Hadley Town (part 7 of 16)

The expedition had a calamitous issue. There were Indians on the opposite bank of the river, and at Smead's Island, below the falls. These crossed the river, and assailed the troops on the left and in the rear, after they had mounted their horses and begun their march. Capt. Holyoke covered the rear manfully, but "an English captive lad, who was found in the wigwams, spake as if Philip was coming with a thousand Indians, which

falls, now called Turner's Falls, are about three miles above Greenfield village, and are between Gill and Montague. Before a dam was built at the falls, this was one of the most favorable fishing stations on the Connecticut. Hoyt, in his Antiquarian Researches, describes the falls, and gives a detailed account of the fight at the falls and on the return.

has generally been represented that they marched on the evening of the 17th of May, and fought on the morning of the i8th. These dates are erroneous. The town records of Northampton and Hatfield both show that the persons from those towns who fell, were slain on the 19th of May. The narratives of Rev. Hope Atherton and Jonathan Wells indicate that the fighting was on the 19th.

false report being famed among the soldiers, a panic terror fell upon many of them, and they hasted homewards in a confused rout."* They separated into several parties, and some of these were cut off. Captain Turner had skill and courage, but he was enfeebled by sickness, and had not bodily strength to act with his accustomed energy. He was shot as he passed through Green River, and his body was afterwards found a small distance from the river; he had been shot through the thigh and back. Capt. Holyoke conducted the retreat of a part of the troops to Hatfield, being followed by the Indians to the .south end of Deerfield Meadow. Thirty-eight of the English were slain,f and all but one after they left the falls. A number were wounded. In June, scouts found places where they supposed the Indians tortured and burnt some of the captured men.

A few of the men wandered about two or three days. The fighting was on Friday. Jonathan Wells, of Hadley, was wounded, and after much suffering and several narrow escapes, reached Hatfield on Sunday. Rev. Hope Atherton, of Hatfield, after roving here and there, and, as he says, "subsisting the space of three days and part of another, without ordinary food," came

*The complaint of Maitha Harrison, which was substantiated by testimony before the Commissioners of Hadley, June 22, 1676, exhibits some incidents of this disorderly flight. Martha Harrison of Hadley, widow, makes complaint against John Belcher of Braintree, a soldier in Capt. Turner's company, for being the culpable occasion of the death of her husband, Isaac Harrison, a wounded man, riding upon his own horse, who fell from his horse, being faint, and this John Belcher, who was behind him, rode from him with Harrison's horse, though he entreated him not to leave him, but for God's sake to let him ride with him.

Stephen Belden of Hatfield, testified that he, riding behind Jonathan Wells, saw Isaac Harrison on the ground rising up, and heard him call to the man on his horse, 3 or 4 rods before, to take him up, saying he could ride now; the man rode away, and both Jonathan Wells and I called him to go back, and he would not. This was when we were retiu^ing from the fight at the falls.

There is no record of Belcher's being punished. - Many had lost their horses. - Mather says the soldiers were more numerous than the Indians that pursued them.

those slain, about one-third belonged to the Hampshire towns. The eastern soldiers lost more than their proportion. The names of the eastern soldiers that were slain, have not been preserved, except those stationed in Northampton, which were recorded there, viz., Peter Gerrin, Thomas Robens, John Langberry, Samuel Ransford, William Howard, John Foster, John Whitridge, Jacob Burton, Joseph Fowler, George Bugle (or Buckly,) Thomas Lyon and John Walker. James Bennet, an inhabitant of Northampton, and John Miller, perhaps an inhabitant, were also slain. Fourteen who went from Northampton were slain, besides Capt. Turner whose death is recorded with the others, though he resided much of the time in Hadley. [The notice of James Bennet's death, on page 142, is an error.]

Three Hatfield men were killed, viz., Samuel Gillet, John Church, and William AUis, Jr- Westfield, though not named as participating in this expedirion, had in it two citizens and seven garrison soldiers. Of the latter, three were slain, and others wounded.

Those in the falls-fight belonging to Hadley were Sergt. Joseph Kellogg, Sergt. John Dickinson, Samuel Boltwood, Noah Coleman, Nehemiah Dickinson, Isaac Harrison, John Ingram, John Smith, Joseph Selden, Joseph Warriner, Thomas Wells, Jr., Jonathan Wells, David Hoyt, Samuel Crow, Peter Montague, and Eliezer Hawks; and Nathaniel SutlifFe from Deerfield. John Preston was one of Capt. Turner's soldiers, who went from Hadley; he settled in that town. - Isaac Harrison and Nathaniel SutlifFe were slain, and perhaps John Dickinson and Samuel Crow.f

Mr. Russell, so often the scribe for militia officers and others in these three towns, wrote to Hartford as soon as the success and defeat were known, and desired assistance. The Council of War at Hartford on the 20th, ordered 80 men to be sent up to Northampton, under Capt. Benjamin Newberry, on Monday, May 22d.

Yours from the honored Council we received expressing your kind and tender care and love for us, with your preparation of succor and help for us with respect to such exigents as may prove distressing.

Some more of our soldiers have dropped in since our last; one on Saturday, one on Saturday night, two yesterday and one this morning; and about noon Mr, Atherton came into Hadley. So that now the number of those wanting is eight or nine and thirty. Some were wandering on the west mountains on Saturday, who were not wounded. Whether Providence may yet guide them in or no, we know not; we are not quite without hope of some of them.

As to the number of the enemy slain; many of the soldiers say they guessed them to be about four score that lay upon the ground. But sergeant Bardill [Bardwell] saith he had time and took it to nm them over by tale going £rom wigwam to wigwam to do it, and

*Mr. Atherton, in his relation of his sufferings and deliverances, does not tell how he crossed the river and got to Hadley. Approaching a party of Indians the second day, he says, "I tendered myself a captive. They accepted not the tender. When I spake, they answered not. When I moved toward them, they moved away from me." This singular conduct of the Indians has been attributed to their superstitious fear of an English minister, whom they considered a superior being. Some persons in those days, imagined that Mr. Atherton had been partially deranged, and had deceived himself. He did not admit this.

fThe five towns had in the expedition, exclusive of eastern soldiers, about 75 men, and 6S of these left posterity that had 68 shares of land in Falltown, in 1736, viz., Springfield, 21, Northampton, 19, Hadley, 15, Hatfield, 9, Westfield, 2, and 2 had lived in Deerfield. A number of the soldiers settled in these towns. Four of the Hampshire men were living in 1736, 60 years after they fought under Turner and Holyoke, viz., Nathaniel Alexander of Northampton, Samuel Belden of Hatfield, Jonathan Wells of Deerfield, and James Mun of Colchester, Conn. Four of the eastern soldiers were also living.

also what was between the bank and the water, and found them above an hundred. He hath sometimes said str score but stands to it that there were above loo, 17 being in a wigwam or two a little higher up than the rest.

Likewise Wm. Drew, a soldier that seems to be of good behavior and credit, seeing two or three soldiers standing in a secure place below the bank, more quiet than he thought was meet for the time, he asked them why they stood there - -saith they answered that they had seen many go down the falls and they would endeavor to tell how many. Hereupon he observed with them until he told fifty, and they said to him that those made up sii score and ten. Some of them also were slain in their pursuit of ours where so many of ours fell. Hence we cannot but judge that there were above 200 of them slain.

Our Scouts being out this night have discovered that the enemy abide still in the places where they were on both sides of the river and in the Islands, and fires in the same place where our men had burnt the wigwams.* So that they judge either that Philip is come to them, or some considerable company from Squakeag, Poquiog and other places. Hereupon it seems most probable, if not concludable that their purpose is to abide here, at least for some space of time, as having the advantage of a place best suited to shift for their safety, being on both sides the river, on the Islands, and their fort close by Deerfield River, and amidst the desolate places fit for them to skulk in and escape by. Whence we would humbly propose it to your consideration, whether Providence doth not offer and call to the accepting this opportunity and improving of it speedily before it slip, and whether we may not look that the taking of them here, with a smaller help of English and Indians, may not be likely to be a greater advantage than greater numbers when they are removed hence? They have planted as is judged 300 acresj- of choice ground at Deerfield; their fish is there not yet fit to carry away and their place such as they can shift almost away from our approach. So that we count them likely to abide awhile.

We are by reason of our fences being all plucked upj exceedingly disadvantaged for keeping horses, so that we shall be necessitated either to put them in some meadow two or three miles off our towns, or keep them very meanly, or send them home while the riders stay.

Might we receive a few lines from yourself respecting the premises, it would be matter of direction for us. We have not further to add but hearty thanks for your care of and love to us, together with prayers to God of blessing for his presence with and blessing upon you in all your weighty proceeds. We remain,

Loss of the Indians in the Falls-fight. - The reports that the Indians slain and drowned were about 230, or above 200, were evidently derived from the counts or guesses of Bardwell§ and Drew, and of those referred to by Drew. It can hardly be credited that men could have found time during or after the fight, to count the dead or drowning Indians. It is not unreasonable, however, to suppose that from 130 to 180 Indians, old and young, perished at the falls that morning. The extravagant confessions of some Indian prisoners swelled the number to 300, and even to 400. Other Indians, whose testimony Mather noticed, affirmed that

J Probably not one-fourth of 300 acres. They used the fences that were about the homelots in these towns, to make palisades. §Robert Bardwell was one of Capt. Turner's soldiers, who had been in the Narraganset fight. He settled in Hatfield, and was a reputable man.

many who went down the falls, got safe on shore, and that they lost not above 60 men. Menowniet testified at Hartford that 40 Norwottucks (meaning river Indians) and Quabaugs, and 10 Narragansets, were slain at the falls. These 50 or 60 Indians include only fighting-men.

If the veil be raised, which partially covers some of the horrors of that morning, it will be seen that those wigwams above the falls contained men, women and children; that the slaughter was indiscriminate, and that many of those carried down the falls were not warriors. A great part of those that perished were river Indians, who, twelve months before, resided near the Hampshire villages.

The defeat of the Indians at the falls was one from which they never recovered. If they lost only 60 fighting-men, they lost more then fell in any action during the war, except in the Narraganset conflict.

Capt. Newberry came up to Northampton with about 80 men, on the 22d of May. He left three at Westfield, seven of their men having been slain or wounded, in the late expedition. In a letter of the 24th, from him and John Maudsley, they proposed to go up the river, if the council approved. And they further propounded, "whether it may not be advantageous to send up Samuel Cross and those dogs* he hath, if you see cause to have any thing done."

Attack on Hatfield. - On the 30th of May, the Indians appeared at Hatfield, when the men were out in the fields. Their first object was obviously to plunder and destroy property without the palisades, and one party placed themselves in the meadow near the ferry to Hadley, to hinder men from coming over; and later in the day, another party lay in ambush by the road to Northampton. The crossing of the river from Hadley, and passing through the meadow to Hatfield village, was a bold adventure of the English. The number of Indians may have been 250. - Mr. Russell wrote to Hartford the same day, but his letter is lost. An account from Mather, and a hasty letter from Capt. Newberry to Secretary AUyn, follow.

"The enemy fired about twelve houses and barns without the fortification, killed many of their cattle, drove away almost all their sheep, and spread themselves in the meadow

have been used in many countries to hunt mankind, and sometimes to tear them in pieces. The northern parishes of England were required to keep blood-hounds to hunt freebooters, in the time of Charles II. Men who run away from slavery in the United States, are still hunted with dogs; and some years since, it was proposed by a distinguished officer, to purchase blood-hounds to aid the United States troops in the war against the Indians in Florida. Massachusetts tried dogs against Indians, in the last century, but there is no record that they ever killed or captured an Indian. They are inefficient against armed men.

between Hatilcld and Hadley, Whereupon twenty-tive active and resolute men went from Hadley to relieve their distressed brethren. The Indians shot at them ere they could get out of the boat, and wounded one of them. Ours nevertheless charged on the enemy, and shot down five or six at the first voUey near the river. Then they made haste towards the town, fighting with a great number of the enemy, many falling before them. And though encompassed with a numerous swarm of Indians, who lay in ambush behind almost every tree and place of advantage, yet the English lost not one man, till within about an hundred rods of the town, when five of ours were slain; among whom was a precious young man whose name was Smith, that place having lost many, in losing that one man. It speaketh sadly to the rising generation when such are taken away. After this the enemy fled, having lost five and twenty in this fight."

Sir, by post from Hatfield, we received intelligence even now, that the Indians have done much spoil; many houses burnt without the fortification. Several men from Hadley went over for their relief, of which there are five killed and three wounded. Two of our men killed, Johanna Smith and Richard Hall; John Stow wounded in the foot, and Roger Orvis is also wounded in the foot. John Smith of Hadley killed and two of their garrison soldiers.* There were about 150 Indians that fought them up the meadow, aU like to be killed or taken but that men issued out from the town for their relief; none slain till almost come up to the town. Many more Indians then were at the town doing spoil at the same time that our men were fought with. They drew off and ambushed the way betwixt Northampton and Hatfield to lay wait for omt forces, but fearing it beforehand, they [our forces] went not that way but drew over to Hadley - could not get to Hatfield by reason they lay so thick about the landing-place.j- - Many cattle and horses slain and taken away. That is the substance of what intelligence we have to impart. The Lord sanctify his hand to us for our good, and be present with you in all your weighty concerns under hand. Intelligence from Boston you have already. Not else but cordial respects to yourself and all relations with you. I take leave, remaining

Benjamin Newberry

The Connecticut forces under Major Talcott. - In May, 1676, Massachusetts and Connecticut designed an expedition into Hampshire county. Their forces were to scour the country, and to visit Squakeag, the supposed head-quarters of the Indians. Major John Talcott at the head of 250 English on horses and 200 Indians on foot from Connecticut, left Norwich on the first or second of June, and arrived at Hadley on the 8th. He crossed the river to Northampton the same day with part of his forces, that being usually the head-quarters of the Connecticut troops. They took from Norwich 4000 pounds of bread, 1300 pounds of

*John Smith of Hadley, so highly praised by Mather, was in the falls-fight a few days before. He was a son of Lieut. Samuel Smith, and an ancestor of the Hatfield Smiths. The late Oliver Smith of Hatfield, the most wealthy man in Hampshire, was one of his descendants.

Johanna Smith was from Farmington and Richard Hall from Middletown. The names of the two colony soldiers killed are unknown. None of the Hatfield people were slain.

pork, 26 gallons of liquors, and other things.* Capt. Daniel Henchman and the Massachusetts troops were delayed, and did not arrive at Hadley until the 14th.

Major Talcott intended to attack the stronghold of the Indians near Mount Wachuset, but he received a letter from the Council, written May 31st, advising him "not to march to Watchossuck," [Wachuset.] This place was deemed formidable by the Council of Connecticut. Capt. Henchman was to take Wachuset in his way, but he came up in haste, and Wachuset was not assailed.

The eighth of June, 1676, was a day of much excitement in the river towns. An army of 450 men from Connecticut was a novel and animating spectacle. The inhabitants of Hadley gazed with eagerness upon the 250 mounted men, with their red silk banners, and especially upon the 200 Indians, as they marched up the street. The men on horses were almost all from the towns upon Long Island Sound, under Captains Sellick, Mansfield, and Denison. Most of the Hartford county troops were at Northampton under Capt. Newberry. The Indians were Pequots, Mohegans, Nianticks, Indians from Hartford county, and some from Fairfield. They formed a motley assemblage; their dress and arms were various, and their decorations diversified and fantastic. A collection of 200 friendly Indian warriors, was a sight which the inhabitants of these towns never saw before.

In pursuance of your orders, past from Norwich to Wabaquasset, at which place 'suppose was about 40 acres of corn, aod a fort, but none of the enemy to be found; from thence made Chanagongum-|- in the NinapJ country, on the 5th of June, and took 52 of the enemy, of which 19 slain and one shot and made an escape; and on the 6th instant made towards Quabaug and gained it on the 7th day about iz o'clock; took 2 of the enemy, who were laden with as much fish as they could carry, and each of them a gun, their horns full of powder, which were taken; we sent 27 women and children to Norwich under conduct of some of those we call honest Indians, and the other are come to Hadley with the army. By the last that was slain we receive intelligence that there is 500 fighting-men at Pacomtuck. This eighth instant we made Hadley with about 200 Indians and 250 English, but the Bay forces are not come. I past away from Quabaug a letter to the chief commander of the Bay forces, intended for conjunction with us in these parts, and upon advice with those of my council of war, judge that it is not prudent to divide our forces and engage the enemy on both sides of the river, being too weak, rationally expecting that they will endeavor to make over to one side and so overpower us, it may be to our ruin and your loss, and judge it a bootless undertaking to drive but one side, knowing they will fly (if beaten) over to the other side and scornfully reproach us. I have quartered our soldiers and are waiting for your further orders. Mr. Fitch, Mr. Bulldey,* Capt. Newberry, Capt. Denison with all other of our officers and soldiers are in health, desiring their service to be presented to your worships, and do acknowledge the great goodness of God in saving and preserving us in the midst of all our difEculties. Gent'm, if you cause any bread to be made for this wilderness work, it had need be well dried; great part of our bread is full of blue mold, and yet kept dry from wet, and we shall need a barrel of powder at this time and 300 lbs. of bullets for carrying on the war here as we judge. We shall endeavor to procure bread here for our soldiers not knowing how bread can be conveyed up. Shall not trouble you further. Am Hon. Gent.

John Tallcott

Major Talcott wrote another letter from Northampton, June nth. Had sent posts to Capt. Henchman, to hasten the Bay forces, and expected their arrival on the 14th at night. "Our delays in these parts do so exhaust their provision, that it is feared they cannot suit us with bread sufficient for the field." He sent down 40 or 45 horses under Lieut. Leffingwell, to bring what bread they could from Deac. Moore, a baker in Windsor.

Attack on Hadley. - On Monday, June 1 2th, the Indians appeared at Hadley, ignorant that 450 men had recently arrived in these towns. Major Talcott was on the west side of the river, and Capt. Swain, who had been sent up to take the place of Capt. Turner, had the command in Hadley. The object of the Indians seems to have been to plunder and destroy, without the fortification, as at Hatfield. It may be conjectured that a part of them designed to cut off those that went down to work in Fort and Hockanum meadows in the morning. There may have been 250 Indians engaged in this enterprise. They were our river Indians and other Nipmucks, with some Narragansets. This was their last effort in the county of Hampshire in 1676. The power of the Indians was fast declining. The following account is from Mather.

"June 12, the enemy assaulted Hadley. In the morning, sun an hour high, three soldiers going out of the town without their arms, were dissuaded therefrom by a sergeant who stood at the gate, but they alledging that they intended not to go far, were suffered to pass; within a while, the sergeant apprehended that he heard some men running, and looking over the fortification, he saw twenty Indians pursuing those three men, who were so terrified that they could not cry out; two of them were at last killed, and the other so mortally wounded that he lived not above two or three days; wherefore the sergeant gave the alarm. God in great mercy to these western plantations, had so ordered by his providence, that Connecticut army was come thither, before this onset from the enemy. Besides English, there were near upon two hundred Indians in Hadley, who came to fight with and for the English, against the common enemy, who was quickly driven off at the south end of the town. Whilst our men were pursuing of them here, on a sudden a great swarm of Indians issued out of the bushes and made their main assault at the north end of the town; they fired a bam which was without the fortification, and went into a house, where the inhabitants discharged a great gun* upon them, whereupon about fifty Indians were seen running out of the house in great haste, being terribly frighted with the report and slaughter made amongst them by the great gun. Ours followed the enemy, (whom they judged to be about five hundred, and by Indian report since, it seems they were seven hundred-j-) near upon two miles, and would fain have pursued them further, but they had no order so to do. But few of ours lost their lives in this skirmish, nor is it yet known how many the enemy lost in this fight. The English could find but three dead Indians, yet some of them who have been taken captive, confess that they had thirty men killed this day. And since we have been informed by Indians, that while the Indian men were thus fighting against Hadley, the Mohawks came upon their head-quarters, and smote their women and children, with a great slaughter, and then returned with much plunder."^

Expedition up the river. - Capt. Henchman arrived at Hadley with the Massachusetts troops, and a company of Christian Indians, on the 14th of June. On Friday, the i6th, the forces moved up the river, Capt. Henchman on the east side, and Major Talcott on the west side. There was a severe thunder shower that day, but they reached the falls, where they found no Indians. There was a north-east rain-storm all the next day, and the night succeeding, which damaged their arms, ammunition and provisions, and they returned to the towns on Sunday, the i8th. They sent up scouts, on the east side of the river, as high as Squakeag, who could not discover the enemy. The soldiers ranging on the west side, above Deerfield, found the body of Capt. Turner, and conjectured that they found places where some of the English had been tortured to death by burning.

On the 28th of June, about 30 men went up towards the falls, and espied no Indians. They burnt a hundred wigwams upon an island, ruined an Indian fort, spoiled an abundance of fish which they found in Indian barns under ground, and destroyed 30 canoes. Some of the Indians had gone eastward, and others might have gone up the river to their Coasset. They were distressed and scattered.

Major Talcott and the Connecticut forces returned to that colony, June 20th, and a fortnight after, they were killing and capturing Indians in the colony of Rhode Island.

is not known when and where Hadley obtained this "great gun," which was only a small cannon. Lt. Walter Filer of Windsor, in a letter written in October, 1675, marks that "if the great gun at Springfield had been but mounted into Mr. Glover's chamber, it would have put the 100 Indians to rout at the top of the hill," Sec. This Springfield cannon is not noticed by others.

this as in other instances, the wild conjectures of the English, were less eitravagant than the reports of the Indians. There were not at that time seven hundred hostile Indian warriors in Massachusetts.

Before Major Talcott and Capt. Henchman left Hampshire, there were near 900 soldiers in the county, viz., about 530 from Connecticut, including Indians; and between 350 and 400 from the eastern towns in Massachusetts. Only the garrison soldiers under Capt. Swain remained.

Wheat Harvest in Hadley. - The people were apprehensive that the Indians might return during the wheat harvest, and on the llth of July, Mr. Russell, in behalf of the people, wrote to Secretary Allyn at Hartford, and requested a guard of thirty men, while they gathered the harvest from their out-fields. Mr. Allyn replied on the 14th, that they could not send men to Hadley, as their army was to march on the 17th, and their harvest had just come. He thought the Indians were brought low, and would be lower every day.

"Ordered, that during the time of cutting and inning of com* and grass, in Hockanum and Fort Meadow, there shall not be less than the whole number of garrison soldiers, and two out of each squadron, or eight inhabitants, left to secure the town as a garrison every day; the ordering of the garrison aforesaid to be under the inspection of the captain of the garrison soldiers and Lieut. Smith. Ordered that not less than forty nor more than fifty men, presimie to go to labor in Hockanum or Fort Meadow as to harvest-work; and this number they shall dispose of in the best manner for their security and safety; and on those days when such a part are working, either in Hockanum or Fort Meadow, no person shall then be working in the Great Meadow, but the rest are to abide in the town as a security under penalty of three shillings. Tomorrow, July 19th, shall be the day for going to Hockanum, the 20th into the Great Meadow, the 21st into Hockanum, and so the week following."

The meadows north of Hadley village, on account of their exposure to the enemy, were not cultivated in 1676; and the North Meadow in Hatfield seems not to have been used in tillage.

Flight of Indians to Hudson's River. - In July, the Indians were in a disunited and depressed state. They suffered from famine and disease, and were hunted from place to place. Some were taken and others gave themselves up; most of these were women and children. Some fled to distant places. About the 19th of July, a party passed through Westfield, in their flight to Hudson's River. They seized some horses and cattle, and plucked up corn-stalks to suck for refreshment.

Another party crossed the Connecticut between Hadley and Springfield on Friday, the ilth of August, and passed near Westfield the next day. Major Talcott pursued them. Major Pyn-

*The com was wheat. After making an allowance for the difference in style, it will be found that the wheat harvest at Hadley began near the end of July, and at Hartford, a few days sooner, in 1676.

The body of the Indians is drawn off towards Albany, where they are harbored under the government of Andros. We shall be in danger of being continually disturbed, if he harbors the enemy. Last Saturday, August 12th, near 200 Indians were discovered within three or four miles of Westfield. The people and soldiers then went out and made several shots on them and took a horse from them, but finding them so many, they sent word to me. I presently gave order for thirty to march thither, but they came too late; and then also Major Talcott's army came in (who has, they say, cut down all the Indian com about Quabaug, &c.) They pursued them on Sabbath about noon, a day after the Indians were gone, and provisions not being ready at Westfield, they hastened somewhat short of provisions, and I doubt they will not overtake them till they come to Aussotinnoag.*

While I am writing, news comes that Major Talcott's army are most of them returned ; only himself and 60 men and as many Indians have gone on. Finding his want of victuals, Maj. Talcott sent back most of his men, taking all their victuals, and discharging himself of his horses. An old Indian, whom he took, told him the Indian intended to rest at Oussotinoag, and that they had between 50 and 60 fighting-men, and 100 women, besides children. He hopes to get up with them and do some execution, which the Lord in mercy grant. We find by our scouts that this parcel of Indians went over the great river on rafts at the foot of the great falls, between us and Hadley, and their track comes from the Nipmuck country. The scouts found where they lay, within seven miles of our toym, having about 25 fires.

According to Hubbard, Major Talcott overtook the Indians at Ausotunnoog River, and fought with them, killing and taking 45, of whom 25 were fighting-men, with the loss of only one, a Mohegan Indian. The Council of Connecticut, in a letter to Gov. Andros, dated Aug. 19, say theirs slew 40 and took 15 captives. This engagement was on Tuesday morning, Aug. 15th, and is supposed to have taken place in or near the present township of Sheffield. Major Talcott was not stationed at Westfield, as intimated by Trumbull, but had recently come from the east.f

Major Pynchon advised Capt. Swain to send out soldiers and cut down the corn at Squakeag, and the work was done before the 15th of August, - and no Indians seen. He had also sent 30

-[-The third expedition of Major Talcott and his army is not mentioned by historians, except a slight notice by Capt. Church. They marched from New London, after the 20th of July, and crossed the Narraganset country into the colony of Plymouth. On the 31st of July, Massachusetts ordered bread, bacon, cheese, spirits, wine and tobacco, to be sent to Taunton, for Major Talcott's forces. As Major Talcott was returning, he was apprised of the fleeing of the Indians and pursued them. Old CoL Wadsworth of Durham informed Pres. Stiles that this was the hungry march; he had a manuscript history of it. The proclamation of Connecticut of Aug. 19th, appointing Aug. 30th as a day of Thanksgiving, noticed "the goodness of God to us in the great preservation he hath mercifully granted our men, in their last, long, and tedious march through the wilderness," &c. This was the " long and hungry march," - from near Taimton River to the Housatonnuc.

men to Paquayag upon Miller's River, to cut down the corn there. On the 22d, the soldiers finished cutting down the corn at Deerfield; they saw six Indians near Deerfield River. Capt. Swain had orders to march homewards, and intended to go on the last day of August, but a part of the men remained a few days longer.* The soldiers had been in service many months; some were left by Capt. Appleton in November, 1675, and others came up with Capt. Turner in March, 1676. Some had formed attachments here, and became permanent residents.

Philip was slain on the 12th of August, 1676, at Mount Hope, by an Indian of his own nation. The hostile Indians had fled, or submitted, and the war appeared to be terminated, except in Maine. The people of Hampshire were afraid that those fugitives who had been received by the Hudson's River Indians, would make inroads upon their towns; and requests were made to Gov. Andros to deliver up some of the chiefs. He, not improperly, refused to do this. In April, 1677, the names of the principal men, supposed to be in New York, were sent to Gov. Andros, viz., Wequogan, Awassamaug, Pumanequin, Negonump, Apequanas alias John Sagamore, and Cochapesen. The first and the last were Springfield Indians. Gov. Andros said some of the Indians had "fled to Canada, some to the Senecas, and most other nations have got some." Our Norwottuck chief Sancumachu, was not named.

King Philip. - He was the terror of New England for fourteen months. Schemes were attributed to him which he did not contrive, and deeds which he did not perform; and he was charged with the atrocities and cruelties of others. He was not in the attacks upon the Hampshire villages in 1676; he was not concerned in the slaughters and desolations at Lancaster, Medfield, Plymouth, Groton, Warwick, Marlborough, Rehoboth, Providence, Chelmsford, and other places which might be named. But Philip was a savage and doubtless rejoiced in the havoc and bloodshed made by the fierce and furious Nipmucks and Narragansets.f Philip had but few followers and obeyers. He is said to have quarrelled with the Nipmucks at Wachuset.

*On the i8th of August, the Connecticut captains were ordered to march to their respective counties and disband their companies. The war was considered at an end.

story published in some histories, that when Philip was near Albany, he killed some scattered Mohawks, and reported that the English had done it, in order to breed a quarrel between the English and Mohawks, does not deserve the least credit.

would do, against the hostile Indians, and they are found in the letters and histories of that day. Some of these came from New York and Albany, and from Gov. Andros himself, and some were derived from the "confessions" of Indian captives. No reliance can be placed on these reports and hearsays. There is no evidence that the Mohawks came into New England and killed any hostile Indians. The Council of Connecticut wrote to Gov. Andros, Aug. 31, that they were in the dark, as to the Mohawks pursuing and destroying our Indians; they knew not what services the Mohawks had done. (See page 123.) Possibly they had cut off a few stragglers.

On the 19th of September, 1677, a year after the war was apparently closed, some Indians made an unexpected and destructive inroad upon Hatfield. About eleven o'clock in the forenoon, when a greater part of the men were dispersed in the meadows, and others were employed upon the frame of a house without the palisades, a party of Indians suddenly assaulted the latter, and shot down three men, and proceeding to other buildings, killed nine more persons, wounded four others, took seventeen captives, and burnt seven buildings. This was a more calamitous assault than had been made upon any town in Hampshire during the two preceding years. All the persons killed, wounded and taken were women and children except five. All these women and children lived in the northern part of the village, and probably without the palisade.*

The Indians proceeded with their captives to Deerfield the same day, where a few people were preparing to rebuild their houses; of these they killed one and captured four.f They resumed their march up the Connecticut with twenty-one captives, the next morning, and they stopped on the east side of the river, about thirty miles above Northfield,J where they built a long wigwam, and remained about three weeks.

They were pursued as far as Northfield, but not overtaken. To aid in the pursuit, Connecticut sent up Capt. Thomas Watts with 50 men. Had they come upon the Indians, the prisoners would have been in danger of the tomahawk.

fOne of these Deerfield captives was Quintin Stockwell, and in 1684, Rev. Increase Mather published a Narrative of his Captivity, from his own words.

During the three weeks' stay of the Indians above Northfield, some of them proceeded to Wachuset, and brought back with them about eighty women and children. Benoni Stebbins, who was taken at Deerfield, going with them towards Wachuset, escaped, and returned to his friends. Others of these Indians came down and there was a parley* between them and the English, and it was agreed to meet again on the Sabbath, Oct. 14th, to make a treaty for the redemption of the captives. Hadley, Hatfield and Northampton sent down to Hartford for assistance in case of an attack, and for a suitable person to advise. The General Court of Connecticut, on the iith, sent up Major Treat with 40 men to give assistance if needed. The endeavors of these towns and of Connecticut, to ransom the prisoners, were frustrated, and the Indians did not attend the meeting on the 14th.

Benoni Stebbins reported that the Indians who had been at Hatfield were about twenty-seven, including four women, and that they were of the old enemy, formerly neighbors, who had fled to Canada. Stockwell calls a part of them Wachuset Indians.

The Hadley mill which had been preserved by a small garrison in 1675 and 1676, was burnt by Indians in October, 1677. The Hadley record does not note the day.

Sometime in October, the captors and the captives again moved up the river. They crossed the country to Lake Champlain, and after some delays, arrived in Canada in winter weather. These sufferers from Hatfield and Deerfield, were the first that were ever forced to leave their homes in New England, and travel through the dreary wilderness, to Canada. Hundreds were afterwards compelled to do the same.

Killed. - Sergt. Isaac Graves and his brother, John Graves; John Atchisson; John Cooper of Springfield, aged 18; Elizabeth, wife of Philip Russell and her son Stephen, aged 3 years; Hannah, wife of John Coleman, and her babe Bethiah; Sarah, wife of Samuel Kellogg, and her babe Joseph; Mary, wife of Samuel Belding; Elizabeth WeUs, aged two years, daughter of John Wells; in all, 12.

Taken. - Sarah Coleman, aged four years, and another child of John Coleman; Martha, wife of Benjamin Wait, and her 3 daughters, Mary, aged 6, Martha, 4, and Sarah, i; Mary, wife of Samuel Foote, and a young son, and daughter Mary, aged 3; Hannah, wife of Stephen Jennings, and two of his children by a previous wife; Obadiah Dickinson and one child; Samuel, son of Samuel KeUogg, aged 8; Abigail, daughter of John Allis, aged 6; Abigail, daughter of William Bartholomew, who lived at Deerfield before the war; in all, 17.

Buildings burnt. - John Coleman's barn; John Allis's barn; Obadiah Dickinson's house; Benjamin Wait's house and bam; Samuel Kellogg 's house and bam.

At Deerfield. - John Root was taken and then killed; and Sergt. John Plympton, senior, Quintin Stockweli, Benoni Stebbins, and Samuel, son of Philip Russell, aged 8 or 9, were taken.

At both places, there were 13 killed and 21 taken. After the escape of Benoni Stebbins, the captives were 20. Of these, three were slain in Canada, viz., Sergt. Plyn'pton, Samuel Russell, and Mary, daughter of Samuel Foote. Seventeen returned to their friends, with an addition of two babes bom in Canada.

The Canada babes. - The two babes bom in Canada were females; one was a daughter of Benjamin Wait, bora January 22, 1678; the other a daughter of Stephen Jennings, bora March 14, 1678. To commemorate the captivity in Canada, Wait's child was named Canada, and Jennings' child. Captivity, and these names they ever retained. Canada Wait married Joseph Smith, son of the John Smith of Hadley, who was slain in Hatfield meadow. May 30, 1676; she was the grandmother of the late Oliver Smith and his five brothers. Stephen Jennings removed to Brookfield, and his daughter, Captivity, married Abijah Bartlett of that town.

Benjamin Wait and Stephen Jennings, men of energy and perseverance, undertook to redeem their wives and children, and the other captives. They obtained a commission from the government of Massachusetts, and set out from Hatfield on the 24th of October, and went by way of Westfield to Albany. The ruling men frowned upon their enterprise, and after they had proceeded to Schenectady, brought them back by force to Albany, and sent them down to New York to Gov. Andros, under pretence of some new order from him. Capt. Brockhurst interceded for them, and they were sent back with a pass, and arrived at Albany, Nov. 19. Here they again met with discouragements, and were obliged to hire a Mohawk Indian to conduct them to Lake George. This savage was more humane and friendly than the governing men in the colony. The lake being open, he fitted up for them a canoe, about Dec. 16, and drew for them a draught of the lakes they were to pass.* They went down Lake George, and carried their canoe two miles upon their backs, to Lake Champlain, where they were hindered by ice and head-winds many days, and reached Chamblee on the 6th of January, 1678. At Sorell and the vicinity, they found the captives. They went down to Quebec, where they were civilly entertained by the French governor, who granted them a guard of eleven persons towards Albany. They left Quebec on the 19th of April, and Sorell on the 2d of May, having redeemed all the captives. The French had been kind to them. They arrived at Albany, on Wednesday, the 22d of May.

From Albany, a messenger was sent to Hatfield with the following letters, written by two plain men. They are natural and unstudied, and coming from the heart, must have reached the hearts of others, especially Wait's.

Having now opportunity to remember my kind love to thee and our child, and the rest of our friends, though we met with great afflictions and trouble since I see thee last, yet here is now opportunity of joy and thanksgiving to God, that we are now pretty well, and in a hopeful way to see the faces of one another, before we take our final farewell of this present world. Likewise God hath raised up friends amongst our enemies, and there is but three of us dead of all those that were taken away - Sergeant Plympton, Samuel Russel, Samuel Foot's daughter. So I conclude being in haste, and rest your most affectionate husband, till death makes a separation.

Quintin Stockwell

These few lines are to let you understand that we are arrived at Albany now with the captives, and we now stand in need of assistance, for my charges is very great and heavy; and therefore any that have any love to our condition, let it move them to come and help us in this strait. Three of the captives are murdered, - old Goodman Plympton, Samuel Foot's daughter,Samuel Russell. All the rest are alive and well and now at Albany,namely, Obadiah Dickinson and his child, Mary Foot and her child, Haimah Jennings and 3 children, Abigail Allis, Abigail Bartholomew, Goodman Coleman's children. Samuel Kellogg, my wife and 4 children, and Quintin Stockwell. I pray you hasten the matter, for it requireth great haste. Stay not for the Sabbath, nor shoeing of horses. We shall endeavor to meet you at Canterhook [Kinderhook;] it may be at Housatonock. We must come very softly because of our wives and children. I pray you, hasten them, stay not night nor day, for the matter requireth haste. Bring provisions with you for us.

Benjamin Waite

At Albany, written from mine own hand. As I have been affected to yours all that were fatherless, be affected to me now, and hasten the matter and stay not, and ease me of my charges. You shall not need to be afraid of any enemies.

They remained in Albany five days, and on Monday, May 27, walked twenty-two miles to Kinderhook, where they met men and horses from Hatfield. They rode through the woods to Westfield, and soon all reached Hatfield in safety. The captives had been absent eight months, and Wait and Jennings, seven months. The day of their arrival was one of the most joyful days that Hatfield ever knew. The ransom of the captives cost above two hundred pounds, which was gathered by contribution among the English.

Copies of the letters of Stockwell and Wait were carried to Medfield, on the 29th of May, and Rev. John Wilson, of that place, immediately sent them to the governor and council at Boston, who had previously appointed the 6th of June, as a day of fasting and humiliation. After receiving these letters, they issued an additional notice to the public. May 30th: -

"Knowing that the labor, hazard and charge of said Benjamin Wait and bis associate have been great, we recommend their case with the captives for relief, to the pious charity of the elders, ministers and congregations of the several towns; that on the fast day, they manifest their charity by contributing to the relief of said persons. And the ministers are desired to stir up the people thereunto. For quickening this work, we do hereby remit a copy of Benjamin Wait's letter,* to be read publickly either before or upon that day; and what is freely given, is to be remitted to Mr. Anthony Stoddard, Mr. John Joyliff and Mr. John Richards, or either of them, who are appointed to deliver and distribute the same for the ends aforesaid." Signed by Edward Rawson, Secretary.

Chapter Xvi

Fears on account of the attack upon Hatfield - Hadley fortifications - Number of persons slain in Hampshire - Buildings burnt - Benevolence - Cost of the war - Head-quarters at Mr. Russell's - War taies in Hampshire - Colony expenses in Hampshire - Soldiers' wages - Flint locks and match locks - Praying Indians - Noises in the air - Garrison at Quabaug - Posts - Hadley Mill, the parley, &c - Surgeon - Ferry-men and others - Scenes in Hadley.

The sudden and unlocked for onset upon Hatfield excited much apprehension. It was feared that other parties of Indians would fall upon the frontier towns. A few soldiers were stationed at Hatfield for a year after Sept. 1677, and some at Hadley for six months in 1678. The fortifications about the Hampshire towns were repaired or rebuilt, and kept in order several years, and men went to their labors and to public worship, with their arms in their hands. In Oct. 1677, the General Court ordered that the Hampshire towns should endeavor to new model the situation of their houses, so as to be more compact, and men from the five towns were appointed a committee, to regulate the same. They were not able to effect much, except at Westfield.

Hadley Fortifications, &c. - In Feb. 1677, the town voted to fortify the meeting-house; the selectmen were to call out men and teams for the work. They also voted that every male inhabitant above 16 years of age, should bring arms and ammunition to meeting on Lord's days and at Lectures, or forfeit a shilling for every neglect.

The meeting-house appears to have been surrounded with a palisade. One object of this was to provide a place of refuge, to which the women and children could flee, and which the men could defend. Men carried arms to meeting because it was im-

*When Benjamin Wait wrote this letter to the people of Hatfield, he little thought that it would be read in all the pulpits of Massachusetts.

portant that they should be near theii arms, in case of an attack upon any part of the village. They undoubtedly carried arms to the meeting-house in 1675 and 1676.

Hadley repaired the east fortifications in 1677. In Jan. 1678, the town voted not to include the five houses at the north end, but would give to the owners land to build upon within the palisade. On the loth of December, 1678, they voted to build a new fortification on the east side; the stuff to be ten feet in length and three inches thick, set two feet into the ground; and if rails were used, they were to be substantial. The west fortification was to be repaired. Every man was to make his proportion of the palisade according to the town list of estates. Men made their proportion on their own land, where it could be done. In April, 1684, the town voted to keep up the fortification on the east side. The east palisade extended from Nathaniel Dickinson's lot on the south, to William Partrigg's lot on the north, and included the buildings on those lots. (See page 24.) The length was not far from a mile. The only gate on that side was one in the middle highway. Each squadron built a watch-house in 1678 or 1679.

1676. 1677. March. In the expedition of Majors Sav- Sept. 19. At Hatfield, 12 age and Treat, towards Millers' River, 1 " " At Deerfield, i At Westfield, "on the last snowy day," 2 In Canada, 3

Buildings burnt. - The number of dwelling-houses burnt in Hampshire was not less than one hundred and ten, but many of them were small, cheap buildings. The number of barns burnt was less. The houses consumed in the three towns destroyed, Brookfield, Northfield and Deerfield, may be estimated at 45; Springfield, 33, Westfield, 3, Northampton, lO, Hatfield, 16,* Hadley, none, Suffield, some, and Swampfield,t a few. Of the five

*Hatfield said in a petition, April, 1678, that they had lost from one-third to one-half of their dwelling-houses, the greater part of their kme, sheep and horses, and many bams.

deputies of the General Court, in May, 1680, say that, "of ten towns in Hampshire, five are wholly dissipated." They include Swampfield or Sunderland in the ten towns. There must have been a few buildings there in 1675, before the war.

towns remaining, Hatfield, in proportion to her population, suffered the greatest loss of life and property. The loss of property by Springfield village, separate from the town, was greater. Hadley lost the least property, and Westfield the fewest Hves. It is not known that Hadley had a single dwelling-house burnt.

Boston and other places in Massachusetts often made generous contributions for suffering families, and for the redemption of captives. The people of the river towns were kind towards the sufferers among them. Connecticut contributed liberally for the relief of other colonies in 1676 and 1677. The contribution of Windsor in 1676 was equal to 170 bushels of Indian corn. Connecticut relieved some in Hampshire. - There was much compassion and benevolence in New England.

Cost of the War. - The disbursements in this war, according to the records of the commissioners at Hartford, in Sept. 1678, were as follows: -

Massachusetts had expended 6 or 7000 pounds on the war in Maine. Exclusive of this, each colony had disbursed not far from its share. Connecticut refused to aid in defending Maine, as it did not belong to Massachusetts when the confederation was formed. Plymouth paid \ooo£ for the eastern war. The expenses of war were to be borne by the colonies in this proportion : - Massachusetts, 100, Connecticut, 60, Plymouth, 30. The property destroyed by the Indians, and many expenses of towns, are not embraced in the 81,000 pounds. Bancroft's statement that "the disbursements and losses equalled half a million of dollars," seems not excessive, f

has a statement that about 600 inhabitants of New England were slain in this war, 12 or 13 towns entirely destroyed, and about 600 buildings burnt. In a note, he expresses an opinion that the loss was much greater. Secretary Rawson of Mass. wrote, Jan. 4, 1677 - "By sending to our several towns, we find 660 families, consisting of 2265 persons, in distress, and yet want returns from 13 towns."

Connecticut lost and suffered much less than other parts of New England. She had no enemies within her borders, except a few stragglers from other colonies. Her own Indians were helpers and not foes. She performed her duty honorably as one of the New England confederacy.

principal officers.* Two requests or petitions for pay, in September and October, 1677, were signed by his friends, and one of them by his wife Rebecca Russell, but not by him. The whole sum charged was then £jS.i2-S- They say that the "chief gentlemen improved in the affairs of the war were entertained there, which called for provisions answerable, and was of the best to be had."f He had "to draw divers barrels of beer, and much wine, and fruit suitable to the company; and had no more credit for such company by the week or meal than other men for ordinary entertainment." "The great cumber, trouble and burden upon his wife," are noticed. - The account was paid.

War Taxes in Hampshire. - A country rate was one penny on every pound of estate in the lists, and is. 8d. on each poll. In 1675, there were 10 country rates ordered; in 1676, 16 rates; in 1677, 9 rates, making 35 country rates laid in three years. A few of them were for ordinary expenses. A single country rate on the five Hampshire towns, in October, 1675, was as follows: - Springfield, ;^26.5. 5, Northampton, ;£'22.2.io, Hadley, p^^iS.io.Q, Westfield, ;^^ii.i6.o, Hatfield, £S.i2.o. Each rate was the same in 1676, and apparently nearly the same in 1667, but there were some abatements for losses in war. The Hadley country rates in three years were 35 times ;^i8.io.g, or about 648 pounds, in country pay. The taxes were equally heavy in all parts of the colony.

Colony expenses in Hampshire. - The Hampshire towns, especially the upper ones, fed so many troops and horses, and furnished so many other things for the army, that they had very heavy charges against the colony, and their taxes were paid in this way. Hatfield was allowed £'jSS until May 1st, 1676, Northampton, 6gj£, and Hadley much more than either; and there were large disbursements by these towns for the colony after May i, 1676, amounting to about 8oO;^ in Hadley and Hatfield. In October, 1680, the sum still due to Hadley was £goo, to Hatfield, £400,

*The trwo judges, Whalley and Goffe, were undoubtedly at Peter TUton's and Lieut. Samuel Smith's during the war. They could not have been concealed at Mr. Russell's.

-j-Men in office, civil and military, lived well in those days. And the laboring classes and soldiers had a good supply of substantial food. The following ^'estimate of what will serve 500 soldiers one month" was made Feb. 15, 1676, by the Committee of War.

1 5000 biscuit, 20 barrels pork, 30 barrels beef, 1000 pounds of bacon and 1000 pounds of cheese (or 10 cwts.) 50 bushels Indian com parched and beaten into nocake [Indian, nokehick;] 300 small bags for each man to carry nocake; stockings and shoes, 200 pairs of each; shirts and drawers, lOO of each; 50 waistcoats, 100 wallets, 6 barrels powder, 1200 pounds, (or 12 cwts.) of shot, [bullets,] 2000 flints, 300 bushels of oats and 100 bushels barley, for horses.

Pay of garrisons. - Northampton, Hadley, and Hatfield paid their own garrison soldiers in the winter of 1675-6, and until May, without the aid of the colony.

The wages of soldiers in this war were six shillings per week in Massachusetts, and food. They received clothing when they remained in service some weeks, or months. The six shillings was in "country pay." The diet or board of soldiers was about 5s. per week; less in some places.

Match locks and flint locks were both in use when thewarbegan, but the latter superseded the former, and few match locks were used in 1676. Match locks and muskets with rests were not fitted for Indian warfare. The Indians did not use match locks, and had not perhaps at any time. They were excellent marksmen.

Friendly Indians. - Connecticut managed Indians more wisely than Massachusetts. They were generally pagans, but she treated them kindly, and Dep. Gov. Leete wrote in April, 1676, that no Indians belonging to Connecticut had become hostile. In Massachusetts, a great prejudice arose among the people against all Christian Indians because a few had proved false, and their enmity knew no bounds. Honest and faithful pra)nng Indians were falsely accused, insulted, robbed, imprisoned, some shot at and wounded and others murdered. There was a savage antipathy against all Indians. But whenever the Christian Indians were employed in the service, they were brave and faithful, and the hatred of the people gradually abated, and after April, 1676, the Christian Indian soldiers were constantly employed, and performed signal services.

Noises in the Air. - Mather says - " It is certain that before this war broke out, viz. on Sept. 10, 1674, in Northampton, Hadley and other towns thereabouts, was heard the report of a great piece of ordnance with a shaking of the earth, and a considerable echo, when there was no ordnance really discharged at or near any of those towns."

Garrison at Quabaug. - This was kept up through the spring, and perhaps through the summer of 1676. Quarters were built for soldiers, who were furnished with provisions and ammunition, carried from Marlborough on the backs of horses. Sometimes 15 men conducted 30 horses, and were escorted by 20 troopers. In the early part of May, it was expected that Hadley and other towns on the river would supply the garrison with provisions, to be conveyed on horses as before, but for some reason the plan failed at that time.

Posts traveled between Connecticut River and Boston during the war, except in the winter, and were not harmed. Nathaniel Warner of Hadley, who came from Brookfield, was a post to Boston many times in 1675 and 1676.

Hadley Mill. - It is remarkable that this lonely mill, about three miles north of the village, was not destroyed by the Indians in 1675 or 1676. The garrison kept there seems to have been very small - sometimes only 2,3 or 4 men. The accounts of theattackon the mill, and the parley in 1677, do not agree. Stockwell's Narrative differs from other statements.* "The burning of the corn-mill by the enemy" is noticed in the Hadley records, not elsewhere.

Doct. William Locke came to Hadley with Capt. Lothrop, and was there more than a year, as a physician and surgeon. He wrote to Mr. Rawson for medicines for wounded men. May 30, 1676 - 5 kinds of emplastrum, 2 or 3 kinds of oil, and many other things, and added, "old linen as much as you can get."

The Hadley ferry-men were busy during the war. Soldiers were frequently crossing the river, sometimes by hundreds. Joseph Kellogg, at the lower ferry, received of the colony in 1677, 40 pounds for the ferriage of soldiers, and for a team lost in the service. Samuel Partrigg, who had the direction of the upper ferry, received 20 pounds, Oct. 1677, for ferrying soldiers.

Samuel Porter took care of most of the wounded soldiers at Hadley, and laid out much for their provision and comfort. So says the record of the General Court, September, 1676. There was due to him for what he had expended on the country's account about 200;^'.

Hadley was not a dull place in the war. The houses were often filled to overflowing, companies of soldiers were arriving and departing, armed men appeared daily in the broad street, and the red flag waved in the breeze. There were various scenes and occurrences in those cluttered dwellings, both serious and ludicrous. Nothing disreputable is recorded.

it be that the women and children that came from Wachuset (page 176) are the same that Gooldn says were carried away with Wannalancet, from near Chelmsford, by a party that came from Canada with tliose that assailed Hatfield ?

Chapter Xvii

Bounds of Hadley and Additions - Grant of 1673 - Grant of 1683 - Land at the Falls - Grant of 1727 - Survey of 1739 - Controversy with Hatfield, 1707 - 1733 - New Houselots - Addition to old Houselots - New Street and Lots - Grants of land - Skirts of Forty Acres and Hockanum - Fort River Pastures - Hadley Swamps.

The General Court determined in October, 1663, that the bounds of Hadley, on the east side of the river, should be five miles from their meeting-house place, up the river, five miles down the river, and four miles east from the most eastern part of the river. The people of Hadley asked for an enlargement of their township, at the October session, 1672. They recurred to their old difficulties, - their small divisions of land, the high price paid the Indians, the 20o£ paid to Mr. Bradstreet, and the loss of onethird of their productive land and many of their company to make Hatfield. They continued: -

"The common feeding place* of our working cattle, whereby we carry on our husbandry, is without our town-bounds, and our want of hay ground is such as necessitates us to seek out some remote, boggy meadow, either to take hay from or carry our cattle to, that we may keep them alive; our interval land by reason of the high situation of it being seldom flooded, and so not continuing to yield grass as in the plantations lower down the river, and as here formerly."

They asked for an addition to make their plantation equal to 8 miles square. They said the greater part of their wood-land was "barren pine plain, capable of very little improvement." - Rev. John Russell wrote the petition, and 38 persons signed it, viz.,

In General Court, May 7, 1673: - "In answer to the petition of the inhabitants of Hadley, for the settlement of the bounds thereof, it is ordered, that their bounds shall run from their meeting-house five miles up the river, five miles down the river, and six miles from their meeting-house eastward."

In May, 1683, the selectmen of Hadley, in the name of the town, petitioned for an addition to their southern bounds, of three miles in width, running four miles east from the river. They represented that their young people were straitened for want of enlargement, and removed to remote places; and "the inhabitants are shut up on the east and north by a desolate, barren desert," referring to the pine lands.

In General Court, May 16, 1683: - "In answer to the petition of the inhabitants of Hadley, the Court judgeth meet to grant, as an addition of land, to the township of Hadley, four miles square, provided that Major Pynchon may have his five hundred acres, part of a former grant to him, and formerly taken up within that tract; to be laid out in such form as the selectmen of Hadley and he shall agree, and that said land be of the township of Hadley."

This grant was useless to Hadley while the French and Indian wars continued. It was not surveyed until October, 17 15, when John Chandler, Jr. of Woodstock, was employed to lay out these 16 square miles or 10,240 acres. The north line began on the river, below the mouth of Stony Brook and ran eastward, on the old boundary line, 1500 rods; the east line was 1060 rods; the south line was the boundary of Springfield, 1420 rods; and the western limit was the river. This appears to have been the first measurement of land in Hadley, by the aid of the surveyor's compass. Hadley then extended from Springfield to Sunderland, above thineen miles.

At the same time, Mr. Chandler surveyed Major Pynchon's 500 acres at the south-west corner of the addition. The north line was 460 rods in length, the east line 240 rods, the south line, on Springfield border, 180 rods,* and the western boundary was the river, running south-easterly, and the great falls. In 1726, William Pynchon of Springfield, sold to John Taylor of Hadley, twothirds of the five hundred acres, for twenty shillings an acre, in the currency of that day, equal to about one dollar and thirty or forty cents. It is probable that Taylor purchased the other third. The 500 acres embraced the site of the present village at South Hadley Canal,f and the water privileges at the falls on the east side of the river. For upwards of fifty years, after 1726, the land was occupied by the Taylors and others for agricultural purposes; and the water of the river carried a saw-mill. In the fishing season, many people resorted to the place, and there was noise and bustle, but during most of the year, few dwellings in the township were more retired and sequestered than those in this nook. There were no freight boats, no shops nor inns; and few sounds were heard by the river's side but the roaring of the falls and the screaming of the loon.

In November, 1727, twenty-one persons, who resided south of Mount Holyoke, in Hadley, and intended to form a precinct there, sent a petition to the General Court, asking for the land between the addition laid out in 1715, and the equivalant lands, afterwards Belchertown. This tract, called four miles long and two wide, or eight square miles, was granted. This addition is now the south-eastern part of Granby. The township of Hadley after this grant, contained about eighty square miles.

In April, 1739, Oliver Partridge of Hatfield, was employed to survey the township of Hadley, according to the grant of 1673. He first ascertained the point or place that was exactly six miles due east of the old meeting-house, and from that point measured north five miles and south five miles; and from each extremity of this line of ten miles, he run a line directly west to Connecticut River. These three lines, with the river, were the bounds of Hadley according to the grant of 1673. His south line was 7 miles and 94 rods, east line 10 miles, and north line 4 miles and 142 rods. A line running east from the Connecticut, at the mouth of Mohawk brook, long considered the dividing line between Hadley and Sunderland, Mr. Partridge found to be 55 rods too far south at the east end, and 50 rods at the west end, and that Sunderland possessed 457 acres of land that belonged to Hadley. Sunderland petitioned against the removal of the old line. In December, 1740, the General Court accepted of Mr. Partridge's plan, with the exception of the north line, which, they decided, should remain where it had been, and Hadley was to have 457 acres elsewhere, near Sunderland. This equivalent was taken up adjoining the Connecticut above the "fishing bar" at Deerfield Falls, and was called the "Hadley Farm above Sunderland." It was sold by Hadley in 1749.*

*When the boundaries of Hadley and the other old townships in Hampshire were definitely established, the direction of the lines was taken by the magnetic needle, without regard to the true meridian. This was done when the deviation of the needle from^the true north point, was 8 degrees or more, to the westward. This variation is readily perceived by examining upon a map the east and north lines of the former townships of Springfield and Hadley, and the north lines of other townships upon the river. The lines of Mr. Chandler and Mr. Partridge were according to the compass, without any allowance for the variation of the needle, which in 1739 was about 8 degrees to the west. It is less now (1848) and the direction of the lines is consequently not the same by the compass as in 1739.

a century, or from 1707 to 1733. Several Hadley men had removed to Hatfield, and others had sold their lands on the west side to Hatfield men, and in 30 or 40 years many lots of land in the Ponsets, which had belonged to persons in Hadley, were possessed by residents in Hatfield; yet they were a part of Hadley, and taxed for the benefit of that town. The people of Hatfield disliked this state of things, and sought for a change. In December, 1707, Hatfield voted to search records and consult able lawyers. In May, 1709, they petitioned the General Court that the river might be the boundary between the two towns, and the land on the west side pay taxes to Hatfield. The people of Hadley, in August, instructed their representative, Daniel Marsh, "to defend Hadley against so unjust a petition." The General Court heard the parties Nov. 4, 1709, and "ordered that the petition be dismissed, and that it be recommended to the selectmen and inhabitants of Hadley, to accommodate their neighbors of Hatfield, on consideration of the many advantages Hadley has over and above Hatfield." Hadley was not disposed to comply. Several letters passed between the towns in January and February, 17 10, and they disputed respecting the advantages which Hadley was said to have over Hatfield in the division of 1669. Hatfield affirmed that their meadow land was not so good as that of Hadley; that their great meadow was inferior to any meadow possessed by Hadley; and that their uplands were poor and mountainous, and inferior to those of Hadley; the latter having some valuable tracts of upland both north and south of Mount Holyoke. As to the agreement of 1669, Hatfield said that 40 years made a difference in circumstances, and this difference required corresponding changes. Hadley, on the other hand, averred that Hatfield had privileges in some respects better than those of Hadley; and they thought the agreement of 1669 "ought to be binding on the consciences of all good people."

In May, 17 10, Hatfield again requested the General Court to make the river the boundary between the towns; this petition was renewed in 1712 and in 1715. Committees were appointed in 1715, 1716 and 1718, but nothing decisive took place. Hadley strenuously opposed all the efforts of Hatfield. A petition was sent by Hatfield in 1730, and after a delay of three years, a committee, on the 2d of November, 1733, reported that Connecticut River should be the bound between Hadley and Hatfield, and their report was accepted by all branches the same day.

in 1670, were not taken up. In March, 1669, the town gave to Joseph Warriner, a houselot 7 rods by 12, "in the middle of the street," near the north end, and he built a house and bam, and lived upon this lot, until about 1690, when he sold to Eleazar Warner for 28 pounds, and removed to Enfield.

Between the river and the four small houselots at the north end of the east tier, the land was used as a street, perhaps 20 or 30 rods in width or more. In 1672, the town began to grant this for houselots and other uses, leaving a highway south of the lots. The following grants next to the river were made: -

One or two houses were built upon these river lots before the Indian war, and there were five houses upon this north highway which were not included in the palisade. All these small lots, on both sides of the highway, were washed away by the river more than lOO years since.

While attacks from the Indians were feared, some small houselots were granted in or near the street in 1677, 1678 and 1679, ^*^-> to John Preston next to Samuel Gardner's houselot; to John Ingram from the town homelot, which came back to the town in 1696; to Edward Scott, on the south side of the south highway into the meadow; to Quintin Stockwell, within the fortification, which he did not occupy.

Mark Warner, in 1680, had a grant forty rods long and three rods wide, from the middle highway, next to Mr. Russell's houselot, to build on. He removed to Northampton, but he claimed this land, and the town did not allow his claim. Their dispute was not at an end in 1712.

In March, 1679, the town voted to build a house for Thomas Webster (or buy an old one,) and set it in the middle highway into the meadow, on a piece of common land adjoining the pound, and not far from the house William Webster lived in. Thomas Webster had been driven from Northfield and lost his property. William Webster was also poor. Two sons of Gov. Webster lived some years in this highway, near the east end, in small houses built by the town. The pound was near them. One of the

Hadley fortunately passed through the war and the ensuing years of danger, without disfiguring and obstructing her spacious street, by permanent inclosures and buildings.

Addition to the old Houselots. - The plain upon which Hadley village was built, was, like most other terraces or levels in the vicinity of Connecticut River, lowest on the side farthest from the river. On the east side of this plain, next to the bank of the higher plain where the middle street is, there was low, swampy land, which was not included in the homelots. In January, 1674, the town permitted the homelots of John Russell, Jr., of the Town, Thomas Wells, John Hubbard, Samuel Porter and John Dickinson, to be extended "from the rear as now fenced up, to the bank eastward." In 1675, five or six of those living on the lower part of the street were allowed to extend their homelots "to the bank on the east side of the swamp," or as it was sometimes expressed, "to the hill over the low valley." In Feb. 1675, the town sold to Doct. John Westcarr, for 10 pounds, the low land, south of the middle highway, in the rear of five homelots, viz., those of John Barnard, Andrew Bacon, Nathaniel Stanley, Thomas Stanley and John White. It was called 6 acres and 96 rods, apparently 16 rods by 66. All the east homelots were extended to the bank or hill except the five.

A new Street and new Homelots. - In 25 years after the planting of Hadley, buildings had not been erected on more than four or five homelots, in addition to the first forty-seven. The number of familes had not much increased; they were near 50 in 1662, and in 1685, they did not exceed 60. Some of the first settlers died without children, several returned to Connecticut, and a number of young men settled at Hartford, Hatfield, and other places. There was, however, a considerable increase of young persons.

The tract of land east of the old homelots was denominated the Pine Plain; the trees had been cut off, and it was covered with brush. In 1679, the town voted to clear it of brush, that it might be fit for feeding. In 1682, it was again ordered that the pine plain should be cleared.

On the 1 2th of February, 1684, the town voted that a tier of lots should be laid out upon the pine plain, "excepting or sequestering 20 rods in breadth for a highway at the rear of the old homelots; to run from the north end of the town to Fort Meadow, and eastward of said way the lots aforesaid to be laid out, to begin at Joseph Smith's lot at the north end, and run as far as there is common land to the Fort Meadow, leaving highways into the woods." A committee of five was appointed to lay out the lots. They were lots of eight acres, or 1 6 by 80 rods.

In 1687, most of the lots were granted to individuals, on condition that they built upon them within three years. Another Indian war commenced the next year, and no man would build without the fortification. In 1690, the grants were renewed and again in 1692. In 1699, after the return of peace, 26 lots between the north highway and the Bay road, were recorded. Some lots were granted east of these, and provision was made for a highway 16 rods wide, 120 rods east of the other. There were other lots of eight acres between the Bay road and Fort Meadow.

Record of the lots on the Pine Plain, April 5, 1699, beginning at the north highway, and proceeding southward. Sixteen lots were north, and ten south, of the highway which was a continuation of the middle highway into the woods.

A few frames were put up on this new street, but another Indian and French war commenced in 1703, and continued about ten years, and the street was not inhabited. At the end of half a century from the first settlement of Hadley, the inhabitants were confined to the old forty-seven homelots, and five or six small lots subsequently added. Some of the lots had two houses on them, and several houses had two families. About 17 13, men began to build houses on the new street, and in 1720, fifteen families resided in them.

Grants of Land. - In 1673, a piece of high interval upon the Connecticut, having Mill River on the south, and School Meadow fence on the north, was in part given to three men, and in part reserved for the use of the town. In 1699, the town's part was given to four persons. The number of acres in this parcel of

In 1672, the town sequestered for their own use a piece of land called 8 acres, at the north end of the upper School Meadow. It was used by Rev. Mr. Hopkins, and perhaps by preceding ministers. The town sold it to Deac. Jason Stockbridge for 500 dollars about 30 or 40 years since. It was then swampy and bushy, but is now (1848) a productive meadow, containing about 15 acres.

In 1673, the meadow land north of the preceding lot, and a strip of high interval, extending to Sunderland line, west of the pine plain, were granted to four men, except one acre and a half near the mouth of Mohawk brook, which the proprietors of Swampfield were allowed to fence in, February, 1675, to get good ground for their fence.

Skirts of Forty Acres. - In March, 1675, the town gave to the proprietors of Forty Acre Meadow, liberty to remove their fence eastward, and run it round the boggy meadow, and under the mountain side, &c. - The addition enclosed within this fence, was denominated the Skirts of Forty Acres. The Skirts were fully fenced in 1669.* The fence began at Connecticut River south of Coleman's brook, thence ran near the bank, round the boggy meadow, upon the hill or plain to the stone bridge; thence on east side of some lots, and upon the hills to the saw-mill dam; and from the saw-mill house on the north side of Mill River, to the School Meadow fence, enclosing the interval north of Mill River. The fence from the Connecticut round to the saw-mill dam, and thence to the School Meadow fence was 935 rods, (estimating the river-bank fence and two gates equal to 30 rods.) This was proportioned among 38 proprietors. The fence was proportioned and rebuilt for the last time in 1748, and was then 739 rods to Mill River, and 172 rods from the School grist-mill to the School Meadow fence. On the 2d of August, 1753, the proprietors voted that Forty Acres be no more fed as a common field, and notice was given that the General Field was dissolved. This field, which bore the name of Forty Acres, contained 382 acres. The Skirts had about twice as many acres as the Meadow.

The old ditch which belonged to the Forty Acre fence, may still be traced in many places, on the plain, on banks, and hill sides. In 1748, there were 166 rods of stone wall in this fence. Very few rods of stone wall can now be found in Hadley. The fence, after it included the Skirts, twice crossed the main road,

The farm of Charles Phelps, Esq., so much admired by President Dwight,* and so well described by him, included a large portion of Forty Acre Meadow and Skirts. It is still possessed by his son Charles P. Phelps, Esq. and son in law, Rev. Dan Huntington, (1848.)

Hockanum Meadow had its Skirts, of about 140 acres. They included the land between the river and meadows on the west, and the mountain path, or old Springfield road, on the side of Mount Holyoke, on the east.

Fort Meadow Skirts embraced the swamps and low lands east and south-east of the meadow, and separated from it by Fort River. They were estimated at no acres.

Fort River Pastures or Swamp. - In January, 1682, the town gave to the proprietors of Fort Meadow the low land "up the river from Fort Meadow fence to Lieut. Kellogg's 40 acres and above his 40 acres, to make them equal to Forty Acre proprietors with their Skirts." The Skirts of Fort Meadow were not sufficient for this purpose. "The outlets where cattle go over Fort River to feed " were not included]in the grant, and they were to give allotments to two or three persons who were not proprietors. Joseph Kellogg's 40 acres were a former grant, near the south end of Spruce Hill, and the old road to Brookfield was through this lot.

This tract of land was laid out to 22 persons in the year 1699. Three highways were left; - one 4 rods wide in the lower part, one 14 rods wide including the road to Brookfield, which was then some rods above where it now is, and one three rods wide across Joseph Kellogg's lot, "from hill to hill, where the former county road went." The lower lots extended across the river and the river valley from the hill on one side to the hill on the other, but eleven lots east of Spruce Hill, had for their northern boundary, the "Nashaway path," an old path formerly traveled when the way to Boston was through Nashua (Lancaster.) The whole width of all the lots was 720 rods, or 2 miles and 80 rods, and the number of acres, 251. These pastures extended eastward almost to the present road and bridge near Dickinson's tannery.

Spruce Swamp is the long swamp, west of the bank called Spruce Hill. Lots were not permanently granted here till 1699. Four men had nearly the whole, viz., Samuel Boltwood had the northern part; next south of him was John Smith, orphan; 3d, John Montague; and 4th, Peter Montague, 2d. The latter pur- chased of the town in 1714, all the southern part of Spruce Swamp down to the Log-bridge, near the present road to Amherst, for 20 pounds. Much of this swamp is now valuable land.

Old Sv/amp was some distance east of Spruce Swamp and was not extensive. Lands were granted there in 1680 and after. It was some years before they were fenced.

Partrigg's Swamp and Nut Meadow were east of Mount Warner. In 1680, John Warner, from Brookfield, had a grant of 20 acres in Partrigg's Swamp, and his son, Mark Warner, 12 acres. Henry White had 20 acres in Nut Meadow. The Warners' lots returned to the town because they were not improved within seven years. White retained his.

The swamps named Partrigg's, Hubbard's, New, Taylor's, and some others, were not appropriated until the Inner Commons were laid out. The lots previously granted in some of them, came back to the town.*

The Great Swamp was in the northern part of Hadley, stretching into Sunderland. It still remains an extensive swamp. In 1714, five lots, recorded as eight acres each, were granted on the eastern side of this swamp, beginning where the brook from the swamp unites with Mill River, and extending northward about half a mile. A sixth lot seems to have been added. These lots, or portions of them, were cleared and fenced, and used for mowing, and some of them are still mowed. In the spring of 1846, some of the lowest, wettest lots, presented a fine, green appearance, but the grass was mostly sedge. They are in Amherst, westward of the meeting-house in the north parish. The rest of the Great Swamp was a part of the Inner Commons.

When Hadley had been settled forty years, there were very few fenced fields, except the intervals and homelots. For many years after 1700, the woods continued to be the main pastures. There were a few inclosures in the swamps and skirts. Next to intervals, the swamps were most sought after, one hundred and fifty years ago. These produced tall, coarse grass, which was needed for hay. Hadley often complained of a deficiency of hay-ground.

Individuals were sometimes allowed to occupy the highways into the meadow, between homelots, as pastures, on condition of making a gate and fence at one end for the town. They made another gate and fence at the other end for themselves, and those who passed through these ways, opened and shut two gates.

for ten years, if he maintained a gate and fence at the west end of the lane. He also kept a gate not far from the east end, near the pound. He had the use of the same a second ten years. The pound was a few rods west of the end of the lane.

Coined Money - Taxation in 17th century - Hampshire country rates - War rates and charges in Hampshire - Money rates - How rates were paid - Grain for taxes - Hadley rates, 1682 and 1687 - Changes in Hadley.

The people of New England kept their accounts, and made their computations in pounds, shillings, pence and farthings, more than 150 years. Their pound at first was the pound sterling of England. The English pound of twenty shillings originally contained a pound of silver, Troy-weight, but from 1601 to the present century, a pound, or twelve Troy ounces, of standard silver, have been coined into 62 shillings in England. When our fathers came from England, the silver coins in circulation were crowns, half crowns, shillings, and pieces of six pence, four pence, three pence, two pence, one penny, and half a penny. There had been silver farthings. A crown was live shillings, or one-fourth of a pound, and weighed 4645 grains. A shilling weighed 92/5 grains, or one-fifth as much as a crown.

Massachusetts began to coin money in 1652, and their mint was in operation, at times, more than 30 years. Pieces of a shilling, six pence, three pence, and two pence were coined. There was a pine tree on one side of the coins, and they are sometimes called pine-tree money. The shillings contained three pennyweights, or 72 grains, of standard silver, and the lesser pieces weighed proportionably. They were current throughout New England for a century, and passed readily in some other colonies. As the Boston shillings weighed only 72 grains, while the English shillings weighed 92tV grains, twenty shillings or a pound of the former were equal to only fifteen shillings and six pence of the latter; or 100 Boston pounds were equal to 77J sterling pounds. The Boston money was 22J per cent, lighter than the English money, but of the same purity.

This coinage introduced a new currency into Massachusetts which differed but little from the New England currency of the 1 8th century. The new currency was more completely established in 1672, when the value of pieces-of-eight, (Spanish dollars,) of full weight, was fixed at six shillings, though worth only four shillings and six pence in England. There was a departure from the English currency in 1642, when rix-dollars and pieces-of- eight were made current at five shillings, or six pence more than their sterling value. The new corns of 1652 made a much greater change, and the people of Massachusetts generally ceased to reckon and compute in sterling money." Connecticut raised the value of pieces-of-eight to six shillings in 1683.

Dollars. - Those mentioned by Shakespeare and his cotemporaries were German or Dutch coins. The Spanish coins of about the same value were seldom named dollars until near the middle of the 1 8th century. In Great Britain and her colonies, they were called pieces-of-eight,t because they contained eight rials, or reals. Rial is a Spanish name for the coin worth nine pence or twelve and a half cents. The quarter of a piece-of-eight (now 25 cents,) was sometimes called a double rial, or two rials. There were half rials, similar to the pieces worth six and a quarter cents.

Our fathers made their shillings lighter than the English, for the purpose of keeping them at home, and they forbid their exportation. The laws which govern trade had m.ore influence than the acts of legislators, and large quantites of the new coins were sent to England to pay for goods. The balance of trade was always against the colonies, and their silver and gold were exported.]!

Pine-tree coins in Hadley. - Some men in Hadley collected and laid up pine-tree money. John Pynchon records in his account book, that on the 7th of November, 1678, he borrowed New England money in Hadley, and agreed to pay in New England money, in three years, as follows: -

*SterIing currency practically ceased some years before 1652, or soon after the General Court began to fix the prices of grain in 1640. William Pynchon's accounts in Springfield from 1645 ^^5°> were not kept in sterling; the prices at Hartford in those years were not in sterling.

The error of some, that New England currency did not supersede that of old England until long after 1 652, is corrected by Felt in his account of Massachusetts Currency, - a book full of valuable information.

JThe inventories of some wealthy merchants in Boston show that they were able to collect considerable sums, and that a large part was pine-tree money. Henry Webb, who died in 1660, had in English money, _£i48.6.2; Spanish money, £328.11.9; New England money, ;(j86o.6.2. Henry Shrimpton, who died in 1666, had in English money, £121.3.6; in Spanish pieces-of-eight, £99.8.3; New England money, £483.6.5. Antipas Boyse, who died in 1669, had in English money, £1.4.0; in pieces-of-eight and halves,|quarters, &c., £49.5.0; in New England money, £230.0.0.

In 1704, by a proclamation of queen Anne, regulating the value of foreign coins in the English colonies, pieces-of-eight of a certain weight, rix-doUars and French crowns, which were valued at four shillings and six pence in England, were to pass in the colonies for six shillings each, and halves, quarters and less pieces in proportion. Coins at these rates were long called " proclamation money." By this order, a shilling in the colonies was virtually made equivalent to nine pence in England; and a pound of twenty shillings, to fifteen shillings sterling. This differed but little from the value of Massachusetts shillings in 1652, and of pieces-of-eight in 1672. The proclamation was not much regarded in the colonies; paper money deranged everything. But whenever there was a specie currency in New England, the pieceof-eight, or Spanish dollar was valued at six shillings, and it was sometimes referred to as a standard. Commonly silver at six shillings and eight pence per ounce, seemed to be the standard. Yet an ounce of such silver as that of the dollars coined before 1772, was worth 6s. lofd.; was valued at 7s. in 1705.