Shrewsbury Town (part 3 of 3)

You are therefore carefully and diligently to discharge the duty of a General in leading, ordering, and exercising the Forces in Arms, both inferior officers and soldiers, and to keep them in good order and discipline, and they are hereby commanded to obey you as their General ; and you are yourself to observe and follow such orders and instructions as you shall, from time to time, receive from this or any future Congress or Plouse of Representatives of this Colony, or the Committee of Safety, so far as said Committee is impowered by their commission to order and instruct you for the defence of this and the other Colonies, and to demean yourself according to the military rule, and discipline, established by said Congress in pursuance of the trust reposed in you.

This commission did not authorize him to command the forces raised in other Colonies, of which large numbers were daily arriving at Cambridge. The Congress was therefore impressed with the importance of having them formed into one army and under the leadership of one man. Accordingly John Adams was sent to Philadelphia to confer with the Continental Congress then in session there.

His nomination of George Washington met with approval and he was elected to the office of General the following June. In the meantime preparations for war were being made at Cambridge. It was found that the number of firelocks was insufficient for the number of enlisted men, and the inhabitants of all towns who had any in their possession were requested to forward them to Watertown and receive payment for the same. Twenty-two were sent from Shrewsbury, and there were found here five barrels of powder, of which one-half a barrel was to be left in town.

The army was to be supplied with clothing, and the committee of supply proportioned out the coats to be made in different towns. Shrewsbury was to make 79.

They were "to be made of good, plain cloth, preference to be given to the manufactures of this country, and to be delivered to the committee of supplies without buttons, on or before the first day of October next, and sooner if possible. That for every yard of such cloth of seven-eighths of a yard wide, they shall be allowed and paid the sum of five shillings and fourpence, and in that proportion for cloth of a greater or less width, and the sum of four shillings for each and every coat ; Resolved - that each coat be faced with the same kind of cloth of which it is made ; that the coats be made in the common, plain way, without lappels, short, and with small folds, and that the select men cause a certificate to be sewed to the msidc of each coat purporting from what town it came, by who the coat was made, and if the cloth was manufactured in this country.'' These coats were all to be buttoned with pewter buttons having the number of the regiment stamped upon the face of them.

The sword which General Ward wore at this time was of English manufacture, and is now in the possession of a descendant in South America. It has a silver hilt surmounted by a wolf's head, a silver chain running from the mouth to the cross hilt. The scabbard is of plain leather with silver mountings and steel chains to attach it to the sword belt. Later a sword with jewelled hilt was presented to him, and inscribed "By a grateful people."

General Ward S Sword

had so suddenly arisen in New England after the Battle at Lexington and Concord. All were volunteers, but all were not unused to camp life. ]\Iany among them had fought in the French Wars, many more had served in the militia companies and knew something of military ways, and all from the oldest to the youngest knew full well the use of their muskets. This ununiformed army did not present a brilliant spectacle to the eye, as each individual was dressed in his own home suit and no two alike ; some had come directly from the plough-field, some from their workshops ; they had gone with the idea of fighting the British the first day, and the restraints of camp life were disagreeable and the scarcity of food and comfortable quarters discouraging.

One of the first orders issued by General Ward on the 2oth of April was "That a Captain, one Lieutenant, two Sergeants, and fifty-two rank-and-file, march immediately to bury the dead, and take care of the wounded." Col. Gardner was ordered to repair immediately to Roxbury, and bring to Cambridge all the bread that could be obtained there, and Col. Bond, to bring "all the cannon at Watertown, Newton and Waltham, with part of the ammunition to the camp at Cambridge." It was thought by the Committee of Safety that the British would next attack Cambridge and therefore that place was ordered to be well guarded. It was here that General Ward had his head-quarters, in the house afterward owned and occupied by Oliver Wendell Holmes.

The volunteers were surrounding- Boston ; day by day they were drawing the lines closer, guarding all the avenues to the city and imprisoning the British, leaving no way for them to go out, but by the sea.

There were many poor in the city who were loyal to the American cause, who were also shut up there on account of their poverty, having been unable to provide homes for themselves elsewhere.

Gov. Gage finding them no benefit to him, but rather a weight on his hands, gave them permission to go out, provided that all who had fire-arms should leave them behind. And so it was that men and boys sadly marched into Faneuil Hall, bravely laid down their muskets, and came out empty handed. The Provincial Congress ordered that provision be made in different towns for all those who were unable to do for themselves, and that they be transported thither. The number allotted to vShrewsbury was thirty-two. There were busy times in the newly formed army, there were anxious times at home among the elders, there were exciting times among the boys, who talked of the glories of war and of the noble achievements there would be to record, could they but have a chance to take down the pride of some of those haughty grenadiers. What wonder that the hearts of the Shrewsbury boys beat high when they thought of the battle that was daily expected !

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ness the preparations for war ? It required but little persuasion from him to induce a young companion to join him in his adventure. Who his companion was tradition does not say, and we can only guess that it was young Nathan Howe, who wanted so much to go with his father. Whoever he might have been, he was a Shrewsbury boy, and the two made the journey on foot. It was near noon on the 17th of June when they arrived at and made their appearance at head-quarters.

The General was not well pleased to see his son there at that time, for the battle was already begun. His look of disapproval, and "How is this, Tommy .=>" struck the boy as not propitious for a long visit; and "you must go right back,"' settled the matter. And so these sons of soldiers, who were brought up to obey, turned their backs on the camp and on all that they had wished to see, and set their faces homeward, even though balls from the "Lively" and "Somerset,"' men of war in the harbor, were flying over at the intrenchments on Bunker Hill and the Red-coats would soon march up the hill to their death. The rattle of musketry reached their ears, and the flames of burning Charlestown were in sight when they turned to look back after they were well out of town. They had seen the camp, they had heard the noise of battle ; they had that to remember, and they could remember also that like good soldiers they had obeyed orders.

that day, "The battle is going on at Charlestown.'^ There is no time to write in journals when there is the most to write about. It was a time of great excitement ; here were the undisciplined soldiers all eager to fight in the first battle ; there was lack of ammunition, no one waiting for orders, orders misunderstood and orders hard to get when the General himself was under orders from the Committee of Safety, and besides all this there was a traitor in the camp. It is astonishing that the history made that day is as flattering to the American forces as it is. The account of the Battle, by the Provincial Congress, is a simple statement of things as they appeared at the time, without criticism, and without censuring any one. The record reads: ''Reinforcements from Ireland both of horse and foot, being arrived, the number unknown, and having good intellio;ence that Gen. Gage was about to take possession of the advantageous posts in Charlestown and on Dorchester point, the Committee of Safety advised, that our troops should prepossess them if possible : accordingly, on Friday evening, the i6th instant, this was effected by about twelve hundred men. About daylight on Saturday morning, their line of circumvallation, on a small hill south of Bunker's Hill in Charlestown was closed. At this time the "Lively" man of war, began to fire upon them. A number of our enemy's ships, tenders, cutters and scows or floating batteries soon came up : from all which the fire was general by twelve o'clock.

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About two the enemy began to land at a point which leads out towards Noddle's island, and immediately marched up to our intrenchments, from which they were twice repulsed; but, in the third attack forced them. Our forces, which were in the lines, as well as those sent -out for their support, were greatly annoyed by balls, and bombs from Copps Hill, the ships, scows, &c. At this time, the buildings in Charlestown appeared in flames, in almost every quarter, kindled by hot balls, and are since laid in ashes. Though this scene was most horrible, and altogether new to most of our men, yet many stood and received wounds by swords and bayonets, before they quitted their lines. At five o'clock the enemy were in full possession of all the posts within the isthmus. In the evening and the night following. General Ward extended his intrenchments, before made at the stone house, over Winter hill. About 6 o'clock of the same day, the enemy began to cannonade Roxbury, from Boston neck and elsewhere, which they continued twenty-four hours, with little spirit and less effect.

The number killed and wounded on our side is not known ; but supposed by some to be about sixty or seventy, and by some considered to be considerably above that number. Our most worthy friend and president Doct. Warren, lately elected a Major general, is among them ; this loss we feel most sensibly * * If any error has been made on our side, it was in taking a post so much exposed" -

This letter to the Continental Congress was prepared by seven men chosen by the Provincial Congress for the purpose and written four days after the battle. The following letter also was sent to General Ward : " In Provincial Congress

Yours of this day hath been considered by the Congress, they are entirely satisfied with the part you have taken relative to their suggestions to you, of the propriety of removing a regiment or more, from the camp in Roxbury to the camp in Cambridge ; and are disposed to leave the matter to be conducted by you as in your opinion will best promote and secure the safety and interest of the whole.

Cambridge." They seem not to have been greatly discouraged at the loss of their ground, nor do they exult that the enemy lost one thousand men in killed and wounded. That they considered themselves victorious is evident from the fact that General Green said "I would sell them another hill at the same price."" When General Washington knew the circumstances he said "There can now be no doubt that the liberties of the people are secure. " One hundred years later, two hundred thousand strangers visited Boston to join with the citizens in celebrating the event with "the most magnificent pageant that has ever been seen on this continent."

After the burning of Charlestown, by which two thousand persons were rendered homeless, the destitute were sent out into the country to be provided for, and homes were found in Shrewsbury for ten. Later, when prisoners of war were distributed about for safe keeping, two were this town's portion, viz. Perez Merrin and Michael Maloney, who were not to go outside the limits of the town without a pass from the Selectmen. On the day of the Battle of Bunker Hill General Ward was appointed to the office of first Major General of the army, with Horatio Gates as adjutant. He was the first American to receive the title of General under American authority, but his command not extending beyond the limits of Massachusetts, the oftice was not required after the troops were adopted by Congress as a national army. Immediately on his election as commander-in-chief General Washington went to Mount Vernon to bid farewell to his family and started with his guard for Cambridge, where he arrived July 2d, 1775, and where he formally took command of the army under the famous elm. A guard had been sent from Boston to Springfield to escort him through Worcester and Marlboro, and ordered to stop at any inns on the way when refresh- meiit was needed. Immediately on his arrival he began to organize the army, taking for himself the central position at Cambridge, posting General Ward on his right at Roxbury and General Lee on his left at Winter Hill.

The siege of Boston was carried on as it had already begun in good earnest, and the British were imprisoned in the city during the long, hot days of the summer, and so on into the winter, when they made the time of their duress gay with all the festivities they could command.

When the winter began to wane, their thoughts came back to the cause of their imprisonment, and they found suddenly that the Yankees had been at work while they w^ere playing. In the winter General Ward had proposed the fortifying of Dorchester Heights, feeling that, if this position were secured, the enemy might easily be dislodged from Boston. General Washington did not at first favor this plan, considering it too hazardous, but the majority of the ofticers approving, and hearing that the enemy contemplated taking possession of it, he concluded that it was better to "prevent than remedy an evil, -"' as the following letter shows : -

We were falsely alarmed a while ago with an ace' of the Regulars coming over from the Castle to Dorchester. Mr. Bayler Whom I immediately sent of is just returned with a contradiction of it. But as a rascally Rifle man went it last night & will no doubt give all the intelligence he can, w^ it not be prudent to keep Six or Eight trusty men by way of Lookouts or Patrols to-night on the point next the castle as well as on Nuke Hill. At the same time ordering particular Regimts to be ready to march at a moment's warning to the Heights of Dorchester. For should the enemy get Possession of those Hills before us, they would render it a difficult task to dispossess them. Better it is therefore to prevent than remedy an evil.

The barrels referred to in the following letter, to be used as a defense, were to be filled with sand, placed at the top of the hill and let loose when the enemy began to ascend, and, rolling down into the ranks, would soon make a scattering among them. The sequence shows however that the British were too cautious to run any great risk and the barrels, though ready, were not needed. "To Major General Ward taking the Post on Dorchester Hills, least they should be possessed before us by the Enemy, and therefore Involye us in difficulties which we should not know how to extricate ourselyes from - this opinion they were inclined to adopt from a belief, indeed almost a certain knowledge, of the Enemy's being appris'd of our designs that way.

You should make choice of some good Regiments to go on the morning after the Post is taken, under the command of General Thomas, the number of men you shall judge necessary for this Relief may be ordered. I should think from two to three thousand, as circumstances may require would be enough. I shall send you from hence two Regiments to be at Roxbury early on Tuesday morning to strengthen the lines, and I shall send you tomorrow Eyening two Companies of Riflemen, which with the three now there may be placed under the care of .Capt" Hugh Steyenson, subject to the- Command of the officers Commanding at the Post (Dorchester) - they will I think be able to gald the Enem)r sorely in their ]March from their Boats S: inland. A Blind along the Causey should be thrown up, if possible, while the other work is about, especially on the Dorchester side, as that is nearest the Enemy's Guns & most exposed. We calculated I think that 800 men would do the whole Causey with great ease in a night, if the Marsh has not got bad to work again, & the tide gives no great Interruption - 250 Axe Men I should think would soon fell the Trees for the Abettes, but what number it may take to get them, the Fascienes, Chandeliers &c in place I know not - 750 men (the working party carrying their arms) will I should think be sufficient for a Covering Party, these to be Posted on Nuke Hill, - or the little hill in front of the 2d hill looking into Boston Bay - and near the point opposite the Castle. Sentries to be kept between the Parties & some on the back side looking toward Squantum. As I have a very high opinion of the defense which may be made with Barrels from either of the Hills, I could wish you to have a number over. Perhaps single Barrels would be better than linking of them together being less liable to accidents - the Hoops should be well nailed or else they will soon fly and the Casks fall to pieces. You must take care that the necessary notice is given to the Militia agreeable to the plan settled with General Thomas. I shall desire Col" Gridley & Col. Knox to be over tomorrow to lay out the work. I recollect nothing more at present to mention to you - ^you will settle matters with the officers with you, as what I have said is intended rather to convey my ideas generally, than wishing them to be adhered to strictly.

They did not disappoint their commander, but by assiduous labor through the chilly March night the work was accomplished which decided the fate of Eoston. A part of the fortification still remains, but only enough to give a suggestion of what was done that night. The labor and exposure resulted seriously for many of the men, and Nathan Howe never recovered his health. The works were a surprise to the British next morning, who saw at once that their last hope had fled and that those Yankees would never be caught napping. With one consent they boarded their ships and left Boston to the undisputed possession of the Americans, and as the King's troops left on one side by the sea, Gen. Washington and his army marched in with flying colors on the other. On the 17th of March the fleet sailed away and on the 29th Gen. Washington, who was preparing to go with most of his army to New York, wrote to Gen. Ward asking him to remove into Boston (if he were not afraid of the small-pox) and to take command of the five regiments to be left there for the defense of the city, direct the erection of works and attend to matters in general there. General Ward was not afraid of the small-pox, when such a fear would interfere with his duty, and took the command as requested. With the British Army, fifteen hundred royalists had gone, and the city thus left in haste by

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SO large a number of people, was a scene of confusion, disorder, disease and poverty. General Ward with his few troops was expected to restore order and cleanse, fortify and defend the city. He had wished to resign his position on account of ill health, but Congress sent a request that he would continue there. In a letter to John Hancock in September he says, ''I have continued in Boston many months in a very disagreeable situation, and am of opinion in a dishonorable one. I was left with the command of but five Regiments (or rather with parts of five) and fettered with an Instruction with which I would not have fettered a Col. of a Regt. I had everything to do, and nothing to do with. Some said if they were in my place they would run away. I did not think best to conduct in that manner, but continued in some respects greatly to my disadvantage that I might be able to comply with the above request of Congress." That summer John Hancock sent him a letter which speaks for itself.

The enclosed Declaration of Independence, I am directed to transmit to you with a request that you will have it proclaimed at the head of the Troops under your Command, in the Way you shall think most proper. I have- only time to add, that the importance of it, will naturally suggest the Propriety of proclaiming

At the close of the year 1776 General Ward's resignation was accepted by Congress. The next year he was elected President of the Executive Council of the Colony, and in 1779 appointed a member of the Continental Congress.

On the 1 6th of ]May, 1780, he set out for Philadelphia to take his place in Congress accompanied by Daniel Newton, of Shrewsbury, who went with him as servant, each on horseback, the horses being purchased for the trip The expense of the journey being $2041.50 in old currency.

The next year ]Mr. Samuel Adams being in Philadelphia, and wishing an escort to return to ^Massachusetts, Daniel Newton was sent with him and returned immediately to accompany General Ward home after resting the horses a few days. During the next few years his attention was directed to making improvements on his farm and to enlarging his house. It was in 1785 (as has been already stated), that he built the west end for his own occupation, leaving the old part for his son Thomas Walter, who had married Elizabeth Denny of Leicester, and who was afterward High Sheriff of Worcester County, an office of much importance in those days. There are some still livingwho remember Sheriff Ward with his cocked hat, knee breeches and black silk stockings, riding about the country in his yellow-bodied sulky, drawn by a large white horse.

He continued in his office nineteen years and derived much satisfaction from the fact that in all that time he was not obliged to take the life of a human being in executing the duties of his office. He was at one time making a journey into Connecticut in company with the Rev. Dr. Sumner, each in his own conveyance. Dr. Sumner taking the lead. Before coming to the boundary line between the two states Dr. Sumner, who was fond of a pleasant joke, called back to Sheriff Ward telling him to go ahead as he did not choose to have it said that he had been followed by the Sheriff into Connecticut ! So the yellow-bodied sulkey took the lead, and the minister came after.

About this time Gen. Ward was appointed judge of the courts and it was in his judicial life that the strongest points in his character were revealed. A stern sense of justice and duty ruled his life and, his actions being governed by Christian principle, nothing could shake him in his purpose to do what he felt to be right. One act of his shows the depth and firmness of his character - this was the brave and decided stand which he took in the Shays rebellion. A history of this insurrectionary movement would be of too great length to be included in a sketch like this. But briefly it was that the people had been made poor by the enormous expense attending the war, everybody was in debt, and few had any money ; the idea of the leaders of this rebellion was, that could the people take the law into their own hands, stop the sitting of the courts and thus prevent executions being taken out against debtors, that all would be satisfactory. The courts could do nothing but to execute the demands of the law, knowing that matters would come right in time, if order and quiet could be preserved.

Capt. Daniel Shays, an impetuous, adventurous man and revolutionary soldier, led the rebellion, which was confined mostly to Worcester County, and many Shrewsbury men took up arms under him. Captain Aaron Smith who lived on the opposite side of the county road from Judge Ward, in the Baldwin Tavern, as we have seen in the chapter on that place, rallied his men, and Captain Adam Wheeler, formerly a Shrewsbury man, led a company. Both these men had fought in the Revolutionary war under Gen. Ward, and were rugged old soldiers ; now they were in arms against their old neighbor and commander. The W^orcester militia could not be depended upon for help, being too much in sympathy with the rebellion ; the general court was tardy in sending troops and so the County Court had no help in the first encounter, having been ordered by the general court to sit on the first Tuesday in September ; the order must be obeyed at all hazards and the court prepared for its session. A graphic and concise description of this event is given by Mr. Harlow in his History of Shrewsbury, of which the following is an extract: "The first demonstration of the insurgents at Worcester in September was successful in prevenj;ing the sitting of the courts. It was upon this occasion that General Artemas Ward, of Shrewsbury, then chief justice of both the Courts of Sessions and Common Pleas, performed the act which will go to posterity as the crowning act of his hfe. Wheeler's company had marched into Worcester on Monday afternoon, September 4, 1786, the day before the courts were to sit, took up quarters in the courthouse Monday night, so as to be sure and be in possession when the judges should arrive next morning. Smith's company marched in from Shrewsbury early Tuesday morning and was deployed and posted as sentries on Court Hill and around the court-house. An immense crowd of people had assembled thereabouts. Approaching the court-house the judges were challenged by an armed sentry at the foot of Court Hill. At the order of his old commander, now chief justice, the sentry recovered his musket, presented arms, and the judges proceeded past him to the court-house. There, upon the broad step at the south entrance, stood Capt. Wheeler and Capt. Smith with drawn swords in their hands and five soldiers with fixed bayonets. * * Proceeding to mount the court-house steps, the further progress of the judges was, by order of Capt, Wheeler, arrested by the soldiers, who brought their bayonets to bear directly on the chief justice's breast, so that their points even penetrated his clothes. After a parley the officers consented to allow him to mount the steps and address the people. Thous:h Artemas Ward of Shrewsbury had been much in public life, he was a man usually of slow and hesitating speech, had rarely taken part in debates and had never been accounted an orator. As soon as he had looked his audience in the face there seems to have come over him a sort of inspiration, and with great fluency, fervor and eloquence he forthwith proceeded to reason with the people, whose grievances he did not deny, upon their mistaken method of relief. The newspaper man was not there to report, nor had the speaker in his pocket an extemporaneous manuscript to privately send to the press, and only by tradition has any word of what he said survived the more than hundred years since the event, but more than anything he did say, or could say - more than anything the greatest of orators could have said - was the dauntless courage and dignity of his conduct as a magistrate, of which to find a historical parallel you will have to make a far research." In Lincoln's History of Worcester we find that he said "he did not value their bayonets; they might plunge them into his heart ; but while that heart beat he would do his duty ; when opposed to it his life was of little consequence ; if they would take away their bayonets and give him some position v^^here he could be heard by his fellow citizens and not by the leaders alone, who had deceived and deluded them, he would speak, but not otherwise." Struck with admiration by his intrepidity, and shrinking from the sacrifice of life, the guns were removed, and Judge Ward ascending the steps addressed the assembly.

There has arisen a story in late years, that along with these brave words he said some very bad ones, and replied to the challenge of the bayonets with a profane curse. Doubtless this charge is not provable ; we almost feel that the contrary might be proved. The law had been, and something very like it remains on the statute books to this day, ''that if any person was convicted of profane swearing or cursing, he should pay a sum not exceeding eight, nor less than four shillings, and if not paid immediately, the offender shall be committed to the House of Correction there to remain not exceeding ten days nor less than five. And that if any peson or persons shall profanely swear in the hearing of any sheriff or consteble, they each of them are authorized and required to apprehend and secure such offender and give information thereof to some Justice of the Peace of the same county in order that the offender may be convicted and punished for the same. " And it was further enacted ''that no person or persons shall be prosecuted or troubled for any offence against this law, unless the same be proved or prosecuted within twenty days next after the offence is committed." We do not hear that any such charge was made at this time nor within twenty days, not even within twenty years. If no charge was made in those days when profane swearing was treated as a crime, it seems a little singular to bring it now. Surely if Artemas Ward ever used profane language, the supreme moment in all his life in which he was the least likely to use it, was the time when he stood upon the Court-House steps representing the dignity of obedience to the law, in the face of the instruments of death !

]\Ic^Iasters knew little of the character of the man of whom he wrote "Forgetting himself he began to curse and to swear, ' And " becoming more angry he stamped his foot upon the ground, &c."

Gen. Ward never lost his self-control ; one of his striking characteristics was that he was always cool and collected ; the greater the emergency the greater his self-command. If his indignation was aroused, he was always above it, and the real grandeur of his character never showed more clearly than when his whole nature was stirred.

The Shays men were in earnest ; their numbers were large and they were determined to accomplish their designs. They agreed that if the Government should arrest any of them, they would be revenged on Judge Ward and Judge Gill.

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ary, those under arms marched to Shrewsbury and had their rendezvous in the large yard in front of the Baldwin Tavern directly opposite Judge Ward's house, there to await the day of the opening of the Court. Winter set in ; the men were discouraged by their hardships caused by the storms and cold of winter ; the militia at last came out and pursued them in all directions, following them even into other states, taking some prisoners and ending the rebellion. Shays left his followers, fled, and hid himself in obscurity. There may have been some who gloried in the part they took in this inglorious rebellion, but their cause for rejoicing is hard to find. It is quite certain that there were some who were heartily ashamed of their connection with it, as their handwriting shows in the letters they sent to Judge Ward, humbly asking his pardon for what they had said and done against him. An extract from one lengthy petition shows the writer's state of mind in regard to his errors: ''Being convinced of the error and evil consequence of Rising in rebellion & opposition to the good laws and authority of this Commonwealth, and having been in some degree active in the affair myself as your Honf is acquainted with, do feel truly and heartily sorry for my mis-conduct. Therefore permit me kind Sir to beg humbly your pardon and forgiveness in this as well as in all other matters. Worthy Sir, I confess the former favours, I have rec^ at the hands of your Hon^, and am sorry for the unthankful returns I have been left to make for so rich and valuable favors." Another, a townsman, wrote that he regretted having said and done things in an excited state of mind, w^hich in his cooler moments he had thought unworthy of a gentleman and that he hoped in the future to be considered a friend and a good neighbor. And another neighbor wrote a communication to be read before the church expressing his sorrow for his "unbecoming behaviour toward the Commonwealth of Massachusetts and the friends of the government thereof," and that he had "been too easily led astray by ignorant and designing men, for all of which mis-conduct I am now truly and sincerely sorry, and ask forgiveness of all whom I have offended. "

After another term in Congress Gen. Ward came home and spent his last years with his children. His grandchildren lived to tell their grandchildren about the handsome old man, with his erect and portly figure set off with his ruffles and shoe-buckles and all the touches of the old time costume - ^how he would rise from his straight-backed chair and take from a shelf of a tall cupboard in his room, crackers or raisins or some other dainty (as they were then) and give them as a reward for some little service they had done. His death occurred at the Homestead, October 27, 1800, and he was buried in the family lot in the old cemetery. His warm friend, Rev. Dr.

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Sumner, wrote the inscription whicti was placed upon his tombstone. This was, with the other ancient stones, taken away about 1840 and the present monument erected.