to the cause of Christian liberty, or concerning his family. Tradition gives him a highly respectable character. He left six children. John was graduated at Harvard College in 1643 ; and Eliphalet, another son born in this town, January 9, 1640, studied divinity, and was the first minister of Huntington, L. I., where he died about 100 years old.

After the removal of Mr. Jones, the sole care of the church devolved on Mr. Bulkeley for the remaining fourteen years of his life. At this time, according to Johnson, it contained about seventy communicants ; but none of its proceedings have been transmitted to us. The following letters of Mr. Bulkeley are deemed worthy of publication.

Dear Sr. - I hear the Lord hath so far strengthened you, as that you were the last Lord's day at the assembly. The L. go on with the work of his goodness towards you. Being that now the Lord hath enabled you thus far, I desire a word or two from you, what you judge concernmg the teacher in a congregation, whether the administration of discipline and sacraments doe equally belong unto him with the pastor, and whether he ought therein equally to interest himself. I would also desire you to add a word more concerning this, viz. what you mean by the execution of discipline, when you distinguish it from the power. We have had speech sometimes concerning the churches' power in matters of discipline, wherein you seemed to put the power itself into the hands of the church, but to reserve the execution to the eldership. Here also I would see what you comprehend under the word execution, I would gladly hear how the common affairs of the churches stand with you. I am here shut up, and do neither see nor hear.^ Write me what you know. Let me alsoe understand vvhich way Mr. Phillips doth incline, whether towards you or otherwise ; and which way Mr. Rogers is like to turn, whether to stay in these parts or goe into Coniticote [Connecticut]. I wrote to you not long agoe advising you to consider quid valent humeri, I know not whether you received that let-

1 Mr. Bulkeley often laments his situation. In a letter to the Rev. Mr. Cotton, dated December 17, 1640, he says " I lose much in this retired wilderness in which I live ; but the Lord will at last lighten my candle. In the mean while, help us with some of that which God hath imparted unto you."

ter. The Lord in mercy bless all our labours to his churches' good. Remember my love to Mrs. Shepard with Mrs. Herlakenden. Grace be with you all.

" Reverend in the L. - These are to desire you to convey this letter inclosed in one of your own to Boston. I do the rather send it to you, because I suppose those 3^ou commit your letters to, will be careful of the deb very, and this letter concerns matters of some moment, in regard whereof I desire you to take the more notice of it, and convey it by a safe hand. If the business concerning Virginia be finished, I desire to know how it stands ; or if not finished, what is intended or thought upon. My wife hath bin ill ever since our coming home, but now, I thank the Lord, begins to recover. This day she began to go down into the house. Remember her in your prayers, and us all. And so with both our loves to yourself and Mrs. Cotton, I leave you with all yours to the Lord's rich goodness and grace, resting yours ever in him.

" Some other things I am full of, but will not write with paper and ink ; only in a word I bless God for what I hear, how the Lord doth fill your ministry with abundance of grace, life, and power, to the exceeding joy of those that are true-hearted towards the Lord. But withall I stand amazed and w^onder att God's forbearance, considering what I hear in another kind; which I doe also believe to be true in some parts ; true I mean, as done and spoken by some, though untrue, in respect of any cause given on your part- Truly, Sir, it is to me a wonder, that the earth swallows not up such wretches, or that fire comes not downe from heaven to consume them. The L. hath a number of holy and humble ones here amongst us [in the country generally], for whose sakes he doth spare, and will spare long ; but were it not for such a remnant, we ghould see the L. would make quick work amongst us. Shall I tell you what I think to be the ground of all this insolency which discovers itself in the speach of men ? Truly I cannot ascribe it so much to any outward thing, as to the putting of too much liberty and power into the hands of the multitude, which they are too weak to manage, many growing conceited, proud, arrogant, self-sufficient, as wanting nothing. And I am persuaded, that except there be some means used to change the course of things in this point, our churches will grow more corrupt day by day ; and tumult will arise hardly to be stilled. Remember the former days which you had in old Boston, where though (through the Lord's blessing upon your labours) there was an increase daily added to your church, yet the number of professors is far more here, than it was there. But answ^er me, w^hich place was better governed ? Where matters were swayed there by your wisdom and counsel, matters went on with strength and power for good. But here, where the heady or headless multitude have gotten the power into their hands, there is insolency and confusion. And I know not how it can be avoided in this way, unless we should make the doors of the church narrower. This we have w^arrant for from the word ; which course, if it should be taken, would bring its inconveniency also in another kind. But of these things no more. Only I pray the L. to heal the evils of the places and times we live in, and remove that woful contempt of his gospel which doth abound. O what mischief doth one proud, lofty spirit that is in reputation for understanding, amongst a number of others that are weak ; and some of both such there are in every place. But our comfort is, God's end and work shall go forward. Some shall be converted, some hardened. The God of mercy carry on his work in our hearts and hands to the glorifying of his rich grace in Christ Jesus. I pray remember my harty love to good Mrs. Cotton, thanking her for her kind remembrance of my little ones. I pray God give us both to see his grace increasing in those that he hath continued tow^ards us. Farewell, dearly beloved and honoured in the Lord, comfort yourself in him, who is most ready to be found in time of need. In him I rest. Yours ever,

" I could wish you would write to IVIr. Goodwin to deal with those thai are in place of authority in Eui;huul, to take care that the Scripture may be printed more truly. I have a bible, printed 164S, which hath (little and great) above an 100 limits in the printinj^ of it. And I have an old Bible, printed 15SI, which hath but one or two, and those very small ones. I intend to write to my nephew, St. John, about it. A word from yourself to Mr. Goodwin, who is a man of so much respect there, would do much good."

The Rev. Peter Bulkeley, B. D., was of honorable and noble descent. He was of the tenth generation from Robert Bulkeley, Esq., one of the English Barons, who, in the reign of king John (who died in 1216), was lord manor of Bulkeley in the county palatine of Chester.^ He was born at Woodhill, in Bedfordshire, January 31, 1583. His father, the Rev. Edward Bulkeley, D. D., was a faithful minister of the gospel, under whose direction his son received a learned and religious education, suited to his distinguished rank. About the age of sixteen he w^as admitted a member of St. John's College at Cambridge, of which he was afterwards chosen fellow, and from which he received the degree of Bachelor of Divinity. He succeeded his father in the ministry in his native town, and enjoyed his rich benefice and estate ; where he was a zealous preacher of evangelical truth about twenty years, and, for the most part of the time, lived an i The names of the lineal descendants from Robert, furnished me by Charles Bulkeley, Esq., of New London, a great grandson of Gershom, were, 1. William ; 2. Robert ; 3. Peter, who married Nicholaus Bird, of Haughton; 4. John, who married Andryne, daughter and heir to John Colley, of Ward, and died 1450 ; 5. Hugh, who married Hellen Wilbriham, of Woodley ; 6. Humphrey, who married Cyle, daughter and heir of John Mutten ; 7. William, wlio married Beatryce, daughter and heir to William, of Bulausdale ; 8. Thomas, who married Elizabeth, daughter of Randelle Grovenor ; 9. Edward, D. D., of Woodhill, who married Olive Irlby, of Lincolnshire; 10. Peter, of Concord. He had two brotliers, Nathaniel and Paul. The latter died fellow of Queen's College, Cambridge. From William, a brother of Peter, of the third generation, were also many ennobled descendants ; among whom are recorded, in the Irish Peerage, seven Viscounts in succession. Other brandies have been much distinguished. The motto adopted in tlie family coat of arms was, " .Vec temere, nec iimide" - " Neither rashly nor timidly " ; and contains a beautiful sentiment, characteristic of the eminent father of the American family.

unmolested non-conformist. At length, his preaching meeting with distinguished success, and his church being very much increased, complaints were entered against him by Archbishop Laud, and he was silenced for his non-conformity to the requirements of the English church. This circumstance induced him to emigrate to New England, where he might enjoy liberty of conscience. He arrived in Cambridge in 1634 or 1635,^ and was the leader of those resolute men and self-denying Christians, who soon after " went further up into the woods and settled on the plantation at Musketaquid." Here he expended most of his estate for the benefit of his people ; and after a laborious and useful life, died March 9, 1659, in his 77th year.

Mr. Bulkeley was remarkable for his benevolence. He had many servants, on whom, after they had lived with him several years, he bestowed farms, and then received others to be treated in a like benevolent manner. By great familiarity of manners he drew around him persons of all ages ; and his easy address, great learning, and eminent piety, rendered his society pleasing and profitable to all. Persons seldom separated from his company, without having heard some remark calculated to impress the mind with the importance of religion. Though sometimes suffering under bodily infirmities, he was distinguished for the holiness of his life, and a most scrupulous observance of the duties of the Christian ministry. He avoided all novelties in dress, and wore his hair short. Being strict in his own virtues, he was occasionally severe in censuring the follies of others. He was considered as the father of his people, and " addressed as father, prophet, or counsellor, by them and all the ministers of the country." Had the scene of Mr. Bulkeley's labors been in Boston, or its immediate vicinity, and not, as he expresses it, " shut up " in this remote spot, then of difficult access, his name would have appeared more conspicuously in the published annals of the country. He was a thorough scholar ; an elevated, devotional Christian ; laborious in his profession ; and, as a preacher, evangelical, faithful, and of remarkably energetic, powerful, and persuasive eloquence.

1 The Rev. Edward Bulkeley was admitted freeman, May 6, 1635 ; and from the Cambridge Records it seems probable that Mr. Bulkeley came to America in 1G34.

He often wrote a series of sermons on a particular book or passage of Scripture. One of these series, on Zachariah ix. 11, was published as " the first-born of J\ew England," and passed through several editions. The edition before nie bears the following title. " The Gospel Covenant, or the Covenant of Grace opened ; wherein are explained, 1. The diflercnce between the covenant of grace and covenant of works. ^2. The different administration of the covenant before and since Christ. 3. The benefits and blessings of it. 4. The conditions. 5. The properties of it. Preached at Concord, in New England, by Peter Bulkeley, sometime fellow of Saint John's College in Cambridge. [Here follow quotations. Genesis xvii. 1-7, and Isaiah Iv. 3.] The second edition, much enlarged and corrected by the author. And the chiefe heads of things (which was omitted in the former) distinguished into chapters. London, printed by Mathew Simmins, dwelling in Aldersgate-street, next door to the Golden Lion, 1651." pp. xvi. and 442, quarto. It was dedicated "to the church and congregation at Concord " ; and to his nephew, " the Rt. Hon. Oliver St. John, Lord Embassador extraordinary from the Parliament of the Commonwealth of England to the High and Mighty Lords, the States General of the United Provinces in the Netherlands ; and Lord Chief Justice at the Common Pleas." It is a work of great merit for that age, and considering that it was " preached in the remote ends of the earth." " The church of God," says the Rev. Mr. Shepard, of Cambridge, " is bound to bless God for the holy, judicious, and learned labours of this aged, experienced, and precious servant of Christ." After reading this book. President Stiles observes, " He was a masterly reasoner in theology, and equal to the first characters in all Christendom and in all ages."

Two of Mr. Bulkeley's manuscripts are preserved in the library of the American Antiquarian Society. One contains answers to several theological questions, and is addressed to the Rev. Mr. Phillips of Watertown. The other is on the character and government of the church. The following analysis is given at the close of this work. Part I. " The visible church is, 1. For the efficient cause, called of God. 2. For the material cause, a number of visible saints and believers in the judgment of men. 3. For the formal cause, union by an explicate and implicate covenant together. 4. For the final cause, to set out God's praises." Part II. "The churches' government, 1. Is originally in the people's hands. 2. Which people are to elect their own officers, - teachers, elders, and deacons. 3. By which officers they are to rule and govern, - by admitting fit members, and by watching over, admonishing, and casting out those that be bad." This is a most able defence of Congregationalism in opposition to Episcopacy : and touches, with the author's peculiar power and clearness, the ecclesiastical questions in discussion at that period. I can scarcely resist an inclination to extract some passages. Its publication entire is recommended to the Society to whom it belongs.

Mr. Bulkeley married, for his first wife, Jane, daughter of Sir Thomas Allen, of Goldington, wdiose nephew w^as Lord Mayor of London. By her he had nine sons and two daughters. Edward, Thomas (who married a daughter of the Rev. John Jones, removed to Fairfield, and died about 1652), John, Joseph, Wilham, and Richard, are all the names I have seen mentioned. He hved eight years a widow-er, and then married Grace, daughter of Sir Richard Chitwood, by wdiom he had three sons and one daughter, - Gershom, Eleazer, Peter, and Dorothy. His wife survived him, and removed to Connecticut a few years after his death.

His will, dated February 26, 1659, appears in the Middlesex Records, in wdiich he specifies legacies in books to his sons, Edward, John, and Joseph, his cousin Samuel Hough, and his nephew Oliver St. John, "as a thankful acknowledgment of his kindness and bounty towards me ; his liberality having been a great help and support unto me in these my lonely times and my struggles." Legacies are also made to the widow of his son Thomas, deceased, and to his three youngest children, Eleazer, Peter, and Dorothy ; " and in case any of my children before named by me in this my will, to whom I have bequeathed the legacies named, shall prove disobedient to their mother, or otherwise vicious and wicked (which God in his mercy prevent), then I will that the legacy before bequeathed to any of them so proving disobedient and wicked, shall be wholly in the * power of my said wife, their mother, to deal with them therein, as she herself in Christian wisdom shall think meet, either to give their legacy, or to keep it to herself." He alludes to his " wasted estate, which is now very little in comparison of what it was when I came first to these places," having made great sacrifices in " the beginning of these plantations," and " having little to leave to the children God hath given me, and to my precious wife, whose unfeigned piety and singular grace of God shining in her, doth deserve more than I can do for her." The inventory of his estate amounted to £1302, of which £123 was in books. He had previously given a part of his library, and some other donations, to Harvard College.

The Rev. Edward Bulkeley succeeded his father in the ministerial care of the church with an annual salary of £80. The duties of his office increasing with the growth of the town, assistance was judged necessary, and the Rev. Joseph Estabrook was ordained as his colleague in 1667. His salary was also £80, of which £40 was to be paid in money, and £40 in grain, - wheat to be estimated at 55., rye at 45., and corn at 35. per bushel.

March 12, 1681, the town voted, "that every householder that hath a teame, greater or lesser, shall carry yearly one load of wood to the minister ; and every other householder or votable person shall cut wood one day for the minister ; and that the wood be equally divided to the ministers as the selectmen shall appoint." The arrangement, which the following vote specifies, was made March 5, 1694. " Whereas the Rev. pastor, Mr. Edward Bulkeley, is under such infirmities of body, by reason of great age, that he is not capable of attending the work of the ministry as in times past ; being also sensible of the obligations the town is under to afford him a comfortable maintenance during the term of his natural life ; that thereby the people may testifie their gratitude for his former services in the gospel, they do hereby oblige the town to pay Mr. Bulkeley yearly, during his natural life, the sum of £30 in lieu of his former salary." This proposition was assented to by Mr. Bulkeley, on condition that he should have liberty to preach or not as he should choose.

The Rev. Edward Bulkeley was the eldest son of the Rev. Peter Bulkeley, and born and chiefly educated in England. He emigrated to this country, and was admitted a member of the First Church in Boston in 1634. Having acquired a professional education under the instruction of his father, he was licensed to preach the gospel, and ordained at Marshfield in 1642 or 1643. On the death of his father in 1659, he w^as dismissed and in- stalled over the church in Concord. He died at a great age, in the 53d year of his ministry, at Chelmsford, January 2, 1696, probably on a visit to his grandson, and was buried in Concord. Few records are preserved concerning his ministry or himself. He is represented by tradition to have been lame, and of a feeble constitution. He was, however, greatly respected for his talents, acquirements, irreproachable character, and piety. He preached an Election Sermon in 16S0, from 1 Sam. ii. 30 ; and one before the Ancient and Honorable Artillery Company in 1679, from 1 Peter ii. 11. His only printed work, that I have seen, is that noticed in our general history, under date of 1676, preached in commemoration of the safe return of Captain Thomas Wheeler and his associates, after the battle at Brookfield.

I have not learned whom Mr. Bulkeley married. His children were John, Peter, Jane (who married Ephraim Flint), and Elizabeth, who married, in 1665, the Rev. Joseph Emerson, great grandfather of the Rev. William Emerson, hereafter to be noticed, and after Mr. Emerson's death (which took place in Concord, January 3, 1680), for a second husband, John Brown, Esq., of Reading. She was the only child of Mr. Bulkeley, it is supposed, who had issue.