Worcester City (part 30 of 58)

The Massachusetts ecclesiastical rupture of 1820-30 was pressing upon this quiet town before steps were taken for a new house of worship. But no tongue moved against the minister. Yet it was intimated that the new church would have a new order of things when he should resign or cease from his labors. The pastor foresaw more than his people expressed. He hardly expected to escape the rupture in his lifetime. But he lived to dedicate the new church, 182(5, and to preach and pray there till near his death, August 29, 1829, at the age of seventy-three years.

The church, in August same year, united in choosing Rev. Moses B. Church as Dr. Puffer's successor. The parish dissented, and following the Dedham decision, as others had done, chose another man. Rev. Robert Folger Walcut, of Nantucket, and graduate of Harvard. The Folgers were a prominent family in Nantucket.

On the action of the parish, overruling the church, they withdrew almost unanimously, leaving but one male member and three females constituting the church.

The seceding members built a moderate house of worship the same year, and called Rev. Abraham C. Baldwin, a graduate of Bowdoin College, and student in theology under Dr. Lyman Beecher, who preached the ordination sermon, October 26, 1830. In Mr. Baldwin's ministry of two years, forty-six were added to the church. He had more than ordinary qualities as preacher and pastor. Had he been quiet to remain, very many have felt that he would have re-united the town effectively. His succeeding pastorates were in Springfield and New Haven. But if any man can unite a thousand people of one township, is he not more useful then in holding a like number gathered here and there from a city ?

He was dismissed from the church in Berlin, October 23, 1832. Both he and his wife died in Yonkers, N. Y., 1886. Had no child. Her maidenname was Foote, of Fair Haven, Ct.

July 17, 1883, to 1834. He was succeeded by Rev. Eber S. Clarke, of Winchendon, Ju. 21, 1835. Mr. Clarke was dismissed 1837, and settled once more in Richmond, Mass., where he died.

Rev. Robert Carver followed in a successful ministry, 1838-42. Settled next at Raynham. Entered into the Christian Commission service of the army, in which he died. After Mr. Carver's retirement, the Unitarian parish was also without a pastor. Rev. David R. Samson had succeeded Mr. Walcot, 1834-39.

Reciprocal overtures were now made on the part of the two parishes for reunion. This was effected in the settlement of Rev. Henry Adams, son of Chester Adams, Esq., of Charlestown, and graduate of Amherst and Andover. His first settlement was Worthington ; next, " Hillside Church," of Bolton, noted as the "Wilder Church" (S. V. S. Wilder). Mr. Wilder, after his return from Europe, and before Hillside Church was built, attended Dr. Puffer's ministry in Berlin. Mr. Adams was installed Oct. 25, 1843 ; was dismissed 1853. The same year, Oct. 26th, Rev. W. A. Houghton was installed ; resigned at the termination of twenty-five years, Oct. 26, 1878. Rev. Albert Barnes Cristy, of Greenwich, Ct., and graduate of Andover, was ordained and installed July 3, 1879. He gave way to a call to the church in Conway, 1881.

Rev. Charles H. Washburn, graduate of Amherst, was the third successor to whom Rev. Mr. Houghton has given the right hand of fellowship and received them into the church at their ordination. He was ordained and installed December, 1885 ; dismissed Nov. 2, 1888 ; called to North Woburn.

In 1853-54, under the lead of Rev. Gardner Rice, then principal of the Berlin Private Academy, a Methodist interest was started and organized. Rev. W. W. Culburn and Rev. B. F. Whittemore were the principal preachers.

The war broke up the organization. It was revived again in 1878, since which time Revs. Mr. Hanniford, Wilder, Burlingham, Desjardin and Barter have been the preachers. They built and dedicated their church 1887-88.

In 1871 the Unitarian element, which had been mostly dormant from 1844, was revived and organized. A church was built, and dedicated April 1, 1881. Its ministers have been Revs. George Greene,

For a small town, Berlin has a large element of the Quaker faith. Bolton has about the same. Their meeting-house is just within Bolton limits. Their Quarterly Meeting occurs in August. The society has existed since 1790.

Berlin and Bolton have known, better than most towns, the Friends, or Quakers, in their citizenship. Both towns would bear cheerful testimony to their worth. To see the commingling of the descendants of Cassandra Southwick and the Boston Puritans fraternizing in religious meetings, public and private, with kindliest regards for each other's distinctive views and order of worship, seems to preclude the possibility of certain historic facts ; just as fully Puritans as ever, and just as fully Quakers as ever. But many of the Quakers on whom the Puritans' wrath dtscended were as unlike our worthy Quaker citizens as were the old Puritans unlike the Puritans of to-day. Not here can we discuss the meriis of the case, but we rejoice togetlier in the better knowledge of personal liberty of opinion-, and the harmonizing influence of religious faith. But Berlin has to confess; we did imprison a Quaker, and for non-payment of the minister-tax, which ministry he did not believe in. We are glad it was a hundred years ago, 1786. Nor do we offer that in extenuation. The Quaker executions were more than two hundred years ago. The law as applied in Massachusetts, 1657, was recommended to all the Colonies by the " Federal Commissioners." It was enacted here by only one vote in majority, and stood in force but two years.

But for ministerial taxes the law exempted Quakers, Episcopalians and others as early as 1750-60 ; only they must show certificates that they really belonged to some religious society. Here seems to have been Brother Jonathan Baker's lame point. The assessors were bound by the law. The indications are that he would not or could not present his certificate, so the assessors would not abate; bylaw they could not. No doubt the case was very much affected by words and temper. The town finally remitted his fourteen-shilling tax, and his certificate of Quaker membership stands on record.

On school matters Obediah Wheeler, Quaker, was the persistant leader in insisting on a division of the school money ; as constantly refused. That is our issue to-day with the Catholics.

Educational. - Previous to the organization of the precinct, 1784, schools had been maintained for a few weeks at a time in private houses. School-houses are named in early records as if they had served us while of Bolton. The precinct proceeded, 1785, to "Squadron the district." We had four, according to the four cardinal points of the compass. The centre of the town went north, south, east or west, as they saw fit. This for fifty years. A fifth district was added, 1836, and all of them, unwisely, took on separate existence. This continued about twenty years, when, as soon as permitted by the Legislature, the town took possession of the schools and houses.

Three of the houses had done service about seventyfive years each. The town proceeded at once to build anew five houses for the five districts, all alike, 1857- 58. When the cost of the war came on we congratulated ourselves in having already paid for our schoolhouses. The.se were all duly dedicated by becoming services. School Interests revived very much, nor has it very much subsided. Not required by law to maintain a high school, it is difficult in a population of less than a thousand to do so. A few terms have been maintained. But three adjoining towns offer ready facilities, and by rail the accommodation is very good with each of them. It is a conviction of the committee that the schools of Berlin compare favorably, in material and quality, with towns around us. Teachers' wages stand above the average in the State. None but females have been employed for many years. Once the town furnished a large quota of young men - several in a season. They have been supplanted. School-teaching is woman's right.

The first school report read in town-meeting, and before required by law, was offered by William A. Howe, then a young man. He had never been to high school or academy.

A stimulus to Berlin, perhaps, was the somewhat famous Quaker School of Thomas Frye, just beyond our Bolton line. English grammar was a specialty. Berlin pupils availed themselves of the advantage. Later, Berlin had a somewhat similar school. Josiah Bride, a native of the town, with never a day of instruction from private teacher, high school or academy, opened a private school in the town-house. His skill, or art in teaching, gave him greater and greater success. Good in scholarship, he excelled in communicating. His private school grew into a boarding-school, and this into Berlin Academy. From 1833 to 1853 this school did much for Berlin. Pupils came from several cities and several States. Meanwhile Mr. Bride was active in the town and in the church. He died, 1887, at eighty-five years. Berlin is represented in the Technical School, Worcester, by a teacher ; in Amherst Agricultural College by a student ; several have graduated at commercial colleges. Of school funds Berlin has only two thousand dollars. Joseph Priest, unmarried, gave by will, 1817, five hundred dollars ; Miss Nancy Young, 1860, gave by will fifteen hundred dollars. These persons had lived quiet and inexpensive lives. These gifts were about all they possessed, severally. Berlin cherishes their memory. But it is only by recalling to each school generation the facts, that the generosity of worthy benefactors is held in remembrance. Ask in almost any school who was Horace Mann, and see.

Sadly, Berlin has no public library. Sectional influences have prevented united town action. When we separated from Bolton, a generous library became a bone of contention. A division of it was finally effected. The Berlin share, with additions, was kept alive during the pastorate of Dr. Puffer.

An educating influence in Berlin was the old lyceum, as now spoken of. Rev. Dr. Allen, of Northboro', was, next to Concord, the original in starting this kind of school and debating society. He kindly gave many of his lectures in Berlin. Several years followed of elevating endeavor. This movement be- gan about 1830. It did not wholly cease for thirty years - lectiire.s and debates. The writer of this thinks he sees results in the town meetings of the present. Eelatively we have many townsmen capable of public speech in town meetings. Also more than a common number of competent moderators.

Berlin has had but few college graduates. Early in our history two young men died in their preparatory studies. Winthrop Bailey graduated at Harvard, 1808. Was pastor of the church in Pelham, later, and, for many years, of Deerfield.

Barnabas Maynard Fay graduated at Yale, 1833. He taught in several institutions for the deaf and dumb. Had also several pastoral charges. His son is superintendent of the Institution for Deaf and Dumb in Washington, where the father died.

Winthrop Sawyer, nephew of Rev. Winthrop Bailey and namesake, took the surname Bailey, and studied for the ministry at Princeton, N. J., and held two or three pastorates. He died in south-east New York.

Levi and Willard Brigham, brothers, more connected with Berlin than with their native town, Marlboro', were graduates of Williams, and both were successful minister:".

Our physicians have come to us. Dr. Benjamin Nurse, of Bolton, 1777-1804; Dr. Daniel Brigham, of Westboro', 1800-1825 ; Dr. Samuel Griggs, pupil of Dr. Twitchell, of Keene, 1824-1833; Dr. J. L.S.Thompson, , 1833-1840, afterwards of Bolton and Lancaster. Died 1886.

Dr. Lemuel Gott, graduate of Harvard Medical School, settled in Rockport, 1836; in Berlin, 1854- 1888. Was successor to Dr. Hartshorn. Died August, 1888. No resident physician since.

Town History. - Some one has expressed the sentiment: "Blessed is the town that has no history." George Elliot has expressed the same, I think, as to the family, - perhaps for a reason. But in respect to the staple of the early history of so many inland towns of Massachusetts - the Indians - we appreciate the force of the sentiment expressed. We gladly surrender all claim to the Indian from Massasoit to Tecumseh.

But we do suffer loss of historic material when we can quote no town connection with such a historic event as the American Revolution. In this matter we can only say Berlin was born in it, and there is sublimity in the fact. In the darkness of that terrible day, what faith in God and confidence in man, that, under such a cloud, men should so deliberately plan for the future, and lay new foundations for coming generations! It was Rome over again selling the land on which , Hannibal had intrenched his legions. Residents on Berlin territory appear both in Lancaster and in Bolton, in all the wars of the Colonies, including the Revolution. And in the midst of the latter struggle the Berlin fathers were even planning a life independent of the mother town. And every element of town life was duly cared for after the example of Puritan forethought. Peace came to the country in 1783. A parish had been formed in the very darkest days of the war. In 1784 they came into town life by Congressional provisions. Had Berlin been a corporate body during the war, there can be no doubt her sentiment and action would haye been as Bolton and Lancaster were. But a somewhat shady aspect appears in respect to the Shays' Rebellion. A Berlin delegate was appointed to one of the conventions, perhaps hoping to secure moderation. But so far as any vote of the town gave expression, all that can be said is that the majority for Hancock for Governor, against Bowdoin, was interpreted in those days as being in the radical element. Yet Judge Baker, probably the most influential man in the town, was a tower of strength for the government. He was once assaulted, by threats at least, on his way home from the court, - probably not by his own townsmen. That was a terrible time when citizens of noblest life, who had fought side by side for independence, were again armed, face to face against each other. It demands a hundred years breathing-time to judge these old insurgents impartially. There was no sublimer scene in the war itself than when General Artemas Ward led the officers of the court up Court-House Hill in Worcester, against the very point of bayonets which had withstood the British soldier on the field of blood. Our vote had been, for two years, for Bowdoin. After the Paxton Convention, it was wholly reversed. Lancaster went as invariably for Bowdoin. Both these men were loyal to the State; but Hancock was regarded as less rigorous towards the insurgents. An article in the town warrant, 1787, to pay soldiers in support of the government, was "passed over." The town remonstrated, 1807, against Jefferson's Embargo; also, 1812, against the restrictive measures of President Madison.

We can say, for ourselves, we have lived a quiet and peaceable life. We did have some trouble with our ever esteemed mother-town. The great and general court told us both how we must bear ourselves in local matters. But we did not see alike then as to the support of the poor, and some other points. It took a good while, indeed, to adjust matters. Among other things, creditable alike to mother and daughter, there was a very good library which must needs be divided. This, of course, involved the ministers. They did not see eye to eye in a matter so material as this. It took time, correspondence, committees and conferences. We had judicious men on both sides ; so, as usually under such influence, this, too, was adjusted.

Town rivalries have talien a very different turn in later days. A town of a thousand people on moderate territory, known, as it were, each to all, is a more enjoyable community than a like number mixed with ten thousand in a city. The drawback to our "hill towns'' is the financial inability to support religious institutions. State, county and town taxes in Berlin in 1887 were nine thousand dollars - say ten dollars per capita. To support three churches besides, lays upon less than one-half of the people about three thousand more. So that the half who do support the churches must needs pay nearly as much for this as for all their assessments besides. "Help, Lord," when "the godly man ceaseth.''

How so many boys of the lar»e families, sixty years ago, could get a living by settling down iu the town is unaccountable. Hardly a mechanic ever hired a man. Old farms were divided. Some were "made up." A carpenter never built by " contract." So much, "by the day." A single blacksmith in each of the four districts, or less, was sufBcient, and he, perhaps, had a farm also. Probably there was not, sixty years ago, a business in town that required a "hired man," except farming. The mills, in flush of their season, had extra help. A single tannery grew so as to need two or three men part of the year. This gradually died out,' yet Berlin gained in population, relatively, with Bolton and Lancaster.

We should have had the present Old Colony Railroad running through our centre. But towns were not then permitted to invest, as in the start of the Central Massachusetts. Our twenty thousand in the Central Massachusetts, had it been put into the Old Colony, would have brought it to our doors, and have been a rich investment. It would have brought the rail to South Berlin, to the Centre; and to West Berlin as now. Individuals could not raise the money. To him that hath shall be given. Alas ! for him that hath not. Berlin, with other towns on the line, invested heavily in the Central Massachusetts, and heavily has it borne upon us. After bearing it some fifteen years we sold at less than thirty-three per cent. This rail has come to our centre, but not as the Old Colony would have come. We do not complain. Above all, as a fellow-citizen, Mr. Chandler Carter has lifted our indebtedness. Few know how the smaller towns have to struggle.

Before the war Berlin had several shoe-shops of moderate capacity. In these work was done for the larger houses in Hudson and Marlboro'. The war changed the order of business by concentration. Our shops were vacated.

After the war and loss in population of about two hundred (twenty-two in the array), Berlin attempted an incorporated shoe manufactory by small shares, sufficient to employ a hundred hands. I'arker Brothers, Charles E. and John H., of Boston, were succeeding hopefully. "The Boston Fire" crippled them badly. Another, at home, laid the Berlin structure in ashes. Thus we were put back again, save a small establishment still in force. So the population has decreased by removal of families to centres of business. Berlin is shut down to farming and horticulture. Summer boarders have s«-t in upon the town, with the prospect of increase and remuneration. We claim that the town is unexcelled in pleasant resorts and summer drives, by any town within the same distance from Boston.

Military. - As a town Berlin has, of course, no part in the wars till 1812 and the Rebellion. The Revolution had just terminated when we came upon the stage. Our soldiers are in the records of Bolton and Lancaster, and there imperfectly. But of those who survived, Berlin citizens should be on record as such. Many of the veterans of the old French and Indian Wars, 1744-50 and 17-55-63, were still living 1784.

Of some three hundred soldiers on record in Lancaster in the French and Indian Wars, about twenty of them are of Berlin territory. Of some forty to fifty names in the Revolution, on Bolton records, nearly one-third were of Berlin territory. The Bolton lists have been searched out from old papers recently discovered. No entire list is known or attainable.

Among the foremost in military service were the Bruces. Most of them on Berlin records were more or less in the Revolutionary War. Abraham (traditionally) was at the capture of Burgoyne. John Hudson, father of Hon. Charles Hudson, had eight sons in the war of 1776-83.

Berlin in the Rebellion is fully on record by a published memorial address a'nd a memorial hall, with memorial tablets and photographs. A Post of the G. A. R. keeps well alive the heroic spirit of their fallen comrades. The soldiers' memorial day has become an established anniversary. We count it among our educational institutions.

The tone and temper of Berlin in the outbreak of the war was one and the same with all patriotic citizens. The news of Sumter was read from the stagebox of our expressman before he alighted. A company were iu waiting for such news as might come.

A meeting was soon called, addresses made and resolutions offered. Names were pledged for enlistment. The call came speedily and was readily responded to. Our population was short of eleven hundred. We sent into the war one hundred and thirty-nine men. Twenty-two fell in battle or died in the service. Captain Christopher S. Hastings was our only commissioned officer. He raised a company for himself, though exempt, by years, from military duties. His company was at the battle of Fredericksburg, at Jackson and tlie siege of Vicksburg. Enfeebled by small-pox, he died of malarial fever at Mound City, Illinois. Our death-list besides was Thomas Rathburn, Charles H. Maynard, Alonzo F. Howe, Silas F. Jillson, Silas E. Goddard, George Ira Carter, Hollis S. Johnson, Nathan B. GarfieId,William H. Coburn, James Barry, Samuel A. Snow, George H. Bowers, Edwin J. Bigelow, Rufus H. Williams, Henry P. Rich, Tyler Paine, Homer F. Stone, Lafayette Warden, Watsou Wilson, Charles 0. Starkey, Lemuel Gott, Jr., Ezra Bartlett, Levi Holder.

The question of what memorial, commemorative of our fallen patriots, we should adopt, was considerately weighed. Needing a new town-house, with modern conveniences, a "Memorial Hall" was decided upon as that which would be most enjoyed by the citizens, being also especially appropriate for the use of the surviving soldiers. In 1870 the house was dedicated with becoming services. Memorial Hall contains memorial tablets with the record of tach fallen soldier. Each has also a good photograph likeness hung by the tablet. The Grand Army of the Republic have taken commendable care of the hall and its treasures. Annually the town appropriates fifty dollars for " Memorial Day." This has become an established anniversary, an educating force for the people, as well as for the children.

The Grand Army of the Republic, as to Post 54, of Berlin, is sadly diminishing. But the Sons of the Veterans are already organized. May the Grand Army of the Republic long survive ! Our last survivor of the War of 1S12, many years seated on the platform on Memorial Day, died 1886, - John D. Merrill, eighty-eight years.

At the annual March meeting, 1884, Hon, William Bas-elt made a motion for the observance of the town centennial. The motion prevailed, and a committee was appointed to carry the vote into effect.

The day passed off happily, though one of the hottest of the season, September 10th. Es-Governor Boutwell, who represented the town in the proposed amendment to the State Constitution, 1853, was present and added much to the day. Rev. A. P. Marvin, historian of so manv towns, and of the county itself, very much enriched the historical bill of fare. Adjacent towns were represented, and many former residents and natives responded to the sentiments of the day. Altogether, it was a day of successful interest, though very little parade or show was attempted. Such occasions are becoming more and more important, though many towns allow them to go by in indolent forgetfulness.

Parish, Puecinct And Town Officers, 1778-1888

Jitslices of the Peacf of the town of Berlin (from 1778 to the present time, 1888). - Hon. Samuel Baker, Ephraim Fairbank, Amos Johnson, Levi Merriam, Solomon Howe, Jonathan D. Merriam, Thomas Brigham, Asa Sawyer, Amos Sawyer, Wm. A. Howe, Jobiah Babcock, Lewis Sawyer, Albert Babcock, Josiah E. Sawyer, Wm. Bassett, Pliny B. Southwick, Amory A. Bartlett, Samuel M. Haynes, AbelW. Longley.

Rev. William Addisou Houghton, son of Caleb and Susannah (Sawyer) Houghton, of the seventh generation, from John Houghton, born in England, and who died in Lancester 16S4, was born in Berlin, June 2, 1812, on homestead never in hands of any but the Houghtons (save one mere change). His parents died in his early childhood. At twenty-two years he began preparations for college ; graduated at Yale, 1840; also at Yale Divinity School, 1843; was settled the same year over the Congregational Church of Northboro', with which he had uniied in 1813; resigned in 1851 ; resident in Berlin 1852 ; installed over the Congregational Church in Berlin, October 25, 1853; resigned, October 25, 1878, after a pastorate of twenty-five years. His wife, Mary Grace, was daughter of Solomon and Sarah (Stow) Howe, of Berlin. Their only daughter, Lucinda Howe, married, on the silver wedding day of her parents at their home, Edward Howe Hartshorn, son of Dr. Edward and Lucy E. (Howe) Hartshorn, May 28, 1869. Wife Lucinda, died of pneumonia, December 26, 1876, at twenty-six years. She left nvo children. The husband married, second. Miss Louisa Southgate, daughter of Rufus S. and Louisa (Blood) Hastings.

Mrs. Houghton died, October 16, 1882. Son-in-law, Hartshorn, died, January 8, 1887, at forty-four years. He left five children ; three by second marriage. All have been born and nurtured up to date in the same ministerial homestead which was established by Rev.

Dr. Puffer, 1788, and occupied by him nearly half a century, and by his widow, second wife, another quarter century. Kemodeled, 1866. The church, 1887, by motion of the pastor, Rev. C. H. Washburn, conferred upon Mr. Houghton the relation of pastor emeritus.

Chandler Carter

Chandler Carter is of the Lancaster line, originating in Rev. Thomas Carter, born in England about 1610 ; pastor in Woburn, 1642; was graduate of Cambridge, England. His son, Samuel, was graduate of Cambridge, Mass., 1660. Located in Lancaster, he became pastor in Groton, and died there in 1697. His son, Samuel 2d, had Samuel 3d, who was father to Stanton, who settled in Berlin. Stanton's son, Daniel, was father to Chandler, who was the tenth and youngest child, born October 7, 1808. His mother was Dolly Jones, of one of the most numerous and influential families of the town. Those were days of economy and hard work.

Our townsman has known both of these, in his father's home and in his own. He married a lady of good family and of good estate, whose father, a Berlin young man, Abraham Babcock, made a success of life in Boston.

But the enjoyable union was sundered by death, after the birth of a daughter, who also died in early womanhood. After years of loneliness in his home Mr. Carter made another fitting and enjoyable connection in marriage with Miss Leah H. Lincoln, of Pembroke, Me., January 16. 1864.

As domestic joys were quenched in sorrows, the lone husband and father has taken more and more into his sympathies his native associates and townsmen. The manifestation of it has been duly reciprocated in many kindly expressions before his great generosity was apprehended.

In 1880 Mr. Carter contributed one thousand dollars for the building of the Unitarian Church. A niece of his had appropriated, in her will, a like sum to the same end.

Our town was heavily burdened by war debt and railroad investment. Mr. Carter had opposed the latter urgently. But the town's error did not abate his good will. He sprung upon us a joyful surprise in the gift to the town of twenty thousand dollars. Nor this alone ; he gave twenty thousand also to the Unitarian Society of Berlin. Nor this alone; he gave

Of course the town responded by votes and resolutions too extended for full quotations. A public reception was given Mr. Carter at the town hall, J. D. Tyler of the selectmen presiding. Neighboring towns joined in the occasion by representative citizens.

E. F. Johnson, E<q., attorney for Mr. Carter, came forward with the twenty thousand dollar check, which he presented, with impressive fitness, to the town, through the selectmen, F. A. Woodward, chairman. Rev. W. A. Houghton, native townsman and schoolmate of Mr. Carter, as also his near neighbor for thirty years, responded for the town. The long acquaintance of the donor and respondent gave opportunity for the pleasantries of life as well as for sober reflection. James T. Joslin, Esq., of Hudson, had been delegated to present to the town a 'ife-size oil painting of Mr. Carter, which he had previously donated. It had been hung over the platform draped in white, and, in Mr. Joslin's closing words, it was unveiled. More than a heartfelt reception was given by the crowded assembly. Its companion likeness is that of Artemas Barnes, Esq., which, alone, had silently presided over many Berlin assemblies.

Hon. William Bassett responded for the town in appropriate acknowledgment and practical suggestions. Others responded briefly. Lyman Morse, of the selectmen, Geo. A. potting, Esq., of Hudson (formerly resident in Berlin), Wilbur F. Brigham, of Hudson, C. F. Morse, of the Marlboro^ Times, S. T. Rice, of Northboro' and Mr. Pope, of the Boston Globe.

The occasion was one to be long remembered in Berlin. Perhaps its moral effect will more than equal the financial relief. Our spirits grew anew as our tax bills came round so encouragingly reduced.

Among the resolutions passed, " in town-meeting assembled," was this: "That the best token of our regard which we can ever hereafter manifest for Mr. Carter's memory, is so to conduct the business of the town as to be clear of debt, the burden of which is now lightened by his generosity.''

Chapter Lxi By Adin Ballou

A NEW and bright little star in the constellation of Massachusetts townships. It was created by act of the Legislature, which received the consummating approval of the Governor April 7, 1886. It has an interesting history, and an auspicious future, as will be seen ia the facts of the following explicit compendium :

Territorial Situation, Dimensions and To POGRAPHY. - It is situated in the southeasterly section of the county, at about 42° 8' N. latitude, and 71° 9' W. longitude from Greenwich. It is bounded northerly by Upton, easterly by Milford and Bellingham, and southerly and westerly by Mendon. It contains three thousand five hundred and forty-seven acres, or a little over five and a half square miles. Its length is somewhat less than five miles, and its mean width hardly one mile and a quarter. Yet five cities and seventeen towns in the State have a smaller area. It is traversed through its whole length by a goodly little stream called Mill River, lies chiefly in the valley of that river, is skirted by high lands east and west, and includes the southern declivity of old Magomiscock Hill. Otherwise its surface is comparatively level, with a gneissic soil of moderate natural fertility and feasible culture. It has little native wealth except its water-power, which has long been turned to good account. It has no mineral ores, and little clay, peat or quarrying stone. Yet its soil, with proper cultivation, yields fair crops of grass, grains and fruits. Its woodlands, too, though not superior, are tolerably productive. Its population at present is predominantly composed of manufacturers, artisans, traders and concomitant subsidiaries.

Early History. - This slice of territory was included in the famous " Eight miles Square," deeded by several Nipmuck Indian sachems April 22, a.d. 1662, to Moses Payne and Peter Brackett, as representative agents of the then Quinshipaug Plantation, afterward incorporated. May 15, 1667, as the town of Mendon. (For particulars see " Histories of Mendon and Milford.")

Settlements began to be made here at an early date after the incorporation of Mendon. The very first mark of civilization within our limits was made by an eminent patron of the Quinshipaug Plantation, incipient Mendon, Benjamin Alby (Albee). Under a special contract with the plantation authorities, made in 1664, he erected a " Corn Mill " (so-called) on our Mill River, - the eai-liest water-power established for grain-grinding west of Medfield in all this region. It was located on what is now the Lewis B. Gaskill place, in the southwest cornerof our new town, just north of Mendon line, where the remains of the ancient dam are still extant. It was then deemed an important enterprise, and a great convenience to the increasing population of the general neighborhood. Albee contracted to maintain his "Corn Mill" permanently, and received several grants of land near the mill-site as a consideration for ils public advantage?. But he chose his house-lot a little southwesterly of his mill, in what is still Mendon territory, near the present residence of Willis Gould. His mill and dwelling-house are understood to have been burnt by King Philip's warriors, when the original Mendon Village was laid in ashes during the winter of 1675.

The earliest actual settler within our borders was John Sprague. In 1670 he bought of John Bartlett, an original Mendon proprietor, his right to a twentyacre house- lot in the near vicinity of Albee's cornmill, westward in our now extreme southwesterly corner. It included what has long been known as the Wing Kelley place. There he built himself a domicile soon after King Philip's War. He passed away, and was succeeded by his son William, and perhaps by a later descendant. Possibly Matthias Puffer, successor to Benjamin Albee in the ownership of the corn-mill, built a rude dwelling-house on his premises. We have no reliable evidence that any other settlements were made on our territory until the year 1700. During that year two distinguished settlers planted themselves homes on lands now included in the site of Hopedale Village. These were Seth Chapin, Esq., and Elder John Jones. Their children and posterity were long conspicuous inhabitants of this neighborhood. The limits assigned to this sub-history do not allow the writer to go into many of the interesting particulars, which may be found in his exhaustive "History of Milford." If our inquisitive readers will consult that work, they will find that the early settlers of our present town . territory, their ott'spring and successors, have been a somewhat remarkably intelligent, enterprising and influential people, especially the leading families.

To verify this let them read what is said in several chapters, and in the "Genealogical Register," concerning the Albees, Chapins, Corbetts, Greenes, Haywards, Joneses, Nelsons, Pennimans, Warfields, Wheelocks, Whites and others of various note and date. They will then be satisfied that our present population have little reason to be ashamed, either of their predecessors or themselves. In the long struggles which resulted first in making Milford a precinct, December 23, 1741, and finally a town April 11, 1780, the inhabitants of now Hopedale were prominent, persistent and influential actors. The First Church (Congregational) of Milford originated chiefly with tlie.«e inhabitants, led by Elder John Jones and his neighbors. It was formed in his dwelling-house. In that house it was organized and ecclesiastically sanctioned April 15, 1741. Many of its regular Sabbath meetings were held there, pending the erection of its first meeting-house ; and there the council convened, which ordained its first pastor, Rev. Amariah Frost, December 21, 1743. In secular affairs the influence of our antecedent citizens was at one period predominant. Samuel Penniman, Esq., at what is called South Milford, now a part of Hopedale, became a manufacturer of woolen and cotton goods, not far froai 1810, at an establishment just on the edge of Bellingham, where Charles River leaves our town. He was a man of sterling business talent and enterprise. Whether he had co-partners in the manufacture of cloth the writer was never definitely informed, but deems it probable. A little later he embarked actively in the straw goods trade, which he carried on in connection with a large grocery and dry-goods store. He did an immense business for a country merchant of those days, commanded custom throughout an area many miles in diameter, and was very popular. He employel hundreds, perhaps thousands, of straw braiders, and supplied their domestic wants out of his ample store. The then famous thoroughfare, the " Ninth Massachusetts Turnpike," so-called, had been recently opened, aud passed close by his premises, affording quite unprecedented facilities for communication with comparatively distant marts. This brought another great public convenience, a post-office. This was Milfbrd's first mail depot. It was es^tablished March 7, 1814, and Major Penniman was appointed postmaster. Milford Centre had no post-ofiice till February 10, 1823. Samuel Penniman, Esq., died, much lamented, in the prime of life, December 22, 1817. He was succeeded in business by Samuel Leeds and one of his own surviving sons. Mr. Leeds was a man of ability and executive enterprise, but after a few years the prosperity of the establishment declined, and never afterward returned to its climax. Other minor cases of business development within our now municipal limits might be mentioned with respect, but were not of sufficient importance to occupy space, until we reach the movement which evolved

The Hopedale Community. - This was of commanding importance, for without it there is no probability there would ever have existed the beautiful village of Hopedale, or the flourishing and promising town that bears that melodious name. The writer happens to be fully cognizant of all the facts which enable him to state the exact truth concerning this matter; for he was the leading originator, projector, legislator and director of that community movement. It was not designed or expected by him that Hopedale should ever become an incorporated body p')l!tic under any human government, however otherwise good, which requires its subjects, at its behest, to slaughter human beings in war, or to train for that purpose in armies, navies and militias, or to inflict death on criminals, or to resort to deadly force against offenders, or, under any pretext whatsoever, to do unto any class of mankind what they would not have done unto themselves, or to violate in any respect the plain precepts and examples of Jesus Christ. It was strictly a practical Christian movement, conscientiou-ily and unselfishly regardful of individual, social and the universal welfare. Yet, while it transcended the semi-barbarism of existing human governmentalism, and threw off' the trammels of its unchristian requirements, it did not deny its usefulness under the overrulings of Divine Providence, nor depreciate any of the good which it conserves, nor countenance any form of opposition by physical violence even to its greatest wrongs and evils.

There was not a particle of red revolutionism in it nor of compulsory political socialism. It was thoroughly pledged against everything of this nature. Yet its noble design ultimately failed, and its sublime expectations were drowned in the dark waters of disappointment. But it accomplished something - so much, indeed, that, as has already been said, it laid a foundation without which the present town would probably never have come into existence. What it did accomplish and why it failed will now be told as briefly as the nature of the case fairly admits.

Its chief originator and his associates were Independent Restorationists in theology and moral reformers - believers in the fatherhood of God, the brotherhood of man, and the religion of Jesus Christ, as He taught and exemplified it, according to the Scriptures of the New Testament. And they became seized with a deeply religious and rational ambition to carry their faith logically into practice, socially as well as individually. Their premises and conclusions were invulnerable to just criticism. They were all tee-total temperance people, thorough abolitionists of the nonpolitical type, sincere believers in the co-equal rights of the sexes and devoted Christian non-resistants, eschewing all forms of deadly and harmful force against human beings, even the worst. They ardently desired to commence an order of society and civilization on this basis, wherein systematic practice should not persistently contradict and nullify gospel theory, but concordantly exemplify it.

They drew their inspiration and convictions of duty from such divine lessons and injunctions as the following : " Blessed are the meek ; for they shall inherit the earth." " Blessed are the merciful ; for they shall obtain mercy." "Blessed are the peacemakers ; for they shall be called the children of God," " All things whatsoever ye would that men should do to you, do ye even so to them." " Ye have heard that it halh been said. An eye for an eye and a tooth for a tooth. But I say unto you. That ye resist not evil" thus with evil. " Ye have heard that it hath been said. Thou shalt love thy neighbor, and hate thine enemy. But I say unto you, Love your enemies, bless them that curse you, do good to them that hate you, and pray for them that despitefully use you and persecute you ; that ye may be the children of your Father who is in heaven ; for he maketh his sun to rise on the evil and on the good, and sendeth rain on the just and on the unjust." " My kingdom is not of this world: if my kingdom were of this world then would my servants fight, that I should not be delivered to the Jews." " Put up again thy sword into his place ; for all they that take the sword shall perish with the sword." "The kings of the Gentiles exercise lordship over them ; and they that exercise authority upon them are called benefactors. But ye shall not be so ; hut he that is greatest among you, let him be as the younger, and he that is chief as he that doth serve." " Even as the Son of man came not to be ministered unto, but to minister." "Ye call me Master and Lord ; and ye say well ; for so I am." " I have given you an example, that ye should do as I have done to you." "If any man will come after me, let him deny himself, and take up his cross daily, and follow me." " Why call ye me Lord, Lord, and do not the things which I say ? "

We pondered these and kindred testimonies, and looked over Christendom to find in what empire, kingdom or republic thereof, such principles of truth and righteousness prevailed. We surveyed the nominal church throughout its manifold contending divisions, and found all the popular sects, and even most of the unpopular ones, completely wedded to the worldly governments under which they lived, either in formal union with the state or as subservient cogoverning constituents, pledged to abide by and carry out the will of the constitutional majority. We heard much of Christian patriotism. Christian politics, Christian soldiers and Christian civilizatian, but saw comparatively little of the pure Christianity taught and exemplified by Jesus Christ, so plainly set forth in the above-quoted Scriptures. We, therefore, resolved on attempting to institute a community more accordant with Christ's clearly indicated ideal.

It was a presumptuous undertaking. We were few in numbers, crude in our Christian attainments, poor in pecuniary resources, inexperienced in social construction and confronted by formidable obstacles. Faith and conscientious zeal constituted our chief capital. A declaration of principles, embodying all that was deemed essential to an ethical and religious covenant, was matured, together with a carefully elaborated general constitution. These were discussed, considered and finally subscribed by about thirty persons, convened in Mendon, Mass., near the end of January, 1841. And there, on the 28th of that month, we formed and organized what was styled "Fraternal Community, No. 1," afterward entitled " The Hopedale Community." In the course of 1841 we purchased the "Jones' Farm," so called, alias "The Dale," in Milford. This locality was christened Hopedale - the word Mope being prefixed to Dale, as significant of our high anticipations of a social future. The community commenced practical operations immediately after April 1, 1842, with a joint stock capital of less than four thousand dollars, on a worn-out farm of some two hundred and fifty-eight acres, in a single, time-shattered mansion, nearly one hundred and twenty years old, with a few rickety outbuildings. There was no shop, mill or mill-dam on the premises. The little river gurgled lawlessly down a stony fall of some twenty-six feet from an almost worthless swale at the north into a kindred one at the south, yielding only a few desirable fish. The ingress and egress were by roads of the cheapest kind.

The new-comers had to start with a very scanty outfit of everything necessary to their progress. The first settlers comprised seven or eight familie.i, numbering about thirty persons, men, women and children, all housed in their old domicile. From this humble beginning the community gradually increased in numbers and resources, amid innumerable difficulties, for nearly fourteen years, when they could muster a regular membership of one hundred, and an aggregate of three hundred souls - dwelling in fifty houses, on a domain of more than five hundred acres, with a respectable array of homely, but serviceable mills, shops and conveniences. We had also a school-house, chapel and a library of several hundred volumes. We had a handsome village site with good streets, where rough places had been made smooth, and crooked things straight. And our total capital had risen to over ninety thousand dollars.

How this culmination was reached, step by step, it would require a considerable volume to narrate, and it would be a book worth reading. The writer, over ten years ago, prepared such a volume for the press, and it will one day be published; but, for the present, a few outlines must sufiice.

We had in our membership, first and last, farmers, gardeners, a variety of mechauics, seven or eight ordained ministers of the gospel, one experienced and skillful physician, several competent educators in the useful branches, and altogether a commonsense, intelligent community. We have been repeatedly pilloried by eloquent orators, who happened to know very little about us, as vmonary dreamers, deluded fanatics, idlers and incompetent financial economists, who needed a strong master to save us from our imbecility. But, whatever our other faults and weaknesses, they were not of the kind charged or insinuated by these gracious orators. We were only such dreamers and visionaries as Jesus Christ and his apostles plainly taught us to be, honestly endeavoring to carry into practice their precepts, instead of honoring them with our lips, whilst all the time systematically conspiring with the world to nullify and setthem. at naught. Never was so much brick made with so little clay and straw. There was not an idler, spend-thrift or lavish consumer among us. All worked and saved. There were no time-killing, dawdling gentlemen or ladies daintily shirking manual drudgery. The leader and his wife were in the front rank of hard toilers, not merely with head and heart, by night and day, but with begrim(d hands in the dingiest places of necessary duty. No one expended a mill for intoxicating beverages Even tobacco, though not expressly prohibited, was voluntarily laid aside. Only a single elderly member adhered to its customary use, and he with regret, after many severe struggles to overcome a long-confirmed habit. Others triumphed over it by persisteut willpower.

One venerable widow, at the age of seventy, bravely renounced her cherished snuff-box, and consecrated her savings to the common cause. We spent nothing on war, its preparations or glorifications; nothing on politics or its collaterals; nothing on litigation, but settled all controversies with our neighbors by amicable conference or arbitration ; nothing on police officers, constables, sheriffs or criminal prosecutions. At an early stage of our community a theft was committed on our poultry and potato field by some outlandish fellows. We bore it in silence, and waited further developments. We kept not even a dog to protect our property. No depredations were repeated, and not long subsequently word reached us, in a roundabout way, that the ringleader of our marauders was sorry, and said, if he had known what sort of people we were, not a thing should have been touched. They came no more. This was probably as well for us and him as the popular penal reliances.

But it must not be inferred that our chief concern was to make and save money for our own comfort and aggrandizement, apart from the welfare of outside humanity. The very reverse was true. We were an earnestly religious people, not on the ground of escaping the merciless vengeance of God after death, and securing a future endless heaven, but on the ground of escaping the dreadful evils of sin, both in thi-s world and the future, and securing to ourselves and others the blessedness of the heavenly kingdom on earth as well as in the immortal world. We therefore sustained regular religious meetings twice or more on the Sabbath, and once or more during the intervening week, besides quarterly and general convocations in the regions round about. We had our weekly conference meetings, our young people's gathering on Monday evenings, our inductive communion meetings, our monthly meetings for discipline, etc. These and others, besides our Sunday-school. And all these were live meetings, dealing freely with a vast variety of topics by free discussion, and by practical training of old and young for the every-day duties of life. Many of them are remembered by their now scattered participants with reverent appreciation. Meantime, we sent out missionary preachers and lecturers very actively. All this cost time, effort and money. In furtherance of our objects we needed to publish a semi-monthly periodical organ ; also books, pamphlets and tracts. We did so liberally for many years. But these could not be expected to pay for themselves.

We were all loyal adherents of the temperance cause, and were levied on for contributions to it from year to year. But that cause was under no obligations to help us. It sent us occasionally a poor, brokendown victim of intemperance to house and help reform. To such we furnished asylum at more or less expense. We were all uncompromising Abolitionists, then poor and hated. Those who were specially devoted to the liberation of the groaning slave had nothing but good will to give us. But they needed our money, and received a good deal of it ; also a home and help for their colored proikgis in need, and got considerable of that. There were " prisoners' friends " and reformers of penitent criminals in those days, who found Hopedale a nice place to take up contributions in, and to domicile their unfortunates. Before the war of emancipation there was an organized society of non-resistants in the land, and they received freely of our tribute. We were an alms-giving people, and were drawn upon almost continually to hand out food, clothing and money to suppliant needy inhabitants around us, especially to the then poor Irish of Milford. We had widely advertised our community enterpri.se to the world, and were honored with visiting inquirers from all parts of the country. To these we gave hospitable entertainment - to some of them for weeks - and generally received nothing in return but criticism and cheap advice. We were a purely voluntary association, with doors that swung both inward and outward. So, when members became dissatisfied with our companionship, they were at perfect liberty to leave us and take away all their property. We had to meet drafts of this kind, occasionally occurring, to the extent of thousands of dollars, and, at times, greatly to our inconvenience. Finally, we were legally taxable on all our polls and estates as inhabitants of the town of Milford, and were bound by our principles to pay all taxes promptly and peaceably. This we always did. We continually increased their revenue, but never received a nod of credit from their officials, and, for several years, a very inadequate recognition of our legal rights. We educated our rising generation and constructed our streets largely at our own expense. Yet the community never made them a pauper, or criminal, or a cent's costs for relief of its poor, or for police protection, or for any sort of governmental intervention. It did, indeed, receive, first and last, many little donations and helpful favors from outside friends, amounting to several hundred dollars in all. So it was really, not only a self-sustaining institution, but an unselfish and truly beneficent one. And certainly it was not made up of imbecile visionaries and thriftless lazzaroni, but of intelligent, rational, industrious, economical, orderly and charitable people.

meut to ponder the closing words of its president's annual address. The then president was Brother Ebenezer D. Draper, recently deceased. He said : " We may rejoice together in considering the degree of harmony that exists at the present time in our community - greater, 1 think, than ever before. And I hope and believe that, with our past experience and present advantages, we shall continue to increase in love and wisdom, and so become more and more a light to those around us - proving to the world that Christian Socialism opens a more excellent way in which men may live together as social beings, and that it gives us, as it will all who yield to its saving power, peace and good-will to one another and to the whole human race. May the good God prosper and bless us all ! "

Who could imagine, after such an address and benediction, that in less than two months afterward the Hopedale Community would be declared by the same man so hopelessly conditioned that he and his brother George Draper, who together owned threefourths of its joint stock, must withdraw their interest and manage it for themselves? Yet such was the astounding fact. The grief, disappointment and mortification of the present writer was utterly indescribable. He saw that the noblest undertaking of his life, for which he had planned, prayed and labored with all his energies night and day, over fifteen years of his meridian manhood, was irrevocably doomed to final extinction. He saw clearly, in one flashing moment, that however the results might be posponed, modified, mitigated or overruled for good, the issue was absolutely inevitable, and he must make the best of a sad case. By divine grace he has done so.

What is the explanation of this deplorable surprise ? A few words only are required for it. The forementioned annual address of President Draper was delivered on the 9th of January, 1856. At that time the treasurer's report had not been completed. The numerous branches of industry had not all made up their accounts. So the meeting was adjourned. Meanwhile it began to be whisi)ered round that the year's operations might show a small deficit. The adjourned meeting took place February 5th ensuing, and the treasurer's report announced a deficit of $145.15 in the whole aggregate of operations and financial interests. But a drastic discussion followed, in which it appeared that the treasurer's statement had not taken into account the interest due to joint stock, $1652, nor made allowance for depreciation of buildings, machinery, &c. - which might swell the deficit perhaps to $12,000. This was no sufficient reason for serious alarm, much less for dissolving the unitary property and industrial arrangements. But things were said which plainly indicated that a crisis would soon be precipitated. A few days developed it. Affairs must be wound up. It could be avoided only by the mass of 8m.T,ll joint stock proprietors paying off the two large proprietors. This was an utter impossibility. So the bett terms possible were made, and the change consummated in a manner as satisfactory to all parties as so radical a revolution permitted.

Thenceforth the Hopedale Community had but a nominal existence. It struggled on as a mere religious society till finally merged in the Hopedale Parish. Not another family ever located in its village site except under the common law of temporal advantage and expediency. Those of the old votaries who could remain with comfort and convenience stayed on. Those who felt obliged to seek better positions departed. But the new masters of the situation throve, prospered, made a generous use of their wealth and built up an enviable town. They were the only members of our community who had a lucrative business outside of it. The rest of us either had small pecuniary advantages outside, or sacrificed such as they had to their new undertaking. They had done as much for that, according to their ability, as their two abler brethren, but it did not count in money. Fraternity of property was the keystone of our social arch. When that fell out the arch crumbled. These favored brethren commanded that keystone. It was in their power to preserve or to demolish the structure. The writer thought then and thinks now that they threw away a splendid opportunity to bless mankind and immortalize their memories. But they thought and acted otherwise, as they had an undoubted right to do on their own responsibility to the Supreme Judge. We deeply deplored their decision, but were reluctant to blame them. Probably a vast majority of the world's leading minds in church and state will pronounce their decision wise and good. And if they fell away from a high Christian standard which they had professed to revere, they did so under very seductive and powerful temptations.

So the Hopedale Community failed. Was its failure a finacial and business one? Certainly not. As already shown, it paid its way, bore its heavy burdens and increased greatly in numbers and wealth down to the time of its so-called failure, excepting only during its last year's operations. Then, by estimating a real or supposed depreciation of buildings, machinery, etc., it was made to appear that we had run behindhand perhaps twelve thousand dollars, perhaps less. Was this comparatively small deficit a sufficient cause for dreading bankruptcy? - when there was plenty of money in the pockets of the members to wipe it out by assessment, and when a more prudent management of our numerous organized branches of business could probably retrieve it in a year ?

Look at any section of the business world during any fourteen years of operations, and see how many firms or corporations gained more and lost less, according to ability and means, than our little community. The writer knows of several individuals, once our members, who since 1856 have lost, under the old unfraternal business system, more tnan all our fraterternal institution sunk or was likely to sink, ranging from twelve thousand dollars to one hundred thousand dollars each. No ; we made no financial failure. It was simply a moral failure. Doubtless we all fell far short of our high profession'', and became weary in well-doing. Certainly too many of us did. We subordinated spiritual things to temporal and too faintly strove for personal Christ-likeness. Thus at length we lost the toill to persevere in our noble enterprise under temptation. We failed from lack of a united will to bear the crosses of our mission. Although there were some basilar defects in nur constitutional polity, still the failure was chiefly a moral one, and the writer is now reconciled to it, not because he has lost any of his convictions, principles or hopes as a practical Christiau socialist, but because he desires no communal organization that cannot be sustained by fraternal, devoted, united free-iviU. Such organizations he firmly believes will bless future ages. For these he will pray, study and labor uniil discharged by divine mandate.

Peogeess towaeds Township. - Ebenezer D. and George Draper, having decided that Ihey could do better for themselves and the world on the old financial plane than that of Christian socialism, went resolutely forward to demonstrate it. They claimed still to adhere to New Testament Christianity on such points of duty as they deemed practicable in the existing order of society. They were men of rare business talent, enterprise and tact. They had a fortunate specialty of pursuit, and knew how to succeed in it. They were shrewd, generous, publicspirited and honorable men of the higher type among civilized accumulators. They dropped the less profitable branches of industry which had been carried on by the community, concentrated their resources on profitable ones in their own favorite line, called into partnership outsiders of inventive genius and capital, multiplied their productive facilities continually, brought out many valuable patents, and steadily ascended to eminence as manufacturers of cotton and woolen machinery. Conspicuous among their new coadjutors was Mr. Warren W. Dutcher, from North Bennington, Vt. He was an ingenious mechanic, a moral reformer, and a benevolent man, with a good family. He and his made their mark among us. He brought strength to the Drapers, and gained wealth by the connection. One or two of our members were taken into the new corporations, and shared in the advancing pecuniary successes. Such of us as could carry on any kind of business to tolerable advantage did so. The writer and remaining preachers received a small income for public services as religious teachers, also as printers, editors and educators. Riches came only to the favored few and their well-salaried lieutenants. But our fortunate brethren grew in generosity with their increasing means, and dispensed their donations with liberal hands in many directions, especially to the temperance and anti-slavery causes. As to the community (now reduced to a feeble religious society), its various surviving institutional agencies and instrumentalities were largely dependent on their contributions, and received them. In the days of its greater power it prepared the way for their importance l)y many disinterested labors of head and hand, providing them with a village well-planned, and populated by intelligent, virtuous and orderly inhabitants such as manufacturing enterprise alone could hardly have gathered. It was, therefore, not only reasonable for them to preserve and build up the common interests, but for their own honor and pleasure, as virtual lords of a goodly vicinage. This they were happy to do. A church edifice was needed ; it was built by subscription in 1860. They headed the subscription liberally, and ultimately fathered the expense of completion. It was a neat and commodious structure, handsomely situated on Community Square, so called, amid beautiful surroundings. It cost over S6.000, towards which they contributed all. but $1,423, though the minor portion drew hnrder on most of the givers, according to their ability, than the major on its donors. But all did well, and subsequent enrichments have followed from the superior patrons, to their great credit. Our religious teachers, editors, etc., received very little for their services in earlier times. Under the new regime one hundred and fifty dollars were raised by subscription in 1856, and divided among three or four ofliciators, who had their re-pective assigned Sundays. The same very nearl_v in 1857, '58 and '59. In I860 the compensation was rai.sed to six dollars per Sabbath, and the pulpit supplied by two ministers - the writer and Rev. Wm. S. Heywood. Substantially the same arrangement continued till 1864, after which the same preachers received eight dollars per Sabbath till 1866. Then the junior minister removed from the place, and the writer supplied the desk for three-fourths of the time, and received twelve dollars per week of actual service. In 1867 the Hopedale Parish succeeded the community organization, and the writer was called to the pastorate on a regular salary of eight hundred dollars per annum, which continued till April, 1880. All these increases of pulpit support flowed largely from the purses of those who had risen to wealth since the so-called " failure " of the community.

During this period of twenty-four years great events transpired in our country, and marked changes in Hopedale. Ominous political agitations culminated in the gigantic War of the Rebellion. George Draper and several less prominent members of our community deemed it their duty to abandon Christian non-resistance and return to the arena of civil and martial patriotism. So they resigned membership and freed themselves from its restrictive principles. They, their families and kindred thinkers went into politics and into the war with unstinted devotion. The elder brother, Ebenezer D. Draper, adhered unalterably to our declaration on these and most other points. Yet he and the rest of us could have no sympathy with the slave-holders, and ardently prayed that Divine Providence would overrule the bloody contest for the emancipation of the slaves. Such, indeed, was the outcome. But our position and circumstances were peculiarly unfavorable to self-preservation as a society. Our material power was gone and our social foothold was sliding from under our feet. We resorted to various promising expedients for handing our distinctive organic peculiarities down to the future. None of them succeeded. Propagandism was useless ; internal discipline was useless, and pulpit teachings could not turn back the tide of dissolution. So our periodical died in 1860, and later all our instrumentalities, one after another, till the last became extinct. In 1867, though not formally dissolved, the community was virtually merged in the Hopedale Parish. This professed to be a Liberal Christian Society. It was organized under a constitution sucli as seemed necessary for practical parochial purposes, but contained nothing like a creed, covenant or declaration of principles, leaving each member and supporter free to think, believe and act according to the dictates of his or her own individual reason and conscience. It subsequently affiliated with the Unitarian denomination. The establishment of the parish was formally sanctioned by the waning community January 8, 1868. Finally, at later dates, its trustees legally transferred to the parish all its right, title and interest in and un«o the Village Square, the church edifice, the Sabbath-school fund of $800 and the Hopedale Cemetery. Thus ended the career of the Hopedale Community.

Let attention now revert to secular aftairs. Under the vigoriius management of the Drapers and their allies Hopedale marched rapidly forward to commanding attainments and distinction. Expansion, improvement and beautification were more and more conspicuous from year to year. In the midst of this material prosperity the two brothers began to diverge in their managemental views of business operations. The result was a change of co-partnership in 1868, when Ebenezer D. retired from the firm, and his place was filled by George's oldest son. General William F. Draper. Ebenezer had been a successful accumulator on a smaller scale of transactions. He was worth about five thousand dollars when he joined the community in 1841. In 1852, when George became copartner with him, he was worth at least thirty thousand dollars, and George less than five thousand dollars. Both gained rapidly, and in 1868 the senior brother was worth one hundred and twenty-five thousand dollars, and the junior over one hundred thousand dollars. Their business was now greatly expanded and correspondingly more complicated - requiring proportionate attention and vigilance. Both had a growing ambition for riches - to be devoted to laudable uses. But their ideas, tastes and capabilities differed somewhat. Ebenezer was good at negotiating advantageous contracts and making profitable bargains. George excelled him in will-power, indomitable push, mechanical genius, insight into values and the management of details. Moreover, he had a family of talented children coming up; whereas Ebenezer had only one or two adopted ones, destined to other pursuits. The upshot of divergence, however, was, that the elder brother seemed to the younger too easy in business matters, and HKjre ready to share profits than the fatiguing, close application necessary to secure them. The result was that the co-partnership of E. D. & G. Draper ceased in 1868. That of George Draper & Son was immediately formed. This very competent and genial son, William F. Draper, who succeeded his uncle in the firm, went into the great war a private, came out of it a brigadier-general by brevet, and is equally distinguished as a business man. Meantime Ebenezer D. Draper embarked in a flattering enterprise with associates in Boston, "The American Steam Fire-Proof Safe Co.," and ultimately lost nearly all his property. He could not have fared worse had he stuck by the so-termed incompetent visionaries of the community. Not such the fortune of George Draper, sons and confederates. They prospered wonderfully, and marched triumphantly on from one achievement to another till they rendered Hopedale an enviable monument to their renown. And the present seems only a prelude to grander future attainments. But the historic pen deals not with anticipations.

Manufacturing operations, though more or less closely connected, are carried on by distinct firms and corporations, which may now be treated of in their order. The foremost of these in importance is the firm of " George Draper & Sons." Its senior died in the midst of his successes, greatly distinguished and deeply lamented throughout a wide circle of influence, June 7, 1887, having been its presiding head since 1868. It now consists of General William F. Draper, George A. Draper, Eben S. Draper and William F. Draper, Jr. They are large selling agents for the other companies. " The Hopedale Machine Co." was incorporated in 1867, with George Draper as president; William F. Draper, treasurer ; and Joseph B. Bancroft, managing director. It has manufactured very extensively a variety of patent machinery, has an ample foundry, a screw-making department and all sorts of facilities for multifarious productions in its general sphere. Its present superintendent is A. B. Edmands. It has a capital of two hundred thousand dollars. " The Dutcher Temple Co." was also incorporated in 1867 - George Draper, president ; F. J. Dutcher, secretary and treasury ; with the Draper brothers on its board of directors. Capital stock, forty thousand dollars. Manufactures the Dutcher and other patent temples, seamless stocking knittingmachines and numerous other curious and useful articles. It has a complete outfit of all necessaries for its own successful operations. The Machine Company and Dutcher Temple Company have respectively gorid water-power privileges, supplemented with steam-power for all needful occasions and purposes. The three companies thus far described have large, handsome brick edifices, besides wooden ones, affording them over one hundred and sixty thousand square feet of convenient room, or over three acres of flooring. The firm of "A. A. Wescott & Sons" manufacture spindles for the Drapers. They have a flourishing establishment, situated a mile south of the others on a good waterfell, long previously occupied for more ordinary uses. They execute a creditable amount of business in their line, and are building up a respectable little village called Spindleville. Taking all these companies together, they have practical working control over patents and improvements thereon to the number of nearly four hundred - covering a vast variety of ingenious and useful mechanism now deemed indispensable in the vfell-furnished cotton and woolen manufactories of the United States. Their annual sales are estimated at from one million dollars to one million two hundred and fifty thousand dollars, their employes of all grades at from six hundred to eight hundred and their pay-roll at about six thousand dollars per week. Their employes are generally of superior skill, as well as moral character, receive better compensation, perhaps, than the average in our country, and have never made a strike for higher wages. To obtain an adeqate idea of the nature, variety and extent of Hopedale manufactures, the inquisitive reader is referred to the "Sixth Descripdve Catalogue " of " George Draper & Sons," as presented in an " Illustrated Pocket Hand-Book," compiled by \V. N. Goddard and published in 1887. Contemporary with this successful manufacturing enterprise was a large livery and transportation business, handling thousands of tons of iron, coal, etc., annually, conveying the mail and passengers several times a day and furnishing horses and carriages to the inhabitants. Later has followed the Hopedale Elastic Fabric Company, incorporated December, 1886 - William F. Draper, president ; E. L. O-sgood, treasurer and selling agent ; and William Lapworth, superintendent. Brick factory, 100 feet long by 50 wide, 3 stories high, with boiler-house cutside ; capital stock, $100,000; 100 operatives, 80 of them females; annual sales, about $200,000; orders crowding and business thrifty. Mr. Lapworth is the genius of this enterprise, having the honor of projecting, introducing here and most skillfully superintending it.

Such a continually rising tide of manufacturing prosperity naturally wrought corresponding results in the whole status of Hopedale Village. Its dwellings were gradually trebled and several fine mansions built; population proportionately multiplied; new streets opened, ihe unfinished ones improved, the older ones macadamized and graced with concrete sidewalks ; the church renovated, furnished with a costly organ, and its surroundings much beautified ; gas-lights and water supplies introduced through pipes from fountain-heads in Milford for public and private convenience; effective safe-guards against fire provided; school-house accommodations enlarged; and a host of subsidiary necessaries, comforts and luxuries secured. At length, in the midst of this rising affluence, the ambition was born in the leading minds for township incorporation. The project took form in the spring of 1885, and was thenceforth energetically prosecuted to successful consummation. Separation feom Milford and Incorporation. - The first rumor of this movement was received with incredulity, and the verified fact with a mixture of astonishment and ridicule by the leading Milfordians, who I'egarded it as presumptuous, vain and hopeless. But George Draper & Sons, with their influential coadjutors, went into the undertaking with their accustomed shrewdness, energy, determination and ability. They knew that their cause would encounter a powerful opposition from the mother town, that it could not succeed without resorting to every legitimate means of attainment, and that they had got to work for it with tireless vigilance. They proceeded accordingly from preliminaries to conclusion. So they surveyed and mapped out the territory to be included in the proposed new town, and canvassed the population to ascertain who would favor and who oppose the project. They procured a large majority of the legal voters as signers to the petition for division and incorporation ; while a few remained neutral, and a very small minority declared themselves decidedly opposed. The petition was duly prepared and entered on the Order Calendar of the General Court for consideration at its regular session to commence in January, 1886. Meantime vigorous measures were taken by both Hopedalians and Milfordians to prepare for the approaching contest. Large public meetings were held in both sections, strong working committees appointed, and very able counsel engaged to manage thtir respective causes. Milford had certain notable advantages. She was the party in possession ; she had overwhelming numbers, alive with ardent yeal ; she had three newspapers devoted to her interests, and also two able members in the Representative chamber of the Legislature. Hopedale had some countervailing advantages. Her leaders were strong, executive, judicious, indomitable men; they had a widespread, deeply-rooted influence in manufacturing, political and financial circ'es ; they had made a multitude of friends by their public spirit and generous donations ; and they had a good cause. If they could get the real merits of that cause fairly before the minds of an appreciative majority of the Legislature, they were sure to succeed. This was not an easy achievement in dealing with such a large number of persons. For many of the best disposed needed special information, the indifferent to be moved, and the misin- formed to be enlightened. No opportunity was neglected to supply these urgent necessities; but, though their opponents, under excitement, very broadly insinuated that they resorted to dishonorable means to attain their object, there was really no just ground for such a su-ipicion. Their means were such only as have long been sanctioned by custom in such controversies. Their real offence was that they were too sagacious, industrious and indefatigable to be overmatched.

Both parties had engaged able counsel, sufficiently well matched to leave nothing undone or unsaid in behalf of their respective clients, - for thepetitioners, N. Sumner Myrick, Esq., and Hon. Selwin Z. Bowman ; for the remonstrants, Hon. J. H. Benton, Jr., and Hon. J. H. Bennett. The legislative Committee on Towns, before whom the parties were to lay the case, comprised Messrs. TIenry M. Phillips, Charles A. Gleason and Samuel B. Locke, of the Senate, with Messrs. Stephen S. Taft, Charles Field, Miles Sampson, Charles F. Jenney, Robert Blyth, Jesse Allen, Francis E. Shaw and Albert A. Woodward, of the House, - Hon. Henry M. Phillips, chairman. A more intelligent, judicious, candid and patient committee could not have been asked. They commenced the hearings January 27, 1S86, and continued them by adjournment Ihrougli seven or eight sittings, besides making an official examination of the premises on the 9th of February. It was incumbent on the petitioners to show that their proposed town had the proper requisite elements of such a body politic, - i. e., sufficient area, population, wealth and capability to manage municipal affairs. Also that their separation from the mother town would cause it no serious injury as compared with the advantages gained by the new town. It was to be expected, from the history of mankind, as always reluctant to part with power and privilege, that Milford would strenuously resist the attempted division : and she did so point by point. Although she could not deny that the area of Hopedale, 3547 acres, would be larger than that of seventeen towns and five cities in the State; nor that its population, nearly 1000, exceeded that of ninety-five towns in the State ; nor that its quota of polls, 250, outnumbered that of seventy-nine towns in the State ; nor that its valuation, $769,340, would be greater than that ofone hundredand thirty-three towns in the State ; nor that its votinsc citizens would be competent to manage municipal affairs ; nevertheless, it was her policy to yield nothing. Her managers, partisans and lawyers boldly assumed the ground that the show of numbers in favor of a new town was unreal and deceptive ; that the movement was set on foot by George Draper & Sons, was designed chiefly for the aggrandizement of one family, and was supported only by their relatives, subalterns and dependents; that some of these dependents were overawed and even coerced ; that not a few of the voters on the Hopedale territory were eitheropposed to division or were neutrals; and finally that the Drapers were mere selfish schemers and tax dodgers. All the-e brave assumptions and imputations were put forth, reiterated and pertinaciously insisted on, with as much seeming honesty and earnestness, as if they were demonstrable verities. Their first eflort was to emphasize a derogatory inference from the acknowledged and obvious fact that the Drapers initiated and led the division movement; as if such movements, where worthily started, are customarily set on foot and headed by persons of ordinary estate, talent and influence - which is seldom, if ever, the case. Common sense and prudence dictated in this case, that if any laudable attempt was to be made at all to olitain the incorporation of Hopdale, the Drapers were the very men of all others to initiate and lead the movement; for they had all the qualifications necessary to success, and would be generous benefactoi-s of the new town, - as has proved to be the case. They doubtless had an ambition to father and endow the town. Was that a criminal ambition ? Was it an ignoble ambition? Did it deserve even from opponents reproach and contumely ? Milfordians themselves would now answer: No.

Next the battery of opposition was turned upon the rank and file of the petitioner-^, to make it appear that, though seeming to make a fair show, they were mere mercenary dependents of the Drapers. They were, therefore, all questioned as to whether they were family relatives, or business partners, or paid agents, or employes, or sold them manufactured articles; and the implied inference uniformly was, that no man standing in such relations could properly be counted in as a competent citizen. Yet all these men, thus disparaged, were uncommonly intelligent, and several of them capable of managing municipal affairs in any town of the Commonwealth. But how happened these men to think, feel and act with the Drapers? For the same general reason that thousands of independent-minded people think, feel and act together on religious and political questions, - because they view tilings alike. There was, however, one single individual who alleged that he signed the petition under constraint, and who also alleged that he knew of several others who did so. His name had been stricken from the list of petitioners as soon as it became known he had declared himself to have been overawed. When placed on the witness-stand, he was requested to name the persons he knew to have been coerced. He refused, but finally named one. That man soon afterward appeared and testified that he signed the petition freely, and never told any one the contrary. The alleged dictator also appeared, and testified conclusively that he never made use of coercive language in any form to induce persons to sign the petition, and certainly not in the case asserted. Thus vanished the phantom of reproach on the character of the leading petitioners. Yet the remonstrants actually had one aid and comfort which was a thorn to the petitioners. There was a handful within the

Hopedale territorial lines who thought it their duty to take sides against their near neighbors by resisting division, and who did so zealously. This was the most unpleasant occurrence, in its spirit and consequences, which befel the Hopedalians during their struggle for municipal independence; not because it had much weight in deciding the main issue, but because it alienated and embittered some who ought to be mutual friends.

The next effort of opposition ingenuity was to demonstrate that the Hopedale villagers, however otherwise estimable, had few local conveniences, and were dependent on Milford Centre for almost everything. In that favored Centre were the railroad depots, the mercantile establishments, the provision market-!, the banks, the assembly halls, the churches, the high school, the public library and a multitude of other necessary good things, including even the streets over which the Hopedalians mu«t travel to obtain the supplies they needed. Was it for such a class of dependent people to set up as a town ? It was a greater strain on gravity than on facts and logic to answer such an argument. But courteous decency demanded that a formal and conclusive reply should be made. This was easily done. It was undeniably proven, first, that the Hopedale people had never received any one of these advantages as a gratuity, but had always handsomely paid for every item of value or convenience furnished them; second, that they intended always to deserve the good name, long since accorded them, of being reckoned among Milford's best customers ; third, that they had done their full share towards providing the roads and streets they were obliged to travel in order to trade with Milford dealers ; fourth, that the leading petitioners were stockholders and officers in the railroads and in several other corporations of Milford Centre ; and fifth, that the incorporation of Hopedale as a town would not disturb a single one of Milford's superior monetary and commercial advantages at all. The only effect of such an argument on candid minds was to show that a town with so much to boast of was not very magnanimous to grudge the petitioners the right to manage their own local affairs for themselves.

But to this there remained the formidable objection that this aspiring Draper family were mere plotting tax dodgers, and ought not be tolerated. Jlilford could not afford to part with the prerogative of taxing them at her own discretion. If they should get off at the head of a new town, there was no imagining what calamities might happen. One, however, was certain - Milford was to be a great loser. They must be foiled in their pernicious career. The brilliant compliments with which they were bespangled, especially the obnoxious father, were transcendent, and quite beyond their merits, or even their demerits. There was one and but one way of escape from their unfortunate predicament. They must abandon their project of an independent town and submit to Milford taxation. If they would only perform that little act of expiation, their sins, though like scarlet, would instantly become white as snow. They would then be excellent fellow-citizens, if not fellow-saints. But they were obstinate and incorrigible offenders, and had to be denounced accordingly. So the inquiry arose how many dollars per annum of taxes they were likely to avoid in fathering their new town? Nobody knew or guessed ; they were going to dodge several thousand which Milford wanted, and this was enough to seal their doom. What right had they in their wealth to diminish a flourishing town's needy exchequer ? Had not that maternal town bestowed on them large gratuities to encourage their enterprise and foster their business ? No, not to the value of a single cent. Had she not been a liberal purchaser of their manufacturers? To the extentof a {evt dollars' worth of useful iron castings perhaps. Had she not been very generous in building roads for them, and in providing safeguards against fire for their factories, &c. ? The records did not show it. Had they been sordid and stingy in contributing to Milford's public necessities, wants and charities ? Far otherwise. Had they surrounded themselves with intemperate, reckless and shiftless operatives, thereby and otherwise breeding criminals and paupers, to be taken care of at the expense of the town ? Not one. Had they given no employment to the needy population of Milford? Much. Had they pinched, ground down and oppressed their employes ? On the contrary, they had the reputation of paying fair wages. What, then, was their grave offence? Were they getting too rich and important? If so, were not their accusers doing their utmost to accumulate riches, and some of the most conspicuous of them by less creditable means? Were they fraternal communists, trying to have " the strong bear the infirmities of the weak," like the founders of Hopedale ? Nothing of that kind. They derided such experiments. But they were looking out, with the shrewdness of modern civilization, every one for himself, and, if they failed to capture the lion's share, had no right to avenge their illluck by denouncing those who succeeded as dangerous characters. Yet the plea was that these ambitious Drapers were scheming to escape just taxation by obtaining a new town, chiefly made up of their dependents. If this was not intolerable conduct, what could be? And if such attempts did not deserve to he exposed by disinterested free speech and the press, of what value were these guaranteed free utterances? But such pleading, earnest and pathetic as it was, fell on the discerning ears of impartial judges as hardly coming from injured innocence.

Finally, the climax of the controversy was reached. If Hopedale should be incorporated, however otherwise justifiable, would not Milford be grievously and irreparably damaged? The remonstrants vehemently affirmed that it certainly would. And their tone was that of persons threatened with ejection from a dearly-bought, clearly-titled estate by fraud and arbitrary power. If so, they ought to gain their case. But facts and arguments were still against them. It was true that their Hopedale taxable subjects were profitable ones, yielding a net annual revenue of several thousand dollar.-i. This golden fleece would certainly be lost to them if tlieir tributaries obtained their independence. There was no gainsaying thiH conclusion. On such ground the alarm-cry was raised, Milford's taxes will be fearfully increased, immigrants will be deterred from coming into the town and its real estate will greatly depreciate - its damages will be deplorable ! Now its Centre was the grand emporium of affluence, of trade, of wealth and all desirable advantages. But if these Hopedale tributaries were allowed to go off and set up for themselves, their impoverished municipal parent would languish into ruin ! So pleaded her eloquent advocates. What were the facts? In everything but tax profits Milford was in danger of losing nothing - not a mill. In luisiness matters, trade and the advantages of general intercourse, Hopedale was going to be just as profitable a customer as ever. Their municipal incorporation would not change these particulars one iota, unless, perhaps, for the enrichment of Milford. In the sore matter of tax profits even, Hopedale independent must bear its own burdens, take care of itself and meet its share of State and county taxes. It must also pay its portion of the existing town debt. So far Milford would actually be relieved. Was her real estate to depreciate, or her business prosperity to decline from such causes? No; but that surplus revenue from taxation of the Hopedalians, some $8000 to $10,000 a year, was to be irretrievably lost; and that was going to do the apprehended mischief. Well, suppose that amount must be actually added to Milford's selftaxation, wa4 it going to bankrupt her? or even seriously strain her financial ability? It was unreasonable to assert it, especially after the claims made in a former part of this hearing respecting her opulence as compared with dependent Hopedale. With a population of nine thousand, such a host of enterprising business men and such abundant advantages of all kinds, $10,000 a year ought not to be a very frightful loss to bear. Moreover, it was in her power to curtail her expenses at her own option, and, by greater prudence in making outlays, to moderate taxation. This, however, was not agreeable, for it came out she was ambitious to become a city, in which case her expenses were likely to be greatly increased. Hopedale's independence would defeat, or at least po.stpone, this desirable consummation, whilst at the same time escaping taxation to sustain it.

Another important consideration came into the loss account, which was, that the sanitary welfare of Milford Centre demanded costly sewers, and though Hopedale needed none, it would be grievous injustice to release her from the legal grasp that would compel her to help pay the coming bills ! Who could answer such ardent and eloquent reasoners? Thus the whole controversy was narrowed down to the question: Shall Milford be damaged to the extent of her power to draw this annual net revenue from Hopedale by municipal taxation ? If Milford could have shown that Hopedale was indebted to her for favors in the past, for patronage and encouragement in time of need, her plea would have had some color of justice and plausibility. But here was an unfortunate blank. For though Hopedale always had more or less good friends in Milford, as individual and social acquaintances, the town majority and authorities never laid it under any special obligation. From the days of its struggling infancy as a fraternal community, in 1842, it continually increased the taxable polls and property of the town without a token of appreciation. For several years it schooled its own children, and built its own streets. And when appropriations began to be granted, it was done with manifest reluctance. Its people made no paupers, or criminals, or disorderly characters for the town to care for. Yet, as a town, though it sowed not, it was a vigilant reaper. Every poll and every parcel of estate was assessed, the taxes duly called for and always promptly paid. And so matters had gone on through all the changes, substantially in the same manner, for over fortythree years, down to this contest.

All the while Milford was drawing a net revenue from Hopedale by taxation ; giving back in appropriations much less than she took. And whence came the population of Hopedale Village? Almost entirely from places outside of Milford, some of them from remote quarters of the country. From whence came their property ? A mere fraction of it from Milford - the great bulk of it from widespread regions abroad. Milford purchased very little from Hopedale, but Hopedale was a large and profitable customer of Milford's goods. These facts came out in bold relief during the discussion, and they convinced a sufficient number of Massachusetts legislators that, even if Milford should lose the net revenue to which she clung with such a tenacious grasp, she had a poor title to it, and that Hopedale ought of right to be a free and independent town. The Hon. Mr. Bowman wound up the pleadings before the Legislative Committee with a masterly speech for the petitioners - clear, comprehensive and irresistibly impressive. The committee deliberated, and unanimously reported a bill for the incorporation of Hopedale.

The bill came up in the Senate for consideration March 12, 1886, and after a long discussion prevailed, fourteen to eleven. It was brought up in the House March 25th, and after a hot debate carried, one hundred and eighteen to ninety-two. Returning to the Senate, it was finally passed, eighteen to sixteen, April 6th. On the 7th it was signed by His Excellency,

Governor George D. Robinson, and so Hopedale became a town. Nothing really new was said or could be said in either House of the Legislature for or against Hopedale's incorporation, but of course the wliole ground must be gone over with more or less particularity. The committee ably defended their own report on its solid merits. Its opponents repeated all the sharp things said against the petitioners in the committee-room. And their orators in both Houses won laurels of approbation from the remonstrants by their invective eloquence against the leading Hopedalians and their followers. All these labors of love were lost, not only on the assailed, but on the legislative majorities and the Governor. Justice and reason triumphed.

In the evening of April 13th ensuing the Hopedalians celebrated their victory, according to the fashion of the political world, by the ringing of bell?, discharge of artillery, illumination of their village and display of fireworks. Two sonorous bells wererung smartly for an hour ; Battery B, from Worcester, fired first a salute of eleven guns to General William V. Draper, and then eighty-six in honor of Hopedale as the eighty-sixth town of Massachusetts incorporated during the present century ; the gas and electric lights flashed their splendor in all directions, and the skies blazed with brilliant rockets. So the people rejoiced with manifold demonstrations in their newly acquired municipal independence.

D. Bancroft, treasurer : E. L. Chichester, collector; Ernest M. Capen, auditor; J. B. Bancroft, Lewis B. Gaskill and Alonzo A. Cook, selectmen, overseers of the poor, Board of Health and highway surveyors ; Asa A. Weatcott, David Nelson and H. B. Fisk, Assessors; Frank J. Dutcher, for three years, Anna M. Bancroft, two years, and Albert W. Ham, one year, school committee; William N. Goddard, for three years, Frank S. Hay ward, two year^, and C. F. Roper, one year, trustees of library ; Frank Gaskill, William N. Phillips, Samuel A. Andrews and Robert Ross, constables ; C. H. Messenger and C. F. Roper, field-drivers ; Frank S. Hayward, Fred. Mooney and