Wilbraham Town (part 3 of 8)

form 'the work of the Ministry,' and another committee 'to wait on our Rev'' pasture to make a final settlement with him and report at this or some future meeting.' They adjourned to September 2'^; met and adjourned to October, 'and but four persons met no meeting could be opened so the meeting Conciquently Disolved of it self.' Mr. Merrick's health was stUl declining and a committee was chosen to supply the pulpit for six months, at a special meeting held in September. In November there is ah article in the warrant to see if the 'town will unite with the church and chuse a Council to dismis our Rev^ pasture agreeable to the Late result of the Rev"" Council & chuse a Com"*= for that purpos.' The meeting met and adjourned to December 9, when no vote was passed respecting calling a coimcil, but Capt. John Shaw, Mr. Moses Stebbins, & L' Noah Stebbins were chosen a ' Com'"= to wait on Mr. Mirick with a coppy of the Last Grant made him of his Sallary and see if he will accept and be content therewith and give a Discharge from any further Clame on the Town by way of Sallary and tnake a Reporte at some futer meeting.'

"This is the last recorded action in this protracted and painful transaction. The 'Worthy' Mr. Merrick was rapidly sinking to his grave ; going to his reward. He died December 22, 1776, aged sixty-six years, after-a ministry of thirty-five years and six months."

Mrs. Abigail Merrick, his wife, survived him thirty-one years, and died September 12, 1807, in the ninety-eighth year of her age. The final settlement with the heirs of Mr. Merrick was not made till 1784, eight years after his death. The town then "Granted to the heirs of the Rev"* Noah Mirick what was Due to him for his Salary & what was Due by the sale of the ministry land included the sum [of] £ 48, 15 s. 1 d. 2 f."

"He was born August 6, 1711, and graduated at Yale College in 1731, the son of James, who was the son of Thomas Merrick, who came from Wales and settled in Springfield 1636. He was a good scholar and preacher for his time, very methodical in his habits, exact in all his ways and punctual in the performance of every duty. Saturday was his preparation day for the solemn duties of the Sabbath. At an early hour he retired to his study, and no one was permitted to interrupt him. His meals were carried to his room, and he did not appear in his family till Sunday morning. He was an Arminian in his opinions, if universal tradition can be relied upon, and it is not improbable that this may have had some influence in breeding disaflEection at last in the town and church. The church book shows the usual amount of success in the ministry. One hundred and seventy-two joined the church, one hundred and three owned the covenant, and six hundred and four were baptized, and thirteen were dismissed to other churches. Cases of Discipline never resulted in expulsion, or if so, no record is made of the fact. Mr. Merrick's labors were not disturbed by th» controversies of intrusive sectaries till near their close, when the Baptists appeared in the northeast part of the town, organized a society in 1768, and Rev. Seth Clark was settled in 1770. No serious collision appears to have arisen between the churches, however, and the harmony of the town seems not to have been disturbed. One lesson, at least, we may learn from this long struggle: there was trouble among the fathers not less than among us in their ecclesiastical affairs, and no one who reads their records attentively can sigh for the old ways and the times of the fathers."

The following are a few entries copied from the accoimt book of Rev. Noah Merrick. They may throw some light on conditions of that time. The book is how in possession of his great-great-grandson, Charles S. Merrick, of our town.

From the death of Mr. Merrick in 1776, there was no settled minister in the north part of the town till 1787, a period of eleven years. But the people in the south part of the town had so rapidly increased that, as early as 1765, they made application to the town for money to support preaching among them in the winter, which was promptly refused. At the December meeting, 1767, the town refused the "Southpart" the privilege of having "Two Months Preaching in the Winter Season upon there own cost." Such a vote would not conciliate the Stebbinses and Langdons and Morrises and Chaffees. They rally in 1772, and ask to be set off as a town, but are voted down summarily. In 1778, after a struggle at several adjourned meetings, and the report of a committee, they vote to divide the town into "two parishes;" but it was afterwards reconsidered. In 1780, they again xorge their claim to be a parish upon both town and General Court, and press it with vigor till at last they gain their object, and are set off as a parish, Jtme 11, 1782. The line between the parishes from Springfield to Monson was on the south side of David Bliss's farm, those adjoining the line being permitted to choose whichever parish they pleased.

died, in the seventy-seventh year of his age. He was called to the most important offices of trust in both precinct and town. Besides the important office which he held in the church from the very beginning, and to which he gave a "full sacramental fiimiture," he was moderator of many of the precinct meetings, sharing the honor with Thomas Merrick, and almpst exclusively moderator of town meetings for seven years to 1770, when John Bliss of the south part appears on the stage, and succeeds for many years to the Deacon's honors. Having no children on whose shoulders the mantle of his virtues and the results of his industry and economy could descend, he gave at his decease £ 400 "Lawfull money" or about 11300 to the town, "to be the one-half given to the support of a Gospel Ministry, the other half to be to the use and Support of Schools in this town. Provided that all other Churches which are or may be in this townof a different Constitution from the Standing order of Churches in this Land Shall Forever be Excluded from Receiving any benefit from the same." He is the first benefactor of the town, who has given a sum for public purposes equalling this donation.

I have procured from the Register of Probate of Hampshire County a copy of the Will of Nathaniel Warriner. And as very few of the people of our town know anything definite in regard to its provisions, it seems advisable to insert it here.

Will Of Deacon Nathaniel Warriner

I Nathaniel Warriner of Wilbraham in the County of Hampshire & State of the Massachusetts Bay in North America Dea" Being in a very low State of Bodily Health, but of Sound Mind & Memory Yet Calling to Mind the Mortality of my Body do make & ordain this my last Will & Testament as follows, Viz First I recomend my Sovd into the hands of God who gave it ; and my Body I remitt unto the Earth by desent Buril at the Discretion of my Executor hereafter Named, As to my Worldly Estate I give Bequeath & Dispose of the Same in the following manner.

that Lot of Land lying in the Mountain which I Bought of his Brother Nathaniel Warriner & beginning & bounded on the east end of Philip Lyons Lot of Land and extending east within forty rods of the Middle road So Called : also my Scheme Lo.t of Land at or near Stebbins's Dam So Called which was Originally laid out to Benjamin Warriner Deceas'' also one third of all my waring Apperrel the Same to be equally Divided betwixt him and the other partners as they Shall agree.

To Noah Warriner my Kindsman & Brother to the above Named Moses I Give & Bequath my Home Lot of Land begining at at Pole bridge Brook So Called & extendeth east to Gideon Btirts Land: also all my Building of every kind Standing on the Same : Also aU my Ash Swamp Lot of Land begining at the Inward Common line & extending east to within forty rods of the Middle road So Called: also my Desk, Lock & Key: also all my Team Utensils as Cart, Ploughs, Sleads, Harrows, Axes, Hoes &c &c - one Plow Chain only excepted - -I Also Appoint the Said Noah to be executor to this my last WUl & Testament - also I give him my House Clock & best Bed & its furniture.

To Nathaniel Warriner my Kindsman, Brother to the above Named Moses & Noah I Give & Bequath all that part of my Ash Swamp Lot of Land Bounding on the third road So Called & extending east to Munson line : Also one Cow & Eight Sheap which he hath now in possion by Lease Viz Said Sheep on Condition He pay to Hannah Alvord Six pounds of good Merchantable Sheeps wool Yearly so long as She remains immarried : Also I give unto him the Said Nathaniel one Plough Chain & one Third Share of my wearing Apparrel -

To Abner Warriner My Kinds Man & Brother to the above I Give & Bequeath the whole width of my Ash Swamp Lot of Land bounding on the Middle road So Called & extending thence West forty rods; also one third Share of my wearing Apparrel

To my Sister Elisabeth I Give & bequeath a Sufficient Maintinance out of my Estate during Life in case She hath not enough of her own to Cary her through

To Zebulon Chapin my Kindsman I Give & Bequeath all the east end of my Home Lot beginning at the Middle road So Called and extending thence east to Monson Line whereon he now liveth wardly of Mill river near Enos Chapins Saw Mill, and was deed"* to me by Moses Church: also any and all other Lands which are my Just property lying in this Town or elsewhere & not otherways Mentioned or Disposed of by this Will

To the Wives of Aaron Bliss, Deacon Edward Chapin, Richard Woolworth each of them being near of Kindred to my Deceased Wife I Give & Bequeath that Chest with Drawers & the Pewter of every kind, likewise the Silver Thimble, Gold and Silver Sleave Buttons all which was my Wifes property at Marriage to be equally Divided betwix them as they Shall agree

To Hannah Alvord my Present Housekeeper I give & Bequeath the Use & Improvement of the North room of my Dwelling House ; also a Priviledge She Shall need ia my Sellar under my House & in my Kitchin ; back room & Meal Chamber & Closet, also in my Garden Plot of Land; also 10 pounds of Flax Yearly also when my Orchard is fruitful She Shall have a Competency of Appels for her own Use, & Two Barrels of Sider Three Bushels of Wheat, Seven Bushels of Rye, Two Bushels of Indian Com & one Bushel of Malt each of them Flowered & Delivered to her hand with Kenell & Brawn - Zebulon Chapin to find one Bushel of the Wheat & Two Bushels of the Rye - Said Nathaniel to find one Bushel of .the Wheat & Two of the Rye - Said Abner to find one Bushel of the Wheat & one of the Rye. Said Moses to find Two Bushels of the Rye - Said Noah Warriner to provide, & find to the Said Hannah Sufficient Fire wood ready Cut fit for the Fire & at the Door of my Dwelling House, & to pasture by grass & Winter by Hay one Cow also find unto her Eight Score pounds of good Pork ready Salted or Pickled also as often as he can conveniantly to Transport the Said Hannah to the House of Publick Worship on Sabbath Days, and all this Dining the whole Term that the Said Hannah Shall remain unmarried & no longer.

To the Said Moses, Noah, Nathaniel & Abner I give & Bequeath all my Stock or Heards of live Cattle or Creatures to be equally Divided betwix them as they Shall agree

To The Town of Wilbraham I Give & Bequeath the Stim of four Hundred Pounds Lawful Money agreeable or equall to Silver at Six Shillings & Eight pence p'' ovince one half of which for the Use & Support of a Gospell Ministry, the other half to be to the Use & Suport of Schools in this Town I order my Executor herein Named or his Successor to Loan out the Same in good hands with Suretys upon Interest for the Same purposes and the Interest of the Same Shall be Yearly paid into the Treasury of the Town for the Same purpose & be Subject to recovery Yearly by the Town Treasurer for that or those Uses or otherways recoverable as the Town thinks fit & the Principle is always to be kept whole & entire & not Diminished - Provided Nevertheless - ^That if this Town is ever lawfvilly Divided into two Towns Viz a North & a South; in that Case the North part Shall be only Intitled to the Benefit of any part of the Said Four Hundred Pounds: also it is hereby Provided that all other Churches which are or may be in this Town of a Different Constitution from the Standing order of Churches in this Land Shall forever be excluded from receiving any Benefit from the Same.

Furthermore All Moneys Justly Due to my Estate by Book, Bond or Note I Give & Bequeath to all & each one of my Kindred & Lawful Heirs the Same to be paid by my Executor or Successor to each of them in Equal Shares: and if any of my Debtors Shall appear Indigent or needy & unable to pay their respective Dues to my Estate in that Case I order the Debtors to be forgiven and the Debt forever to be relinquished & not recovered

I have not found any report of the executor of the Deacon Warriner will, which shows when, or to whom, the legacy of 400 pounds was paid. But it must have been paid previous to September 10th, 1782. For on that date, at a meeting of the North Parish, it was

"Voted that Cap' James Shaw Doct. John Stems Doct. Samuel F. Mirick be a Com'"* to agrea with the South Parish respecting Deacon Nathaniel Warriner Donation as Soon as may be and report to the Com'^* Chosen to prefer a petition to the General Cotirt for a redress of Grevience."

Also "Voted that Doc' Sam" F. Mirick Cap' Abel King Cap' James Shaw be a Com"* to apply to the General Court for redress of Grevience Concerning the Division of the town as soon as may be in Case the South Parish Dont relinquish Dec" Warriner Donation."

I have not found any report froin either of these committees. The South Parish may have claimed, that, as the town was not actually divided, they were entitled to the use of one half of the legacy for the "Support of a Gospel Ministry." When the town was divided in 1878, a committee was appointed by the town of Wilbraham to adjust this matter between the two parishes. But nothing was accomplished.

Valuation Of Wilbraham 1771

In the Stebbins History, Page 230, is a list of the names of one hundred men, taxpayers in the town, with a list of their property, divided into twenty different items.

There were 92 dwelling houses and three tan houses, I have omitted a few of the items, and have condensed several of the others; To illustrate, the four items, "Acres of pasture," "Acres of tillage," "Acres of mowing," "Acres fresh meadow," are all included in one. The number of tons of fresh meadow hay cut was more than four times as much as that cut from the upland mowings, and both are entered here together. By the state census, the population of Wilbraham in 1765, was 491, and in 1776, 1057. Assuming that the increase was fairly regular, the population of the town, in 1771, was about 800. It seems worth while to preserve this ancient account of the products and property of the town.

It will be remembered that when the Outward Commons were divided, or apportioned among the one hundred and twenty-five original proprietors, in 1674-75, a lot in each division was set for the support of the ministry, and one for the schools.

Each ministry lot was 37 rods and 4 feet wide, north and south, and four miles long, east and west. But as each rod in the width of the lots was only sixteen feet long, we must deduct one rod one foot and six inches, which would leave each ministry lot 36 rods 1 foot and 6 inches wide, and as each rod wide, four miles long, would contain; eight acres, there would be about two hundred and eighty-nine acres in each lot, and each school lot would contain about one hundred and forty-four acres.

In April, 1769, it was voted "that the Com'=^ which was chosen to Sell or Lease the School Lands in this town shall Sell or Lease the same in such manner as is most for the Interest and Benefit of this Town and according to their best skill and Judgement and that they give to the Purchasers good Title of or the same by Lease or deed on behalf of this Town on conditions following (Viz) that the purchaser or purchasers shall at Bargaining for said Lands pay the Cost for the same, or find two good Sureties with themselves who shall be firmly Bound for Sure payment, further Voted * * * that said Committee make report of their doings to Some future Meeting."

' There is an article in the warrant for a meeting, January .1, 1770, "to receive the Report of the Com"= which was chosen to lease or sell the School Lands." Their report is not recorded; but a committee is chosen "to take care of the money which the School Lands were sold for, and to see to it that the same is safe and that the Interist of the same be paid yearly and lodged in the town treasury," etc.

In 1773, a committee of seven reported to the town that they had sold the two ministry lots and delivered to the town "nine bonds for Money on Interest Due to said town on account of the sale of the Ministry Lands so far as they have sold of the same, Vig: -

If we deduct the £ 15 received for overplus land we have £ 334. 3. 5 from the sale of the ministry lots, with perhaps some additions later, the income from which would be for the "support of the gospel."

In the treasurer's accounts of the North Parish, the first record of interest money received, that I have found, is, January 1st, 1794, "By forty Dollars by the town committee £ 12. 0. 0;"

Beginning with 1815 to 1829, $45.00 is received each year, with perhaps one or two exceptions, "from the town for the support of the Gospel." It is sometimes entered, "Interest on loan money."

subject is as rich in inspiration as in instruction for us, the grandchildren and great-grandchildren of these men. The records are full of the proceedings of the town, - ^passing resolutions of sympathy with the suffering city of Boston; sending aid to the families whose members were killed or wounded at the Lexington fight; sending men into the field by the payment of large bounties; furnishing their share of beef to the commissary; giving clothing to the half -naked soldiers; choosing committees to ' take care of persons ' inimical to the State; struggling with a depreciated currency; voting one silver dollar in paying taxes to be equivalent, first to seventy-five, then to eighty, then to two hundred and fifty dollars of paper money; filling a draft of every seventh man; and leaving the crops in the field to be harvested, as well as planted, by the old men, the children, and the women. Such is a glance at the deeds I am to rehearse.

' 'The great cause of the Revolutionary War - taxation without representation - had stirred up a deep feeling of hostility to the mother country, and the indirect manner in which the tax was levied - -by a tariff on imported goods from Great Britain and the British possessions - only added fuel to the fiame. They coiild not escape the tax, unless they .ceased using the goods imported. If they made no purchases, they would pay no taxes. Accordingly an association was formed in 1769, by the merchants in Boston, whose members pledged themselves to import no more of the taxed articles, and the citizens were petitioned to cease trading with all merchants who woiild not pledge themselves to import no more of them from England or her dependencies. This pledge of the citizens was not only circulated in the town of Boston, but was also sent to all the towns in the colony. The appeal from the merchants reached the citizens of this town in the spring of 1770, and at a town-meeting held May 1, of which Lieut. Thomas Merrick was moderator, it was 'Voted that the Marchants not only of our Metropolis but thro' the continent have acted Generous and as becoming Gentlem[en] of a free Constitution and as well wishers of their Fellow Men in that they have Nobly Preferred the Public good to their own private interest, and with a view to obtain a Redress of those Grievances so Justly complained of have by a certain agreement engaged to Suspend their Importations from Great Britain, a Measure which cannot but be approved by every wise and Generous Man, and which we hope will prove Instrumental to Effect the Salutary Design in view.' 'Voted that the above vote be recorded in the Town Book and a Copy

"This is the first voice from Wilbraham, five years before the battle of Lexington, and it is in every way worthy of the men and the crisis. Oijr hearts swell with gratitude as we repeat the words. We feel taller and stronger as we remember they were the words of our ancestors.

"The town clerk, the renowned Master Barker, adds to his record of the above vote, 'N. B. It was moved in the meeting to pass some Votes relating to not purchasing goods of those, who, contrary to the merchant's agreement, continue to Import, and also relating to the Horrid Murther lately committed in Boston by the Soldiers: but a rumour that the Duty acts were repealed, and beiag an Infant town [mark the modesty as well as the manliness of the fathers, for the town was not .yet seven years old] in the Province, the Meeting thought Prudent not to show themselves too forward in passing many votes in the affair.' Their patriotism is surpassed by nothing but their modesty. They desired no quarrel with the mother country, and hoping the 'rumour of repeal' was true, they passed over without action the article 'to see if this town will take care Speedily to Procure and Provide a Stock of Powder and Ammunition.'

"No further action was taken by the town for the next three years. The controversy was carried on mainly between the colonial Governor and the citizens of Boston, though active correspondence was kept up with other towns in the state. At a town meeting held April 6, 1773, Ezra Barker, Isaac Brewer, Eleazer Bliss, John Bliss, and Nath'l Warriner were chosen a committee ' to take into Consideration Corresponding with the town of Boston relative to the Crown fixing Salaries upon our officers without our Consent.' At an adjourned meeting, held April 20th, 'at 3 o'clock P. M.,' this committee make their report in reply to the appeal of the Boston Committee, drawn up in part by Samuel Adams and Joseph Warren, and presented to the town meeting of Boston, November 20, 1772, by Janies Otis, that flaming torch of the Revolutionary struggle. In what words coiold these simple citizens of young Wilbrahani respond to the sentences of fire which came blazing from the pen of Adams, and thundering from the lips of Otis? Listen to them, - ^modest, manly, heroic: 'We, the Inhabitants of the town of Wilbraham this 20th day of April A. D. 1773 in town meeting Lawfully assembled by adjournment Take this opportimity to acknowledge the favour of a Pamphlet printed by order of the town of Boston at their meeting Nov. 20th, 1772, wherein the rights of the Colonists are stated together with a list of publick Grievances or infringements of those rights, &c., we freely acknowledge that we are a few days later than might justly be expected & perhaps some wUl say that we are foreclosed on account that the Honorable House of Representatives have taken the matter in hand, others may venture to say that Seeing Wilbraham is hut an Infant town, the Inhabitants there of are bold and Imprudent, in meddling with the affair: Since the most anticent towns in the same Country have lain still and done nothing; we answer that we have a call to be very bold to stand for and maintain our just rights and privileges especially at this so critical time. And if we may be allowed to use Scripture Language we would have recourse to the words of Elihu and say, I a,m young and ye are very old, wherefore I was afraid and Dust not Show you mine opinion. I said Days should Speak and multitude of years should teach wisdom. But there is a Spirit in man b°c., - Therefore I said Hearken to me I also will Show mine opinion. - Behold, I waited for words, &c. Thus far the Introduction, and after taking thankful notice of the late conduct of the honorable house of representatives we will proceed to a few resolves." In these resolves the committee say it is (1) "the opinion of this town that the rights of the Colonists as stated in the Boston Pamphlet in general are well and Justly Stated and we have too much reason to believe that there is an attempt made to abridge us of those rights, which is Cruel and unreasonable; (2) that in faithfulness to ourselves to our posterity and as friends to the English constitution and nation as well as faithful and loyal Subjects to our Sovereign Lord the King, we may not dare sit still as Idle Spectators and DO nothing. Wherefore Considering ourselves a part of the whole, and members of the same Body and that our Interests are Joint Interests (3) we are willing & will unite and Join with our Brethren in pursuing all Proper & Lawful methods whereby we may gain redress of those Grievances so Justly Complained of and which are like to prove So hurtful to the good Subjects of the King as well as Dishonorable to his Crown. (4). Resolved as the opinion of this town that we are not Sensible that we or our Brethren of this Province have Done anything thus to forfeit our Just rights or to merrit the Displeasure of our Sovereign, but on the other hand we verily Beleive that the People of this Province and throughout the whole British America are as true and as Loyal subjects as any in the King's Dominions, at the Same time we Cannot omitt Saying that it is with Pleasure we observe Stiddiness and firmness of the people in their resolutions as well as good temper in standing for and maintaining their Just rights and Priviledges and that all mobs, routs and riots arejaid aside - and Furthermore we are of opinion that if petitions for redress in a proper Channel were repeatedly and humbly presented to our King & our earnest prayers Continually put up to the King of kings the same accompanied with a imiversal reformation this would give us reason to hope that our Priviledges wold be restored and Continued to us and that we might yet remain a happy People.' Resolves every way worthy the age of heroes and sages.

"The state of affairs grew no better, and in December, the tea was thrown overboard in Boston Harbor by a party of citizens disguised as Indians, among whom was Robert Sessions, who soon afterwards settled in this town and became one of our most worthy and influential citizens.

"In June, 1774, Gage filled Boston with troops, and the Common was covered with tents. A special meeting of our citizens was held June 23d. The town meeting was 'very full.' Mr. , John Bliss was chosen moderator. It was voted that 'Dea. Warriner Shoiild Desire Mr. Mirick to Come and Pray accordingly Mr. Mirick opened S^ meeting by prayer.'. This is the first record of a prayer being offered at a town meeting.

" 'Afer several Letters or Covenants sent from the town of Boston to the town of Wilbraham were read, it was further voted after Largely Discoursed upon that Some words Should be Dashed out in the first article in the Covenant -and some be aded, voted that the Last article in the Covenant should be all Dasht out 8c voted there Should be words aded under the Last article in the Covenant ; voted and chose Dec" Warriner Lieut Thomas Mirick and James Warriner a Com'* to make Enquiry to See what other towns Do before they send S"* Covenant to the town of Boston & voted that S"* Com'* should not send S^ Covenant without further orders from S"* town. This covenant says there being no alternative between the horrors of Slavery or the Carnage and desolation of a Civil war but a Suspension of all Commercial intercoturse with the island of Great Britain, we do solemnly Covenant and engage with each other (1) that from henceforth we will Suspend all Commercial intercourse with said island of Great Britain * * * and (2) that we will not buy purchase or Consume or SxiHer any person by for or under us to purchase or Consume in any manner whatever any goods weres or merchandize which shall arrive in America from Great Britain * * * * and that we will break off all trade Commerce and dealings whatever with all persons who Prefering their own Private intrist to the Salvation of their now perishing Country shall still continue to Import goods from Great Britain or shall purchase of those who do Import and (3) we agree to purchase no article of merchandize of any who do not sign this covenant.' Then follow the signatures of one hundred and twenty-five patriotic men, who, it is to be presumed, were heads of families."

These fathers of ours felt that higher wisdom than man's was needed in the "great crisis" and they finally "Resolved that as God in his providence is frowning upon the Inhabitants of this Land in the Civil Distresses which we begin to feel b° many others which we Can Easily fore bode, we think it proper to Set apart one Day in three months as a Day of fasting & prayer to All Mighty God for his help in our Deliverance and in this way Look to that being for Releif by whom Kings reign & princes decree justice, Sensable for our Encouragement that in this way God was wont to releive people of old, and that the appointment of the particular Day be left to oiu: Rev^ Paster or the Select [men] of the town. ' ' They then ' ' voted very unanimously & Granted twenty-five pounds to provide a town Stock of ammunition as the Law directs."

There were tories in town and some professedly neutral persons who needed attention, and, January 2, 1775, a committee of fifteen was chosen "to see that the Continentil and Proventil Congresses associations and resolves are Strictly attended to." At the same meeting they chose "Maj. John Bliss a Deligate for a provential Congress proposed to be held att Cambridge the first day of febuary next or Sooner if Cald for;" and chose a committee of seven "to Collect a Donation for the poor of the town of Boston and See that the Same is Transported as soon as may be." A body of "minute men" had already made "Extraordinary preparation" for "immediate Service" and that was soon to be called for and promptly rendered.

General Gage, commander of the British troops in Boston, had determined to get possession of the ammunition and arms of the province which he heard were stored at Lexington and Concord. On the night of the eighteenth of April the troops stole out of Boston hoping to reach Lexington without being discovered, but the concerted signal flashed from the spire of the New North Church, and Paul Revere was instantly on his way from Charlestown to Lexington, rousing the inhabitants on the road, so that when Major Pitcaim who led the advance of the troups reached the Common he found the "minute men" of

Lexington drawn up in arms before him. He ordered them to disperse. They stood their ground. He ordered his men to fire. That volley opened the Revolutionary War. Couriers were despatched on the fleetest horses to arouse the people everywhere and carry the flaming torch of alarm through the country. On the 20th, we may suppose, just as the sun was passing the meridian, a rider was seen corning down the Bay Road at full speed, his horse dripping and smoking with sweat, who barely checked his pace before Samuel Glover's door, and annoimced the fight, calling upon the "minute men" to hasten to the rescue. He was off and out of sight on his way to Springfield in a moment. Blood had been shed ! ^Glover mounts his horse and rides, as he never rode before, down by Jones's and Bliss's calling on them to come on as he goes. Brewer and Merrick, and Warriner the captain of the minute men, rush in from the field. The long roll is beaten by Charles Ferry, so that the mountain answers it from Oliver Bliss's to Noah Stebbins. Merrick mounts his horse and flies down the west road to the Hitchcocks, and the Stebbinses, the Chapins, and the Langdons, by the Scantic. Burt tells his most vigorous son to cross the mountains by Rattle snake Peak as swift as the winds ever swept over them, and rouse the Crockers, the Cones, the Russels, the Kings, and to stay not his speed till all the men of the south valley, from the comer to Isaac Morris's were stimmohed to the march; then to return without delay along the east road by the Chaffees,' Hendricks,' and Carpenters,' and over the mountains by Rev. Noah Merrick's, home. It waa,^ done as qtiick and as well as said. "Edward " said Isaac Morris \ to his son, "bring the horse." And as soon as he had slung his powder-horn over his shoulder, put his bullets into his pocket, and taken down his trusty gun from its hooks, the faithful steed was at the door. Breathing a prayer for his heroic wife, standing by in speechless submission, he was off at full speed on the track of young Btirt, and passing up the same road. Comfort Chaffee and Jesse Carpenter joined him, and rode for the mountain, while Enos Stebbins and Asa Chaffee, from south of the Scantic, rushed over to William King's and together up the middle road, taking Ezeldel Russell and Rowland Crocker in company, and all joined those coming up the west road and over the mountain, at the Nathaniel Warriner bam, about a half mile south of the center of our main village.

Before the mountain ceased to glow with that day's departing sun, thirty-four men, with the blessing of their wives, and the prayers of the fathers who were too old to go into battle, were on the "great Bay Road," hastening on their way to defend and, if need be, to die for their rights. But the "red-coats " had returned to Boston in fewer numbers and more rapidly than they left it, and our "minute men" returned after ten days to the quiet and security of their own homes. Such, was the "Lexington alarm."

A company of forty-five men, thirty-four of whom were of this town, was at once organized under the command of Capt. Paul Langdon, as eight months' men; they were encamped in Roxbury and formed part of the army which besieged Boston. It is evident that a very close watch was kept upon those who were suspected of faithlessness in heart or weakness in knee, for, at a town meeting, September 2, 1776, an unsuccessful attempt was made, after a "Large Debate" to remove "L' Wm. King and Mr. Enos Stebbins" from the committee "of Correspondence, Inspection and safety & in the rome and Sted thereof Chuse two other members for S** Com"^." The Article to see if the town "will immediately furnish themselves with a town stock of ammunishon & fire arms if it can be procured" was also "past over & not acted upon."

In the autumn of 1776, there was fear of an invasion from Canada, and the town furnished thirty-two men, under the command of Capt. Daniel Cadwell, who rendered service "at Ticonderoga from December 5, 1776, to April 2, 1777." The town, as well as the whole state, was startled September, 1776, by what was called the Bennington Alarm, and a company of fifty-two men, under the command of Capt. James Shaw, left town September 24, for the seat of danger. They were present on the opposite side of the river at the surrender of Burgoyne at Saratoga. As there was no call for further service, they returned and were discharged, October 18, after a campaign of only thirty-two days. The next November the town voted to pay the soldiers who marched on the alarm towards Bennington, £ 11. It was found very difficult, after the first gush of patriotism was spent, to obtain men for the war, especially for any long period of service, and £ 12 bounty was offered for volunteers, March 18, 1777, to fill up the town's quota of "every seventh man."

From organizing the militia, and furnishing soldiers for the army, the town turns to framing a constitution; and instructions were given, May 23, "to [Maj. John] Bliss and [Capt John] Shaw," representatives from the town, to form "Such a Constitution of Government as other Representatives of this State in one body with the Cotmcil Shall Judge best Calculated to promote the happiness of this State," which body they are directed to join; but they are "to take head in all their doings and be Strictly careful in forming Said Constitution that the JUST EIGHTS, Liberties & Priviledges of the people in general he well guarded &° Secured against all unjust Incroachments whatever * * * that in all their proceedings they have Special recorse (as an assistance) to a Little book or Pamplet Intitled 'The People the best Governors, or a Plan of Government, &c.,' " and finally, that "they use their influence and endeavors that such acts or Laws as have hen already anacted and are like to prove hurtful to this or any State be amended or repealed." Jealousy of power in the hands of government is shown most distinctly in these instructions, and will be foimd deeply ingrained in the very hearts of our fathers all through their history.

At this time, the trouble with the depreciating paper currency begins to make its appearance. Silver coin, in which taxes must be paid, could not be obtained except at a high premium, and it was very difficult, almost impossible, for the people to pay their taxes. Instructions are therefore given by the town, November 21, 1777, to Col. John Bliss and Capt. John Shaw, representatives, "to use their influence to repeal the act made for Calling in the States money."

The sufferings of the soldiers in the field and of their families at home were becoming so severe as to call for the action of the town, and at a meeting, held January 5, 1778, five men were chosen a committee "to Collect Donations for the Continential Soldiers belonging to this town." And "L* John Hitchcock, Lewis Langdon and L' Ebenezer Russel" were "chosen a committee to take care of those families that their husbands are gone into the war for the term of three years or During the war."

The constitution or frame of government which had been framed for the state during the past year was submitted to the people for acceptance, and this town, March 26th, 1778, voted against it, "24 votes in favor and 51 against." There is no record of its objectionable features. A call was made upon the town for its quota of seven men to join General Washington's amjy at Fiskhill, New York, and a botmty of £ 60 was offered, May 11, 1778, to those who should volunteer; and if none volunteered, the same sum was to be given to the seven men who might be drafted. Two days after, at another town meeting, clothing was voted to the soldiers "equal to oneseventh part of the male Inhabitants agreeable to a late act of the General Court." Also an article, in a warrant for a town meeting to be held in August "to see if the town will make Choise of Some person or persons to procure Shirts, Shoes and Stockings for the Continential Soldiers agreeable to a Late act of the general court of this State." There is no record of choosing such a committee. The town clerk was absent and a clerk pro tern officiated. It is probable he did not make ftdl returns, for money is appropriated at the November meeting "to pay for cloathing procured for the Continential Souldiers, £ 101, and for one pair of shoes omitted for a Continential Soldier £ 2, 25."

The difficulty of raising men increased as the war went on. Paper money was rapidly depreciating, and the volunteer could not rely, for a month, upon the nominal value of his pay. The town endeavored to obviate this difficulty by offering grain, at a fixed price, instead of paper money, to all who would "Inlist."

Inlist into the Continental army for the Term of nine month and Join the Continental Army for that Term for Each months Service they shall have Forty Shillings Pr. month, wheat at 6s. Pr. Bushel, Rie at 4 Shillings Pr. bushel. Com at 3 shillings Pr. Bushel, oats at 1 s. 6 d Pr Bushel, wool at 2 Shillings Pr Pound, flax at lOd. Pr. Pound in addition to their Continental Pay & State Bounty." A committee is chosen "to procure the above articles," and to draw on the treasury for money. After an adjournment of half an hour, apparently for free consultation, wheat is put at "4 s. Pr. Bushel, Rie at 3 shilUngs Pr. Bushel and Indian Com at 2 Shillings Pr Bushel. ' ' The meeting adjourned for half an hour, then for six days, when it is "voted, June 28, that, if men do not volunteer, the men who are drafted shall have the same bounties;" and, also, to quicken action, it is "voted that this town will advance 200 dollars advance pay to be Reducted out of their forty Shillings a month according as the above S"* Committee Shall adjudge Right and Equitable Between the Town and Said Soldiers."

Agreeable to the advice of the delegates, who met at Concord, another convention is called to form a new constitution for the state to meet at Cambridge, and Capt. Phineas Stebbins was chosen "Deligate," August 16, and the following carefully prepared instructions were given him - ^which show most signally that our fathers were scrupulously, if not wisely, jealous of the personal rights of the people and of the power of the government, - ^namely, " (1) As to the Choice of Govenor Lieut. Governor and Counsil that they be Chosen Annually by the people; (2) That all Civil officers be Chosen Annually by the People ; (3) That no Town in this State be allowid to send more then two Representatives in one year to the General Court;

(5) that all of the above officers Shall be Professors of the Protestant Religion." Thus instructed, their "Deligate" joined his associates at Cambridge on the first Wednesday of September.

at South Hadley, Signed E. Porter," to the towns "To choose Delegates to meet in convention at Northampton to adopt a scale of prices which shall be uniform and permanent. ' ' ' ' Lieut. John Hitchcock and Doctor Sam'l F. Merrick" were chosen Delegates. In September, a committee of eight is chosen to take their report into consideration, and to report "to the Town what they think the Prices of the Several Articles (therein set down) ought to be." No report was made by this committee. It was found, probably, that the subject was too complex to admit of the application of any specific rules.

The enemies of their country grow bolder as the burdens of the war increase, and renewed vigilance is demanded of the friends of freedom. A committee of seven was chosen in September "To TAKE CARE OF PERSONS IN THIS TOWN StJSPECTED

The difficulties which hindered the raising of men continued to acciunulate. The demand was imperative, the work wellnigh impossible. A desperate rally was made in October, and £ 400 were raised for the soldiers' bounty and mileage money, and subscriptions were opened that the money might be promptly obtained, the sums subscribed to be deducted from the taxes of the persons subscribing. Forty-three names are recorded as subscribers. Lieut. John Hitchcock subscribed the largest sum, fifty-five dollars. The following are the names of the Subscribers for Soldiers' Bounty:

The war is drawing to a close. Washington succeeded in shutting Lord Cornwallis up in Yorktown, and the whole British army, under his command, surrendered October 19, 1781. But the heart of the King was not softened, and men and money, and beef and blankets, and shoes and stockings were yet needed and demanded. The town granted, October 13, 1781, £ 8,000 to procure 8,310 cwt. of beef, and in November they granted £ 2,000 more to finish the purchase, directing their committee "To give no more than one hundred & twenty potmd pr. hundred for S* beef." In the same month, November 23, 1781, the town "voted that the Committee pay out all the money Granted for the nine months Soldiers at 80 DoUars pr. bushel for wheat, 50 dollars pr. bushel for rie, 33 Dollars and two shillings pr. bushel for Indian com, that is not paid out." In answer to the call for fifteen men for three years, or during the war, it was voted that " 150 silver dollars or paper at the exchange" be paid to each man who enlists. It is evident enough from these prices that patriotism was no more fervent and self-sacrificing in those days than it is in ours. More beef is demanded, and £480 "new Corency" is voted "to procure 15,957 cwt. of beef." The difficulty of obtaining silver with which to pay the State Tax had so increased that the wisest could not tell how to procxire the money, and the boldest were ready to repudiate the tax. A committee was chosen, February 26, 1782, to petition the General Court about the "Silver rate and all other grievances." They presented their petition to an adjourned meeting ten days after. It was "Sagely Debated," but as the naeeting was small, no vote was taken at that time, but at the next meeting it was voted to send the petition; then the vote was reconsidered, and after debating the subject at five adjourned meetings, continued into April, the meeting was dissolved. These particulars indicate the strong feeling which was growing up in the town respecting the deranged condition of the State and national finances.

Soldiers could not be raised in the usual way, and the town was divided into classes, and a soldier assigned to each class. Fifteen districts were made of the town, according to population or wealth, and each one of these districts furnished a man, either of their own number or from some other place, or paid the fine imposed for noncompliance, which at this time was about £45. As the town could not pay the money in hand which they had agreed to give the soldiers on entering the service, they gave a note for the principal, and paid the interest. The town is also required to fxunish 6,585 cwt. more beef, and £132 are granted, July 25, to purchase it. A new requisition of men is made, and it is voted to give the soldiers who were to serve for three months. " 50 s. per month and they draw their own wages [i. e. of the State or nation] or £4 per month and the town draw their wages" and also voted to pay "each soldier 40 s. before he march." The men could not be obtained; and a week after, the town granted 20 s. in addition to the £ 4 per month, and voted that "each soldier be paid £ 3 before he marches," and to pay the whole £ 180. In November, £ 60 more are granted to purchase the balance of the beef of the old requisition, and £140 to purchase what a new requisition required; and in paying rates it is voted that one Silver Dollar Should answer 75 Dollars" [in paper money].

It becomes more and more difficult to raise money; and the town in their perplexity and distress went so far, May 12, 1783, after the treaty of peace had been signed, as to vote to "Instruct their Representative not to grant Congress the impost Requested by them for the express purpose of raising a revenue Independent of the States nor to supply Congress any way untill the half pay to the officers of the army in the Communication thereof be settled and entirely given up." The war closed, but not the financial difficulties. Paper money sank in value rapidly, sank to worthlessness very soon. It would not pay debts, nor buy bread! The attempt to collect debts in silver which were contracted in paper currency was calculated to provoke a rebellion. A man who borrowed a hundred dollars must pay four thousand or lose his farm. The first emission became worthless after the issue of the second. A pound of the bills was not worth a pound of butter.

"Eldad Stebbins was constable in 1776. There is a tradition preserved among the papers of Calvin Stebbins to this effect: - The depreciation of paper money was such that he, having lost an ox, took the town's money in his hands, and bought a pair of oxen, for forty doUars, and before he was required to make his final settlement with the town treasurer, cider would sell for twelve dollars a mug, - three and one-third mugs of cider would pay, did pay, for the oxen."

Creditors began to press their helpless debtors. Silver, the only legal tender, could not be had. The unprincipled took advantage of the times and forced the pajmient of debts, securing liens on real estate worth immensely more than the amount of the real indebtedness. The courts were thronged. It is said that twelve himdred suits were presented at one term of the court at Northampton. There was no peace, though peace was proclaimed. Men who had poured out their blood, either from their own veins or from those of their sons, were now to be deprived of the farms they had cleared, the houses they had buUt. The blessings of liberty and prosperity, for which they had fought, seemed to be escaping their grasp. Their own friends seemed to have become foes. The people were enraged, and their rage was fanned into a consiiming flame by deluded and designing demagogues, and especially by one Samuel Ely, a discarded minister, who had preached for a time in Somers.

had been called to ordain him as a minister but had refused to do so, but he had continued preaching. Among papers left by John Bliss, Esq., of South Wilbraham, I find that another council was called for the same purpose. The following is part of their report. "April 12, 1769, Council called at Somers Ct. to ordain Mr Samuel Ely as Minister and reported against it." Eight reasons were given why they refused. Part of the 7th reason is : " Mr. Ely appears to us to be totally void of the most esential qualifications to a Gospel Minister and to be at best but a Novice."

"8th He has used some of the most Horrid and abomniable Expressions in some of his Sermons, as for Instance 'That if God is the author of Sin the hotest place in Hell is too good for Him,' and at another time said this to his audience: 'I have done my duty, God will do his, and if you dont do yours You will be Damned' &c." (Signed) Sam" Raynolds, Daniel Sexton, John Fuller, Noah Chapin, Charles Sheldon, Stephen Holmes Scribe of S"* Council."

In April, 1782, a mob led by Ely disturbed the holding of the court at Northampton. He was arrested and imprisoned at Springfield but was released by a mob. February 22, 1782, "Deacon John Hitchcock, Dr. John Stems, and Abner Chapin were chosen Delicates to set in a county convention, to be holden in Hatfield on the first Tuesday in April next." Suits became more and more vexatious, and money more and more worthless. In October, 1783, another delegate was chosen - Dr. John Steams - "to set iri a County Convention to be holden in Hatfield at the Dwelling house of Colonel Seth Murry." The tumult increased in different parts of the state, and arms were not seldom resorted to by the mob. In April 25, 1786, Capt. Phineas Stebbins and Mr. David Burt were chosen delegates to sit in a county convention at Hatfield; and in August of the same year " Lt. Noah Stebbins is chosen to Represent the town" in another convention to be held at the same place; and in the ensuing, November, Elijah Parsons is chosen to represent the town in a convention to be held in

Hadley the next day. So the flames raged. Soon after this time, Luke Day, of West Springfield, had organized his forces, on the west of the river, and Daniel Shays was coming on, with what forces he could muster, from the east. It was the purpose of these men to take the arsenal, on the hill at Springfield, and seize the arms. General Shepard had assembled about 1,000 " loyal men at Springfield to defend the arsenal, and General Lincoln was pressing on with his army from Worcester. It was important that Shays, and Day, who had 1,900 men, should attack General Shepard before General Lincoln could reinforce him. On the 24th of January, Shays reached Wilbraham and spent the night, with his soldiers quartered on the inhabitants. That day he had sent a messenger with a letter to Day to be ready for the fight the next day; but the messenger, on his way back, pinched with the cold, went into a tavern in Springfield to warm himself, and some young men present, suspecting all was not right, so plied him with friendly draughts that they soon put him into a drunken sleep and got from his pocket Day's letter to Shays, saying that he could not fight till the 26th. Of this Shays knew nothing. But worse was to befall him. The men of Wilbraham were not idle. "Asaph King, at that time deputy sheriff. Col. Abel King, Dr. Samuel F. Merrick, and Dea. Noah Warriner met to devise a way of conveying to General Shepard intelligence of the proximity of the force. It was at last decided that the job belonged to the sheriff. On the morning of the 25"', Shays moved toward Springfield, ' on the Bay Road;' when King mounted a splendid young horse, that stood saddled in his bam, and started him across the fields to the 'stony hill road.' The snow, knee-deep to his horse, was covered with a crust, and he was obliged, in some instances, not only to make a path for his horse, but to pull down or leap fences. When he came out upon the road, the legs of his horse were streaming with blood. He was far ahead of Shays, and, spurring on, reached the arsenal in forty-five minutes from the time he left Wilbraham. ' ' Shepard now learned all the particulars of the number and proximity of the force of Shays, which were important to him, and prepared to meet him. The marching was bad, and Shays did not make his appearance on the road till about four o'clock in the afternoon. After some parleying, and some boasting on the part of Shays, his column moved on toward the loaded cannon of Shepard, who had threatened to fire if he did not halt. The insurgents passed on, not believing that Shepard would dare to fire. It was no time for dallying; yet Shepard, to show all possible forbearance, fired first to the right, then to the left, then over the heads of the coltunn. But still they came on, the harmless roar of the cannon frightening the village more than the insurgents. They are within fifty rods of the battery, and pressing on. It was now time to fire in earnest. The cannon are trained on the centre of the column; thematchis whisked in the air; the column comes on; the priming is touched; the smoke belches forth, and the shots fly. Soon the smoke lifts. The column is broken and flying, crying, "Murder!" Three men lie dead, and four are mortally wounded. Shays could not rally his men, and they fled with the utmost precipitation till the scattered colimin, the disorganized mob, reached Ludlow, where they spent the night. I am not aware that any Wilbraham men joined Shays; but John Langdon, the hero of two wars, then over sucty years of age, who was in Shepard's army, used to take keen delight in narrating how, with his old "Queen's Arm" at his eye, he frightened a whole squad of Shays-men to throw down their arms and surrender. The insurrection was, soon after this, wholly put down. The insurgents dispersed to their homes, and an amnesty almost general was declared. By special legislation the pecuniary affairs of the state were adjusted so as to relieve to a great extent the sufferings of the people, and soon prosperity filled the purses and gamers of the town. The popularity of Shays was very great, however, among some people, and, as late as forty years after the rebellion, "Hurrah for Shays ! " was as common an exclamation, in the mouths of many persons, as "Hurrah for Jackson!" was twenty years later.

The great struggle for independence is over; The rebellion, consequent on a state of universal bankruptcy, is put down; the constitution of the state is adopted; the ordinary channels

It is reported that there were a few Wilbraham men in the mob of Shays. There were many of our men with General Shepard. Nine Chaffees are said to have answered to the rollcall of Shepard's army, on the morning of the battle. As their names were called in succession, it caused no little amusement : "Asa Chaffee, Asa Chaffee, Jr., Comfort Chaffee, Comfort Chaffee, Jr.," etc.

It is also reported that four or five men from the south part of the town, who were on their way to join the insurgents, were met near the Sessions place, by one who was returning from the affair, and informed that Shays was defeated, and that, "it is all over."

There is a curious story about the Deacon Nathaniel Warriner house, in connection with the Shays Rebellion. On the afternoon of the 24th of January, the day that Shays had quartered his soldiers for the night on the people of Wilbraham, he sent an outpost, or picket, of four men down to that house. The foiur men went over the house to see that everjrthing was safe and clear for their stay over night. They found the door to the north front chamber locked. They knew the chamber was occupied by someone, because of sounds they had heard, but their demand for admittance was not answered. After shaking the door in an effort to open it, one of them said, "Let's smoke him out!" "Smoke him out" they all shouted. They climbed up on to the roof, put a wet blanket over the north flue of the chimney, put more fuel on the fire that was already burning in the fireplace downstairs, and rushed back to the locked chamber door. The smoke from the fire below poured out through the fire place in the room above, and filled it with the stifling fiunes. The door flew open and a woman, carrjdng a boy about half a year old, staggered out from the smoke filled chamber, choking and gasping for breath. They had succeeded in "smoking him out," but he wasn't very dangerous to them, and I believe they apologized for the trouble they had made. I have always thought there must have been some reason for that woman's act, and it may be that it was done to keep those men of Shays engaged around the Warriner house, while sheriff Asaph King and the others mentioned were holding their conference in a near-by house, to arrange a way to inform General Shepard of their presence.

1777. Sept. 29. About two in the afternoon set out from home on an expedition to the northern army, arrived at Springfield, tarried till night then dismissed till to morning nine o'clock passed the river with Leut. King in order to lodge with Uncle Merrick. 30, met according to order and after deliberating till about four o'clock we proceeded on our march. Leut. King returned to bring up the rear. Went to my uncles to lodge again the company proceeded forward.

Oct. 1 about nine o'clock set out, overtook the company at Peas, went in company with them about four miles, put up at .Crockers lodged at the next house.

Oct. 2. Seargant Lamb and Brewer with Solomon Warriner & myself proceeded forward in order to put out our horses, went as far as Lanesborough, after much difficulty got entertainment at one Powels near the middle of the town

4th Took my horse in to Williamstown, sent him back to S"* Rose and marched on foot about four miles on the road to Bennington then turned to the left and went about six miles to one Co' Plat.

6th Set out in the morning and arrived there soon, foimd that our troops were all ordered up the River, Ordered to encamp until further orders. In the afternoon heard canon briskly toward head quarter; very anxious to hear the event.

8 This morning an express arrived from head quarters informing that Gen. Gates had caried sundry Redoubts & all the Enemys out lines and twas expected by the motions that they wotild retreat soon, likewise with orders for us to Press

9 Gen. Barly from N. Hampshire lodged in the same house with us last night, two expresses arrived informing us that the enemy were actually on the retreat, orders for us to make no delay in order to harass them upon their retreat, set out very early and arrived at Batter Hill before noon about three miles from Saratoga, a very rainy afternoon, soon after our arrival there was an alarm that the Enemy was upon us, but it proved to be false.

10 Lodged in a com house last night, about midnight there was another allarm but this likewise Proved false. In the morning concluded to join Col. Porter, but before we did he marched down to the river, we followed on but was ordered more to the southward, which we obeyed and reconoitering the shore found a boat ashore which we were guarding when a number of others came floating down which we took, lodged here this night.

12. Continue still to guard the boats, the Enemy are now about a mile below the church, there has been a scattering fire ever since the retreat began and still continues nothing material hapening the army excepting Gen Gates sent in a flagg demanding a surrender, but I have heard no answer. This morning Gen. Nickson made an attack upon the enemy but by mistake Gen Learned who was to attack them in the west at the same time delayed about fifteen minutes after a severe fire a few minutes was obliged to retreat.

14 Ordered that there be a cessation of arms til sun set. Sundry flaggs passing back and forth, in the evening reported that Gen. Burgoine had agreed to resign himself and army Prisoners of War, to march out to morrow morning.

15 Went over to Saratoga in expectation of seeing the Enemy march out, and after waiting the whole day was obliged to return without having my expectations answered but with great confidence reported that the stipulation was actually signed and that it was to take place to morrow.

17 A day never to he forgotten by the American States. About Eleven clock A. M. Gen. Burgoine with a number of Other officers rode out, escorted by sundry officers of the Continental army and a little south of the church was met by Gen. Gates, and after a polite compliment proceeded to head quarters; about two the army began to march out. I taried till after four when I returned. They had not all then marched out, but I believe nearly, the number can by no means ascertain but should be inclined to think between five and six thousand but I am by no means a competent judge, tho' I had a good view of them. The Lord be praised for this wonderful token of divine favor for which we caimot be sufficiently thankful!."

Soldiers Of Wilbraham Who Served In The Revolutionary War

"A Roll of Capt. James Warriner's Company of Wilbraham who marched in defence of Ammerican Liberty on y= Alarm last April occasioned by '""e Lexington Fight. Time of service, ten days :

Powder Horn

Among the papers of Col. John Bliss of South Wilbraham, I have found the following Petition. It relates to the triangular piece of land in our town, known as "The Green." The schoolhouse of District No. 3, is now located on it. An Act of the

"Gentlemen there is a Comer or Wedge of Land being part of the overplus Land belonging to the Second or Middle Division of the Outward Commons so Called Containing about one acre more or Less and now xminclosed the same Bounded west upon the principal Highway in this town by Serg* Burts and there is in wedth near nine rods and runs thence Easterly about Fifty rods and ends in a point and also Lyeth South of the Highway which runs east and west upon the Said Overplus Land We, the subscribers therefore pray that this meeting will pass a vote that the said wedge of Land may be appropriated for the use of this town as Common Land or Highway."

There was a library in Wilbraham much earlier than in many of the surrounding towns. I have not learned all I would like to know about it. I suppose that Solomon Warriner, the librarian, lived on the west side of Main Street, in the fourth house north of the Tinkham Road, where Mr. L. L. Stone lives now. At a later period there were libraries in some of the school districts. That in District No. 12, (now District No. 3) was kept by Reuben Pease, in his shoemaker's shop, on the east side of Main Street, which stood a little north of his house, now owned by the heirs of his son, George Pease, and occupied by Mrs. Miller. I drew books from that library about 1854. The school in that district was then held in the house now occupied as a dwelling by Rev. J. G. Willis.

Wilbraham Library

Evidently individuals bought shares in the same. Solomon Warriner, Librarian. I find 13 receipts, now in possession of C. S. Merrick, of some who sold their shares to others.

"This is to Sertify that I have sold my Wright in the Libery to Mr Daniel Hungerfoard the Bearer of these Lines; I desire you woidd Discord my name and Record his in the Room thereof in so doing you will Oblige

"To the Library Company of the Town of Wilbraham Gent" I beg to inform you, that at the time of the last meeting when I should have Carried my book in, the going was so bad on account of Crust upon the snow that it was almost impossible to have got there without going four or five miles round and the Same reason may (be) given for the other book which I have sent with mine draw^ by John Passo (?) on Justin Cooley right, I suppose, and as the Books are not very Valuable I suppose it was no great damage. I shall take it Very kindly if the meeting will excuse me & except the Books now

" I do here By Convey unto Gaius Brewer one Wright of my Libery in Wilbraham; & have Rec'' my pay and I would have you know? accordingly to Solomon Warriner Libreian

Song Of The Hoe

In the Stebbins History, at the foot of page 301, it says; "Josiah Langdon was a man of literary taste, and wrote considerable poetry in his day. His 'Song of the Hoe' is the best

Stephen Newell, grandfather of Alonzo B. Newell, of the present town of Hampden, loaned a hoe to one of his neighbors, who did not return it for more than a year, and not until he had been repeatedly requested to do so. He finally brought it back, in the middle of a summer night, and placed the hoe against the kitchen door, with the handle resting on the doorstep. When Mr. Newell opened the door in the morning, the hoe, broken and worthless, fell in upon the kitchen floor. I have secured a copy of the "Song" and insert it here.

Good morning. Dear Master, you see I am come, 'Twas late in the evening before I got home, I found you were sleeping - ^I tho't I'd not wake you For fear you would think twas a Sheriff to take you.

So here I've been standing these five hours or more. This long Summer evening - to enter your door. Long time I've been missing, but now I return. And for my misconduct I heartily mourn.

Now into your favor if you'll receive me, I'll always prove faithful and constant to. thee. Like the hound in the fable my teeth are worn out. Therefore don't correct me for this saucy bout.

But remember when young, I hoed all your com, You ne'er had a better hoe since you were bom. You've often enquired who hoed with me last. But no one remembered when since it was past.

The man whom you lent me to used me so bad, I ran away from him because I was mad. He did so much more and he hoed with me faster. Than e'er I was used to when with my old Master.

That I was resolved to throw off my chain. And live 'long with my good old Master again; For when you hoed with me the most that I did Was to serve as a shore to prop up your head.

So like the hound in the fable my teeth are worn out. Therefore don't correct me for this saucy bout; For when I was young I hoed all your com You ne'er had a better hoe since you were bom. I came from the Eastward you very well know. So

"Complains upon oath Aaron Bliss of Monson a miner Son of Jacob Bliss Did on the thirteenth Day of Febuary at his Dwelling Did utter one Prophane oath by saying I wont (?) by God I will not go ought and Amos Beebe of Monson at the same time said by God i will not go out all which is Contrary to Law and a gainst the Peace of the Commonwealth and the Laws of the same Wherefore the Sai"* Aaron Bliss Prays that the sai"* Oliver Bliss and Amos Beebe may be apprehended and held to answer to Sai"! Complaint and delt with (in) relation to the same as to Law and Justice shall appertain Dated at Wilbraham the Seventh Day of March 1798 Aaron Bliss"

Do. to Giving the Selectmen their Oath to a Pay Rool 0-1-0 Do. to Giving a Warrant to Carry Merriam Wright a Poor Girl to Ludlow at the request of the Selectmen Wilbraham Feb 5-1784. John Bliss A true account Erors Excepted."

"To Mr. Aaron Stebbins 3"^ Constable for Wilbraham Sir. Plese to pay to the several Persons hereafter Named the Sums afixt to each of their names Viz and their Receit Shall Discharge you So much on the ministry Rate Committid to you to Collect - Per me David Burt Parish Treasurer Wilbraham March 26'^ 1785 " '

"Chileab Brainard Merrick, yeoman, Samuel Fisk Merrick Gentleman, and Abigal Merrick widow, all of Wilbraham Executors of the Will of Noah Merrick, had an execution against John Davison of Monson for 1 pound 18 shillings Lawful Money. (No account of the property attatched.)"

"1789 Samuel Fisk Merrick Gentleman of Wilbraham, got out an attatchment for 40 Shillings against Benjamin Swetland, yeoman of Longmeadow Asaph King Dep. Sher. attatched 1 chair, costs 10 Shillings 8 pence."

March 1790 I was in Company with Mr John Shearrer Jr. of said Palmer at Wilbraham and he had his team and sled with him and as we ware Comming by Mr Thomas Hayls we made a Little stop and s"* Hail come to the Sled and s^ why here you have got my Chain and then the S"* Shearrer s"^ is that your chain and the S"* Hale s^ yes this is my chain & the very Chain that I Lent to Noah Shearerr & I never could git it Before & now I mean to keep it & the S"* Hale takes the Chain from the Sled and said the Next time I lend him a chain I ges he will bring it home without my sending for it so often as I have for this one so he took the Chain away & carried it into the Blacksmith Shop.

John Williams - yeoman Complains - that Phebe Barton - Spinster, on the 9"" day of March, being Lords Day, did with voice and arms, within the walls of a House of Public worship.

then being in the time of PubUc worship, then and there behave Rudely & indecently, to the great disturbance of your complainant & divers good subjects of the Commonwealth." The Constable directed to aprehend the body of the S"* Phebe Barton to answer to the Complaint and to summon Lydia WUley, Pamell Patterson & Faimy Chaffee as witnesses.

First Church History From 1794

In the year 1794, the atmosphere of Wilbraham seems to have been unusually charged with religious activity and zeal. In that year eight parish fneetings were held by the first parish, to devise ways and means for moving the meeting house down from its high elevation on Wigwam Hill, into the village. For twelve years they had wrestled with the question of finding a location for it that would be acceptable to all. At different parish meetings during those twelve years, they had voted to move, and not to move; to repair; to build, to locate on "David Warriner's land east side of the road (about opposite the north end of ' Rich Hall ') ; to move the meeting-house on Charles Brewer's lot; .... to set it on the south side of Joseph Saxton's lot; in the centre of the street." (Probably a little south of the present road leading up to the Woodland Dell Cemetery.) But, on April 18th, 1794, they "Voted that the Committee heretofore appointed to. purchase a Place to set the Meeting House on be requested to proceed in purchasing the land of Jonathan Merrick - on behalf of the Parish for £33." And Gideon Burt, Joseph Sexton, ChUeab Merrick, Reuben Sikes, David Bliss, Stephen Cadwell, and Ebenezer Cadwell were chosen a committee "to contract for the moving of the Meeting House into the Street in this by themselves or hiring it done."

The last parish meeting, held in the meeting house on Wigwam Hill, was on April 18th, 1794. The next meeting, on May 22, 1794, was held "at the School House near W° Brewers." On August 29th, "at the School House in the Street," and on September 11th "at the School House near the Meeting House." I have been told that the building was left in the highway, a little south of the road leading up to the Dell Cemetery, for two or three weeks, and that several members of the parish desired that it should remain there. (Perhaps this may account for the unusual width of our main street at that point.) But, probably, late in August or the first of September, 1794, it was moved on to the ground where the Congregational meeting house has since stood.

The parish meetings of October 24 and November 3d in the year 1794, were also held at the schoolhouse, which was on the west side of Main Street, nearly opposite the meeting house.

At the meeting November 3d, 1794, the meeting house was new seated. The names of 104 men and of 22 women, some of whom were widows, are given as being seated in the body of the house.

In the gallery there were seated, 49 young men and 52 young women, whose names are given. Four of the young women were named Nabby, five Polly, and three Patty. Among the young men was seated "Black man Cadwell."

If we assume that there were 100 wives seated with their husbands, there would be about 325 persons in all. The next parish meeting was held at the meeting house on January 26th, 1795, and £413 was "voted and granted for the purpose of defraying the expenses of moving repairing and building the Meeting House and the Land on which it stands .... and all votes, and grants heretofore made for the purpose aforesaid be reconsidered."

The Stebbins History says: "The tabernacle of the Lord is moved down from Wigwam Hill into the street with as much joy to all beholders as David moved the ark of the Lord from the house of Obed Edom into Jerusalem."

And today, one hundred and nineteen years afterwards, we can rejoice that one of the causes of disturbance and division among the throngs that went up to the sanctuary on sabbath days, was at last removed out of the way.

In those early days it was the practice to raise money for church expenses by assessing a tax on the property of the members, and while there was but one church here, the results were fairly satisfactory. But as other denominations were formed, their members objected to paying the tax, and the parish passed many votes, at different times, granting to the Methodists and Baptists the taxes assessed against them. The first record that I have found is of the parish meeting held March 14th, 1786.

It does not appear that the first parish were over-zealous in ' collecting taxes from the members of other denominations, provided they were assured that they really did attend other services. In 1794, the assessors were instructed to leave twenty-four different persons, whose names are given, out of the tax list.

Notwithstanding this clemency, there were still some dissenters and dissatisfied ones, and evidently the following meeting was called by some of that class.

(Note. The law provides, that if the Selectmen of a town, or the proper committee of a Religious Society, "unreasonablly refuse" to call a meeting of the town, or society, a Justice of the Peace may call such a meeting, upon the petition of a specified number of voters of such town or society. Within my recollection, a meeting of the town of Wilbraham was called in that way.) Apparently the parish committee had refused to call a meeting of the first .parish when requested so to do, and

"Hampshire S. S. to the Collector of the North Parish of the town of Wilbraham, or to Justin Stebbins one of the Petitioners of this Meeting or Eyther of them (etc.) that they meet and assemble at the Methodist Meeting house in S'^ Parish on the third day of February 1796 (etc.)

"Art. 2, to see if the Parish will grant to the Methodists their tax for moving and Building the Meeting House now standing a little south of Will'" Brewers and their tax for the Support of Preaching in S"^ House in Converse Cutlers hands and to order the treasurer to Pay Back all the moneys Collected on S"* tax to the Persons of whom Collected.

"Art. S'^iy "to see if the Parish will grant an order that the moneys now taxed upon the Methodists & Baptists shall be appropriated to Building and Repairing their Respective Meeting Houses if the S* Parish shall not Grant the Second article in this Warrant."

Notwithstanding this meeting was called to meet at . the Methodist meeting house, the members of the North Parish were not caught napping, but gathered in such numbers that they were able to control the meeting, for one of their strongest members. Dr. Samuel F. Merrick, was chosen moderator.

Under Article 2, they "Voted and Granted to Gains Brewer two Dollars for materials for the Steeple of the Meeting House which he once gave to the Parish."

On April 11, 1809, the parish "Voted that the Baptists and Methodists in this Parish who when able with their families worship in their own way shall in future be left out of the Parish Tax Bills, Provided they attempt not to act in our parish meetings, and those who of that description worship thus, but their families with us, they shall be taxed with others, but half their taxes shall be abated."

That would seem to have been a fair settlement of the troublesome question which had disturbed them for many years. On February 11, 1794, Rev. Joseph Lathrop, D.D., of West Springfield, the "moderate Calvinist," and peacemaker generally, preached a most acceptable sermon to the church, probably in the interest of harmony among them. At the parish meeting, three days later, or, on February 14, 1794, the parish chose a committee to "present to Joseph Lathrop D.D. the thanks of this Parish for his Ingenious & pertinent sermon delivered on the ll"' instant, and request a copy for the Press - and have the same printed at the expense of the Parish and deliver one Book to each Family in the Parish and a handsome Number to the Author .... to Defray the expense of printing out of sale of the rest." In a collection of several sermons and other pamphlets, owned by G. S. Atchinson of West Street, I have found a copy of that sermon, and insert a few extracts, and the title page.

Have Fallen Out Rather Unto The Furtherance Of The Gospel

"Disputes and divisions among christians are on many accounts, unhappy. They are found, however, to answer some valuable purposes. . . . YOU, my brother, who are now taking your aflEectionate leave of the people of your late charge, will find comfort in the application of this thought.

"YOU here entered on your ministerial work with agreeable prospects: But by the hand of providence you have, for months past, been taken off from yovir publick labours. In the meantime, you have seen your people surrounded with dangers, and embarrassed with difficulties, of which you could only stand an anxious spectator. I can fully realize your painful sensations, while you have looked out and beheld your flock, wandering for want of the shepherd's care, and felt yourself unable to watch over them, and provide for them suitable pasture.

"THE consideration of your health, and of the peculiar circumstances of your people, has led you to conclude, that your removal from them is a step pointed out in providence: And they have concurred in the sentiment

"WHILE we lament your removal from this people, it is a pleasure to find that you stand well in their affection and esteem and they in yours. You will remember, and pray for them still. May God mark your path, and guide your future steps; may he restore your health, and appoint your lot in a pleasant place; may he make you extensively useful in life, and finally admit you to take a distinguished place among his good and faithful servants.

"THE long vacancy, which followed the death of your former pastor,'- seemed happily supplied in this his successor. But the prospect is now shaded. You are again exposed to the dangers of a vacancy, at a time too, when the great work of building a house of worship is before you, and unhappy divisions have taken place among you. We trust, however, it is the father's good pleasure to continue among you his kingdom. The things which have befallen you he can overrule to the promotion of the gospel. . .

"YOU will not be content, that the stated ministry of the word should be long discontinued. You will take measures for the resettlement of it, as soon as prudence shall direct. In the meantime, you will endeavour to enjoy the preaching of the gospel, and will be diligent in your attendance upon it

"YOU will treat with candotu- and tenderness those of your brethren, who have lately vnthdrawn from you. They took a hasty step in an hour of temptation. On calm reflection, it is hoped, they will feel their obligation to return, and walk hand in hand with you. Let your behaviour toward them be kind and friendly, and your language soft and winning. Walk in wisdom and meekness, considering yourselves, lest ye also be tempted.

"ON this head I cannot more pertinently address you, than in the words of the Rev. JOHN WESLEY whose name, I suppose, you have often heard mentioned of late. 'Beware of schisms - of makiag a rent in the church of Christ. Inward disunion is the root of all contention, and every outward separation. Beware of everything tending thereto. Beware of a dividing spirit - shun whatever has the least aspect that way. Say not, "This is my preacher - the best preacher." This tends to foment division. Suffer not one thought of separating from your brethren. Beware of tempting others to separate from you. '

" IT is now with you a critical time. The shepherd is leaving you. If after his departure grievous wolves should enter in among you, not sparing the flock; yet of your ownselves let none arise, speaking perverse things, to draw away disciples after them; but watch in all things; and remember, that you have been this day warned. Imitate the commendable example of the church of Ephesus, to whom Christ says, 'I know thy

1 Rev. Noah Merrick - ^who was born August, 1711, ordained June, 1741, - died December 22, 1776, being in tlie 66th year of his age, and 36th of his ministry.

works and thy labour and thy patience, and how thou canst not bear them who are evil, and hast tried them who say, they are Apostles, and are not, and hast found them liars.' Beware that ye fall not under Christ's censure on the church in Thyatira, that she suffered some who falsely called themselves prophets, to teach, and to seduce his seivants. If you ask, how shall we prevent such from teaching and seducing? I answer in the words of the Apostle, AVOID THEM. . . . Never lay great weight upon small things, nor contend about trifles. Be united in pursuing the great things of religion; and then, in circumstantial matters, you will be disposed to please, each one his neighbour to edification. And I beseech you, brethren, for the Lord Jesus' sake, and for the love of the Spirit, that you strive together in your prayers for the furtherance of the gospel among yourselves, in the churches around you, and, through the world. And may the God of all grace, who hath called us to his eternal glory by Jesus Christ, make you perfect, strengthen, stablish, and settle you. To him be glory and dominion, for ever and ever AMEN.

On April 19th, 1796, the parish "voted to lease the pews in the Meeting House for the term of one year and the money appropriated for the support of the Gospel."

This is the first record that I have found of any attempt to raise money by a system which has been followed most of the time since. April 16, 1798, Jason Chapin, Capt. James Shaw and Doctor Samuel F. Merrick were chosen "a committee to purchase a Bell," and 1200.00 was appropriated for that purpose. But the bell was not purchased at that time, for there is an article in the warrant for the meeting held April 14th, 1800, "to grant money for the use of purchasing a church Bell." But in 1802, a church bell was purchased and hung, and then, the first Sabbath bell of the mountains sounded its welcome call to the willing worshipers, as they wended their way from the banks of the Chicopee on the north and the southerly botinds of the parish on the south, from far "Burch Run" and chilling Rattlesnake Peak on the east, and the wonderful wilds of "World's End Meadow" on the west. All heard the call to come up and worship at the house of the Lord on every Sabbath day, and we may feel sure that their steps were lighter

And the very next year they voted and granted $3.00 "to purchase a Bass Viol." And a few years later, they voted "$45.00 to hire a teacher of Psalmody among us."

In 1807, they "Granted to Dan' Ladd, Jr. for playing the violin one year, $5.00," and in 1809 they "Voted to raise $5.00 for to support the bass Viol."

In 1805, a committee was chosen by the parish "to fence the burying ground near the Street," and at the same meeting, "Duty Partridge, Ebenezer Cadwell and Frederick Stebbins were chosen a committee to fence the burying ground over the Mountain," and $120.00 was appropriated for the work, and at the meeting held April 13, 1807, $25.00 was "Granted for painting Burying Yard fence."

It appears from the above votes, that the town had not assumed charge of the burying grounds at that time. In this connection it may be of interest to copy a vote passed December 2, 1782. "Voted that Jonathan Mirick Solomon Warriner Noah Warriner be a Commitee to fence the burying yard with Stone & with as much land as they think proper then voted and Granted £15 : : to fence the burying yard. Voted this sum be assest on the poles and Estates of the Inhabitants of this parish .... and each person be allowed to work out his rate as they Do at highways."

About two weeks later, on December 17, 1782, they "Voted & reconsidered a vote past 2 December 1782 for fenceing the Burying yard with Stone & made the same nul and void."

The yard to which most of these votes refer, is the one now called The Deacon Adams Cemetery, and the amount of land which the committee thought "proper," can be very readily traced there today. The original lot was enlarged in 1876 by an addition on the east side, and again in 1896 by a much larger addition on the north.

There is one other matter relating to this cemetery which perhaps ought to be mentioned. About 1859, a large company of the men of the town gathered there one day, for the purpose of cutting the brush, improving the yard and making a general clean-up of the grounds. In carrying out that "improvement," some of the headstones, as well as the footstones, along the southerly side of the yard, were moved a few inches, or two or three feet, to the north or south, as might be necessary, in order to bring them into line with the others. I, a boy, was there at the time and assisted in some of the work. I do not think any of the stones were moved entirely ofE the grave to which they belonged, or that any of them were moved to the east or west, but some of them are now from a few inches to two or three feet, north or south of where they were originally placed.

The table monument that marks the resting place of "The Revened and Worthy NOAH MERICK," who died "Dec. y' 22, A.D. 1776," and of "Abigail his wife, who died Sep. 12, 1807, in the 98"" year of her age;"

And the three stones which re-tell the tragedy of Nine Mile Pond, on April 29th, 1799. These, and many others there, impel us to regard with solemn reverence that consecrated "God's-Acre."

In 1806, "Voted Gains Brewer 66 cents for repairing the ill." In 1813, "Paid Sally Bliss $3.00 for sweeping the eeting House one year." In the same year, "Paid Edward ebbins $1.50 for Ringing the Bell seven weeks." In 1825, "Paid Edwin Crocker for ringing the bell and eeping the Meeting House for one year $8.50. In 1815, they ^ted $20.00 for tythingmen."

The Stebbins history says: "In 1824, an attempt was made the town to obtain possession of the 'Minister Money,' pecially that portion of it realized by the sale of the ' Ministry )t.' It was unsuccessful, as it should have been, and the fund nains in the possession of the two parishes to this day." I id from the parish records that the first action seems to have en commenqed by the parish. On April 13, 1818, a com- ^ttee was chosen by the parish "to request the Town tO' liver up to the Parish their proportion of the land loan money longing to s"* parish."