Wrentham Town (part 1 of 3)

By Hon. Samuel Warner

Av a General Court holden at Newe Towne, Sept. 2, 1635, it was ordered " that there shall be a plantation settled about two miles above the Falls of Charles

On the Sth of September, 1636, the General Court ordered that the plantation to be settled above the falls of Charles River shall have three years' immunity from public charges, as Concord had to be accounted from the 1st of May next, and the name of said plantation is to be Deddham; to enjoy all that land on the southerly and easterly side of Charles River not formerly granted to any town or particular persons, and also to have five miles square on the other side of the river.

This was the original grant as appears in the first volume of the records of Massachusetts of that tract of land which includes the present townships of Dedham, Medfield, Wrentham, Needham, Bellingham, a part of Sherborn, a part of Natick, Franklin, Medway (which was attached to Medfield until 1781), |

In about the year 1647 the records of Dedham say that John Dwight and Francis Chickering gave notice of hopes of a mine near certain ponds thirteen miles ham had little knowledge of this part of their town- But it must have been somewhat explored beship. fore the year 1649, as we learn that in that year, on

""to depute two men to endeavor to compound with such Indians as have a true right there.' And they approved of the establishing a plantation there in this careful language, viz., 'To us it seems that it might be helpful to conduce to public

On the 27th, 1st, 1661 (March), at a general townmeeting, the question being put whether there should be a plantation erected or set up at the place called Wollomonopoag, it was answered by a vote in the affirmative. The question being further put whether the town would lay down six hundred acres of land at the place before named for the encouragement of the plantation, it was answered by a vote in the affirmative. Thirteen voters dissented, and their names were entered upon the record.

"to settle and determine such things as shall be mentioned needful for the plantation before named. First, they shall determine when men present themselves for entertainment there who are meet to be accepted. Second, they shall proportion to each man his part in the six hundred acres. Third, they shall order the settling of the plantation in reference to situation, highways, convenient place for a meeting-house, a lot or lots for church officers, with such other things necessary as may hereafter be proposed."

It will be noticed that in this legislation in the Dedham town-meeting, it was especially provided that the Indian title to the lands at the place intended for

_the new plantation should be extinguished by purchase. As early as 1629 the Governor of the New England Company advised the Governor and Council for London's Plantation, in the Massachusetts Bay, that "if any of the savages pretend rights of inheritance to all or any part of the lands granted in our patent, we pray you to endeavor to purchase their title, that we may avoid the least scruple of intrusion." And in a second communication similar advice was repeated. In the year 1652 the General Court solemnly resolved, 'that what lands any of the Indians within this jurisdiction have by possession or im-

In 1662, Timothy Dwight and Richard Ellis made a report of their doings in extinguishing the Indian title to the Wollomonopoag lands. The substance of this report was, that by the assistance of Capt. Willett, they had obtained, under the hand and seal of | the sagamore, a release from the Indians of their title to six miles square of land, the captain making the payment of the consideration on behalf of Dedham. letter of thanks to the captain for his kindly services, and that he be requested to procure a deed, signed by the sagamore, that may be sufficient according to our laws. It was also voted that a rate be made upon cow-commons to pay the captain £24 10s. for the purchase of the lands.

as follows: 'It is ordered that the bounds of the plantation at Wollomonopoag shall be upon Stop River towards the East, beginning at Medfield bounds, and so all along as the river lies, up stream until it comes about half a mile above the falls in that river, near about where the path to that place at present lies, and from thence Southward to Dorchester line; and the West bounds shall be at or about the end of five miles from one of the ponds in Wollomonopoage, to be a line running parallel with the line at the Kast end of the plantation, Always provided present our own; And the south bounds shall be Dorchester line, and the North bounds shall be Medfield bounds in part and Charles River in part." Dorchester at this time extended from its northern line, at Boston, nearly to Rhode Island, and Rehoboth included Attleborough and Cumberland, now in Rhode Island. It is said that the above-named south line ran from the southwest corner of the present township of

Wollomonopoag seemed now in a fair way of being planted. Two years had now elapsed since the good people of Dedham began to agitate the question. The place had been viewed, as they expressed it, favorable report had been made, and the fathers of the town had given it their cautious approval. Some few persons had already broken ground and made improvements, and these were recognized in after divisions of the land. It seemed, therefore, that the settlement had begun to exist. But difficulties were started, and those who had intended to go from Dedham to live at Wollomonopoag asked for a meeting of the proprietors, "' that then and there such questions may be answered as shall be proposed."

Accordingly, a meeting is called for the 12th of Eleventh month, 1662 (January), "to attend the propositions of such brethren and neighbors as have intended to go to Wollomonopoag." The proprietors 'presented a paper of some considerations." A conference ensued between the proprietors and the proposed colonists. The committee of the latter were Anthony Fisher, Robert Ware, Richard Ellice (Ellis), Isaac Bullard. Their statement was, that ten men had been accepted by them to go to Wollomonopoag, and had agreed with the proprietors about their rights there, but that this number is not sufficient for But, they will pay the money rate of any of the proprietors who remain in Dedham, with whom they have agreed or can agree, and that they "are not in a capacitie to settle rights of those who have not subscribed." now circumstanced, they cannot go on to make a that although they are not free," yet they are not desirous to leave

Hodges' house, and Madison Street a little south of Mrs. Gage's house, and then continuing in the same course over Line Hill to the end of Dorchester line as above. This was the line until 1753, when a gore of land on the southeast line was annexed to Wrentham.

In this same year (1661-62) the proprietors voted to sell their rights to lands in Wollomonopoag for one hundred and sixty pounds, to persons fit to carry on the work in church and state, provided the plantation be entered on within two and one-half years.

ments there, and are not able to bear burthens here (Dedham) also, and desire the town would relieve them. The proprietors, in answer, propose to lay out to each proprietor in town his part proportionably, in that six hundred acres for a plantation as first intended, by which means they say possibly they, the

' should be made for their improvements, if their improved parcels should fall to others in the drawing of lots, or compounded some other equal way, or they themselves not at all engaged thereby, "but agreed to sit down by the advice of the major part of the proprietors." These were Nath. Whiting, John Kent,

It thus appears that the whole number of men who proposed to settle at Wollomonopoag was twenty- But they conceived they had poor encourage- Their isolated condition three. ment from the parent town. in this wilderness was intensely real to them, and they gave utterance to their feelings in the declaration that they "did not wish to leave the world altogether." Moreover, Capt. Willett's bill had not yet been paid, although the selectmen, being also a committee haying charge of the Wollomonopag affairs, on the 27th of

On the 2d of March, 1663, the proprietors resolved by unanimous vote that they 'could not advise the parties to proceed to make it a plantation, all things considered, as they are now circumstanced." But they voted "that the charges of those persons who had been accepted by the committee, which they had necessarily expended upon breaking up of lands at Wollomonopoag, should be reasonably and equally satisfied."" Thus, it seems, the first attempt at settlement had failed.

At the same meeting, however (March 2, 1663), the proprietors took a decisive step (one consideration being Capt. Willett's bill yet unpaid, for the payment of which a tax had been ordered, as before stated, the 25d of the same month the proprietors met to draw their lots in the Wollomonopoag plantation, which it seems had been surveyed and platted. It was agreed "on behalf of them that have improvements there that they might take the lots they had already subdued and improved, and not draw lots with the rest of the proprietors. The persons who were thus allowed to choose were Anthony Fisher, Jr., Sergt.

that those who were to have the lands should pay for them), viz., they voted "that there shall be six hundred acres of land layed out at Wollomonopoag for a | general divident, that so every proprietor may have his proportion therein, according to the general rule of division of lands; and the six hundred acres to be layed out with as much convenience as may be with reference to a plantation, if the Providence of God shall make way thereunto, viz., that the six hundred acres shall be such lands as to be so laid out for houselots, and all highways, officers' lots, burial-place, and training-grounds. And all other lands necessary to be reserved and used for all public uses within the trat (tract) of the town shall be over and above the six hundred acres before mentioned, and also all manner of roughlands, the circumference of the six hundred

Bullard, Samuel Fisher, Samuel Parker, Josh Kent, and Job Farrington. These persons, with Ralph Freeman, Sergt. Stearns, and perhaps Daniel Makiah, were the first persons to break up and improve land at Wollomonopoag. The proprietors then proceeded to draw their lots, the same being numbered from one to thirty-four inclusive. The first lot was "' to be where the Indians have broken up land, not far from the place intended to build a mill at." This was undoubtedly in the neighborhood of the mill site now occupied by the Hagle Factory. This appears from the depositions of aged persons taken in 1724, who were then old enough to remember the first occupation of these house-lots, and who say " that they were east or easterly of the mill-pond, and that the first was James Draper's, the second Nathaniel Whiting's, who improved them several years; and many other lots there were improved by their owners." The first settlers beyond question located their improvements (so called) upon the easterly and southeasterly side of Whiting's Pond, or the Great Pond (previously known as the mill-pond), but their houses were at some distance from the pond, probably on what is now Franklin Street and on South Street. An ancient map (1738), showing the position of these first house-lots, confirms this supposition, showing also some lots occupied on The whole number of proprietors was seventy-three; the number of lots drawn was thirty-four, and the order and numbers given, but the boundaries were not determined. The shares were unequal, the division being made "according to the rule for dividing lands in Dedham."

In the year 1663 the first highway was confirmed by the selectmen of Dedham, at the request of those who had drawn lots at Wollomonopoag, "at the east end of their lots." This was the first authoritative recognition of a highway in this plantation, and was probably a part of a way now known as South Street.

After this date the affairs of the plantation were very quiet until the year 1666-67, when the proprietors voted that the meadows " appertayning to that place" be all measured, and appointed a committee for

For the preservation of wood and timber a penalty of two shillings sixpence was imposed upon the transgressor for each tree by him felled without the consent of Lieut. Fisher and Sergt. Ellis; and in 1667 a committee was appointed to define the east boundary of the plantation upon the suggestion that there was some mistake about it.

At a general meeting of the town, April 11, 1668, the proprietors, upon the request of the Indian Sarah, of Wollomonopoag, "grant her one parcel of upland near a pond about two miles westward from the situation of Wollomonopoag, in exchange for that land the said Sarah, her son, or George, her brother, possessed or claimed there to be set out to her by Robert Ware and Samuel Fisher, estimated at ten acres, and she to have liberty to take fencing stuff, and is enjoined to

George, her brother, and John, her son, being all present, do all declare themselves to accept of this grant upon these conditions as above expressed." The they had purchased the land of her sovereign. 1668, upon complaint made by Samuel Sheeres, a committee was appointed "to repayre to Wollomonopoag to settle the lines between his lot and those of John Alders (Aldis) and Job Farrington." first attempt at settlement, but he now became a purchaser. He lived in Dedham, but was not a proprie- John Thurston, of Medfield, also purchased rights in lands at Wollomonopoag, as it is said, and became active in promoting the settlement. As the proprietors at Dedham conveyed their rights to others, these purchasers of course became independent of them. The proprietors of Dedham and the proprietors of Wollomonopoag were no longer the same.

In order to understand the nature of the land titles here and the meaning of the words (often met) "according to the rule for the division of lands," Mr. Worthington, in his history of Dedham, gives a history and an explanation of this matter substantially as follows: The second grant of the General Court, in

1636, for a plantation was made to nineteen persons. These grantees were sole owners until they admitted new associates.' At first these were admitted without asking any compensation, lots of land being freely granted them; and after the home-lots of the inhabitants were cleared of wood, leave was asked In 1642 two hundred acres were made a common tillage-field, in which each proprietor's share should be assigned to These men proceeded, not upon any arbitrary rule, but upon the various considerations of personal merit, usefulto cut it from the common lands.

monopoag, having come here to live, according to Rey. Mr. Man's record, about the year 1666. He says, under date of Aug. 12, 1709, " Old Goodman who had lived here about forty-three years." The first birth recorded at Wollomonopoag was that of ** Mehitabel Sheeres, the daughter of Samuel Sheeres and Mary, his wife," who was born the 1st of February, 1668. place now occupied by Mr. Isaac F. Bennett, on South Street, and that in 1668, John Ware also built on the Bean place and Samuel Fisher on the Luther Fisher place (Mr. Barnes'). John Littlefield also is supposed to have built about this time.

About this time some of the proprietors sold their interests in the lands to such persons as wished to go there and remain as inhabitants or engage in the settlement of the plantation. Sheeres does not appear him, while the deacons had fourteen acres each, and Maj. Lusher modestly received thirteen ; other inhabit- In 1645 they divided three hundred and seventy-five acres of woodland on the same plan, but in 1656 they ceased to make free grants to strangers of the common lands. This led to the adoption of some rule for division of those lands among the proprietors and their heirs. No one pretended that all should have an equal share. They agreed on this principle, that each man's share should be proportioned to the valuation of his propants taking from eight to one acre each.

erty. They then found that the number of acres in the herd-walks, or cow-commons, was five hundred and thirty-two, and the number of cattle fed thereon somewhat less; and that by allowing one cow-common for every eight pounds' valuation of estate the whole number of cow-common rights or shares would be four hundred and seventy-seven, and this would make the number of cow-commons the nearest to their then number of cattle.

This rule bearing hardly on several poor persons, the proprietors so far departed from it as to give them twenty-five more cow-common rights, which, added to the former number, made five hundred and two common rights or shares. This arrangement as thus far

" GENTLEMEN, - Sirs, thes are to desire you to send me a holland shirt by this Indian, the which att present I much want, and in consideration whereof I shall and will assuredly satisfie you to content between this and the next Michelmas, for then I treat about a tract of land of four or five miles square, which I hereby promise and engage that you shall have ye refusall of, and I make no doubt but that we shall agree about said tract of

| land, which I shall sell you for ye use of your town of Dedham. But the proprietors went further, and voted that | non-resident owners of land should not have any right | gentlemen made an award, which they supported by quotations of Scripture, giving to Phillips and other | on "the 8th of the 9th mo., 1669, upon notice from agerieved persons twelve more cow-common rights, and to the church eight more, making the whole number five hundred and twenty-two. acquiesced in this decision, and the selectmen assigned to the eighty proprietors their due shares. The commissioners further decided that the majority in interest should hereafter govern.

of some proprietor. The proprietors had the ownership and power to convey and manage the undivided lands, while the inhabitants took the management of town affairs upon themselves.

These rules regarding the division of lands were, of course, applied throughout the whole township of Dedham, and included the lands at Wollomonopoag.

Tt will be remembered that Dedham had, through Capt. Willett, paid the sagamore Philip, in the year 1662, for his right and title to the lands at Wollomonopoag, £24 10s. But Philip now, in 1669, set up a claim to a tract said to be within the limits of his former grant. He addressed the following letter to two of the principal men of Dedham:

We are not informed whether the liberality or the fears of the good men of Dedham provided Philip with the Holland shirt in which he wished to appear before the wise men of Plymouth; but we find that

Philip Sagamore yt he is now at Wollomonopouge and offers a treaty about sale of his rights in ye lands yr within the town bounds not yet purchased, A committee was appointed, viz.: Timothy Dwight, Anthony Fisher, Robert Ware, Richard Ellice, and John Thurston, to repayre to Wollomonopogue on the morrow, and treat with the said Philip, in order to a contract with him to clear all his remaining rights within the town bounds, provided he make his right appear, and to secure our town from all other claims of all other Indians in the land contracted for."

It seems that a contract was made, for on the 15th of the same month (November, 1669) a rate was made for the payment to Philip " for his right lately purchased." The sum thus assessed was £17 Os. 8d., to be paid in money. 'Tradition informs us that Philip, in this second treaty, showed the northern boundaries of his kingdom, being the southern boundary of the Sachemdom of Chickotabot, in Walpole ; and that the shape of the land was somewhat like that of a new moon, enclosing a part of the first grant within its horns." Seventy-nine persons were

Ensign Chickering's tax Rev. John Allen's This tax was assessed upon the cow-commons of the proprietors. Adding this £17 0s. 8d. to the sum previously paid through Capt. Willett, we find the whole amount paid to Philip for his title to Wollomonopoag was £41 10s. 8d.

Second Attempt at Settlement. - Although, as we have seen, an attempt to settle a colony at Wollomonopoag had failed in 1663, yet the idea was not absolutely abandoned. Proof of this is seen in the transactions had in the interim between that date and nevertheless those who had made improvements by | be small yet our latter end shall much increase; and that knowbreaking up ground, etc., kept their lots or transferred them to others who retained the title. And now in December, 1669, the proprietors of of Dedham) met at the public-house of Joshua Fisher, in Dedham. This was their first meeting as a body distinct from the proprietors of Dedham. The purpose of the meeting was public charges hereunder written shall be and remayne in full | force to all ends, intents, and purposes to all proprietors there _ until the intended plantation become a town.

«2d. Every proprietor shall annually pay towards the maintenance of a minister there ls. 6d. for each cow common right, besides what shall be assessed upon improved land.

«3d. That the libertie to call or invite a minister to exercise to the people there is left to the inhabitants there and such of the principal proprietors as may be advised without difficulty, provided it be by the allowance and consent of the Rev. Mr. Allin, of Dedham, and the ruling Elder of the Church there, and Elea. Lusher. _

"4, That a convenient meeting-house shall be built, to which end 2s. per cow-common shall be paid, whereof Mr. Theo. Deane, Capt. Willm Hudson, and Mr. Job Viale promise to pay accordingly in money, which is accepted. John Thurston, Robert Ware, and Sergt. Fuller are appointed a committee for

""EsTEEMED Sir, - We, the subscribers, being by the Provithat place called Wollomonopoag, in Dedham, and according to our best observation and understanding concerning that place capable of affording competent subsistence according as the employments of husbandry use to produce to so many families as might be a small town if it be duly improved by an industrious people according to the rule of the word of God, and in his name and fear, and that the kingdom of the Lord Jesus may be enlarged, and several families at present streightened might be relieved, and some benefit might arise to the public, which are the ends we propose to ourselves: these things being considered by us, we thinke it our duty to indeavor the settling a plantation there, so far as lyes in our power, and in order thereto we would in the first place, with the greatest care, provide that people; and whereas we have already enjoyed encouraging tast of that measure of fitness that God hath bestowed upon yourself to dispense his mind to us in the public ministry of his word, to accept of these few lines as a solemn and unanimous desire and invitation to that work of the ministry of the gospel to us and among us at that place, hoping that though our beginning ing that until the house and ordenances of the Lord Jesus be carefully provided for, few, if any, serious godly people, they that we desire to encourage, will be willing to settle themselves there with us, we so much the more earnestly desire you would not refuse our request and wish, and doubt not but that the Lord of his goodness will make us in some measure able and willing to attend the rule of Christ for your due encouragement in all outward supplies; and if you please to accept of this our invitation and earnest desire, we do engage ourselves to be careful not to neglect our duties therein, and such of us as are Inhabitants shall also attend the same according to our proportion in our estates there at such time as we shall reside and dwell there; but wheresoever we, the late proprietors, dwell, we shall be ready and willing to bear charge thereunto according to our late (vote)."

"'We whose names are hereunder written declare our approbation of the within invitation, and desire that a blessing from the father of Merceys may be upon it and the work intended.

Eleazer Lusher, whose name is frequently mentioned in connection with town and proprietary affairs, was a prominent man in the Colony of Massachusetts Bay. In Dedham he was concerned in all important matters, Hence the invitation to Mr. Man must have his approval. It is said he came to Dedham with Mr. Allin, and was more learned than any other man in town, excepting Mr. Allin. He kept the records, and it is to_his body he was a useful and influential member. He participated in all the momentous affairs of the colony whenever there was occasion for the counsel and services of the wisest and most patriotic.

In April, 1670, the proprietors appointed John Thurston and Samuel Sheeres to be fence-viewers at Wollomonopoag ; attended to some complaints against some land-takers outside of the six hundred acres, and voted a dividend of lowlands, fit to be improved for English grass, half an acre to each cow-common, if so much may be found, otherwise less.

willing) that themselves and their families shall be settled at the place called Wollomonopoage, before the end of the fourth month, called June, Anno 1671, persons answering were John Thurston, Thomas Thurston, Robert Ware, John Ware, Joseph Cheeney. It was thereupon voted, that the proprietors desire that these men and John Aldis should settle themselves and their families." They also confirmed the bounds of the plantation as established in 1661, and ordered a book " for the entering such acts as concern Wollomonopoag, and such transcripts as may be made from Dedham town book, and contributed three shillings, sixpence for the purchase, and appointed Hleazer Lusher to make the entries and transcripts and paid him three shillings eightpence in part satisfaction." It will be noticed that June is called the fourth twenty-fifth day of March throughout his majesty's | good repair the inhabitants ' will see out for the prodominions. In the twenty-fourth year of the reign of George II. (1751), Parliament enacted that the year should begin (after Dec. 31, 1751) on the first day of January next following.

It seems, then, that six persons with their families were to be settled at Wollomonopoag before the end of June, 1671. These, with Samuel Sheeres' family,

In January, 1672, a grant for a corn-mill was made. The mill was to be built 'upon that stream that comes out of the ponde and runns into Charles River, in the neerest convenient place to the lower ende of the ponde in Wollomonopoag, and made fitte for work, and doe grinde corn as such a mill ought to doe

This action was some ten years after the first steps taken by Dedham about the plantation, and tends strongly to show that the first comers were only temporary dwellers, looking after their improvements and returning home when their tasks were done.

This time the settlement began in earnest. Thurstons, Wares, and others agreed to go up and settle at Wollomonopoag, with their families; the

A committee, of which Maj. Lusher was a member, entered into a contract with Robert Crossman to build a mill on the conditions above stated. Robert engaged for himself and his heirs to build and equip the mill, '"' God permitting," according to the propositions of the proprietors, whereunto he did subscribe by making his mark.

The mill, it seems, made slow progress; for in 1674, Crossman requesting that the land he was to have might be laid out to him, was answered that when he should finish the mill according to his engagement, he should have it laid out by Sergt. Thomas And in 1680 it was voted that "if Robert Crossman do not speedily put his mill in

There is a tradition that a son of Crossman was killed below the mill by an Indian, by which the father was so alarmed and discouraged that he abandoned his mill and let it go out of repair. The record of the son's death is as follows: ' Nathaniel Crossman, the son of Robert Crossman and Sarah, his wife, was killed by the Enymy Indians, March ye 8, 1675-6."

Anticipating a few years, it appears that in 1685 the grants formerly made to Crossman were conferred upon John Whiting upon similar terms. He was the son of Nathaniel, who had a corn-mill on Mother Brook, in Dedham, and who drew lot number two in the six-hundred acres dividend " not far from the place intended to build a mill at." He did not But he must have been the owner of Crossman's rights in the mill, as his widow, Hannah Whiting, conveyed them by her deed to this son John, with other property, describing it as coming to her from her deceased husband, Nathaniel. This deed was dated Noy. 9, 1688, in the fourth year of King James II. John married Dec. 24, 1688, and lived upon the land granted to Crossman, near the outlet of the Great, or Mill Pond.

Whiting, viz., the Hagle Manufacturing Company, were not bound to grind corn, ete., for the inhabitants according to the conditions of the ancient grant to gation, from the depositions of Capt. Lewis Whiting, Joseph Whiting, and Jemima Fisher, grandchildren of John Whiting, "that their grandfather built the further appeared that the original site of the corn-mill was some eighty rods aboye the present dam, one of the deponents saying he had dug out mortised timber there, and seen the remains of a dam, and that such remains were believed to be visible even then (1821). The deponents had been told, and always understood that their grandfather, John, was the son of Nathaniel, of Dedham, and that before he was married, when he was about eighteen years old, he came up from Dedham, and "tended the mill ;" and that his mother came with him and purchased all the lands, buildings, and rights of Crossman.

ago, and which were standing in 1821, is still standing, probably the oldest building within the bounds of the plantation, and still in the possession of descendants of John Whiting. It is doubted if a parallel case can be found in the ancient Wollomonopoag.

And the "inhabitants moved there might be a committee chosen to treat with Mr. Samuel Man in reference to his settling and carrying on the worke of the ministrie ther." matter of settling a minister, they began to care for the highways and to procure a blacksmith, next to the miller a man of the greatest importance in the infant settlement.

They, the proprietors, voted to give ten acres of upland for the encouragement of " such a man as may This was in 1672. But they did not then succeed, for in 1674 they voted " for further incoragement of a blacksmith in case there appere a man that is suffichant tion, and that suits might be maintained against them. But here the matter was dropped. Besides the grain-mill, there were formerly a fulling-mill and a saw-mill where the dam now stands.

The precise time when the first minister, the Rev. Samuel Man, came to abide at Wollomonopoag is not known. The people had, as appears from their letter, heard him preach probably at Dedham, and _ probably between the date of that letter (1669 and 1672) he ness occasionally, if not regularly.' may have been, in 1672 the proprietors voted that "arate should be made of 1s. 6d. per cow-common towards the maintenance of the present minister at

1 As he died in 1719, and this was the forty-ninth year of his ministry, as Mr. Bean was informed, he must have commenced about the year 1671.

ply the towne with Good and suffichant ware, too acres of meaddow and 2 or 3 acres of low swampy land, on condition that he inhabitt in the towne 7 years, but if he remove from the town within 10 years the too acres of meadow to returne to the towne And in 1675 a small parcel of meadow containing two acres, lying below "Slate Rock," was left for a smith. This was granted to James Mosman upon the condition of the vote of 1674. The inference is that Mosman was the first blacksmith in the place. But he did not remain here long, and in 1685 it was voted that "considering the want of a blacksmith Sergt. Fisher is requested to treat with Samll. Dearing respecting the same and make report to the town." Dearing "to settle with us to folow the calling of a blacksmith." In 1687 the town, for his encouragement to settle, granted him "liberty of wood for firing and for coal for his worke and feeding and timber for his use upon the comon land so long as he continue in the calling of a blacksmith in the town; this and what was proposed to him att our meeting last year." On the 23d of June, 1688, the inhabitants being at work in the highway, Samuel Dearing also being present, agreed to accept the land assigned for a blacksmith upon the terms stated at the meeting in 1672, and the inhabitants agreed " to confirm said land, and also y' parcel of meadow and swampy land which was assigned for the encourgement of a smith, to the said Saml. Dearing; and do also appoint a committee to lay out the house-lot of ten acres near the Meeting- House." The committee "did forthwith lay out said ten acres abutting upon the highway in part southwest and near to the land for the Burying place Northeast and common land on all other parts." Other grants and promises of land were also made to him. He decided to locate here. In 1708 he was married to ported to the proprietors as follows, substantially : '"'Tmprimis, to grant Mr. Man a convenient houselot out of the public lands, so much as shall arise | building him a house, and the inhabitants engage to pay as they have intimated. his on condition that he settle at Wollomonopoag; but 'if he is called to move, then he shall choose two or three men who shall judge and determine what shall be presented to them, and if they agree that his call is clear to remove through default of the people, then Mr. Man shall enjoy the house and all the lands formerly mentioned ; but if they do not so judge, and yet Mr. Man remove, then the former grants to return to the proprietors." lows: "I do accept of these propositions in case they be performed within the space of a year and a half. (Signed) Samuel Man."

Such was Mr. Man's settlement. was not cheerful. three years. He knew, for he had preached among maintain themselves and their families. He came into almost a wilderness, where there was not only no meeting-house to receive him, but even no dwellinghouse for a shelter and home, and, as Mr. Bean says in his century sermon, only sixteen families.

ham, in 1673; was employed asa teacher at Dedham, Mass.; ordained at Wrentham April 13, 1692, and died there May 22, 1719, in the seventy-second year of his age and forty-ninth of his ministry. dren were eleven in number, seven sons and four daughters, and, while his descendants must be very numerous, not one is known to bear the name at present in the town.

" The petition of the Inhabitants of Wollomonopoage humbly showeth that whereas it hath pleased God by his especial providence to set the place of the habitation of divers of us in a place within the bounds of Dedham where some of us have lived severall years conflicting with the difficulties of a wilderness state, and being a long time without any to dispense the word of God to us, although at last it hath pleased God to send the gospel among us, dispensed by that faithful servant of his, Mr. Samuel Man; but not having power to assess or gather what have been engaged by reason divers live not within the limits of the town, and the constables of Dedham are not willing to gather what has been engaged, neyther is that engaged by Town power, so the pay is not attained, but that work is like to fail and we perish for lack of knowledge unless it please God to move your hearts who are the fathers of the country to take care for us and not for us only but for the interest of God here, now being helpless and hopeless doe yet venture to spread our complaint before your honors desiring you would put forth your power to promote the ordinances of God here. That which we desire and humbly present to your pious consideration is that there may be a committee impowered by this Hon. Court to settle some way for the maintenance of the ministrie,, which we doubt not but most of the proprietors in Dedham and elsewhere will readily grant, yet some there are that have rights here seem only to be willing that we should labor under the straights of a new plantation so as to bring their land to a great price, which no other can regulate (that we understand) but yourselves. 'Therefore we fly to your wisdom and justice for help which no other under God can do. The proprietors also having engaged but for so long as we remain under the town power of Dedham, and Dedham now advising us to indeavor to be of ourselves declaring that they cannot act for us as is necessary in divers cases they living so remote. And if it shall please God so far to move you to help us in this distressed state we humbly further crave to be excused from payand fur into the country, and not considerable to the County We have herewith sent the copies of what the proprietors did engage (which have caused us your petitioners to venture upon these difficulties expecting more would have come to us) which we desire may be ratified till they send inhabitants suitable, or what other way God may direct your wisdom to determine, which shall ever oblige your poor supplyants to pray, &c." were made a town by the name of Wrentham. The selectmen desire, 'if the Court see meet to grant them town power, that it may be called Wrentham.' Mr.

of the first settlers here came from Old Wrentham, in England. It is supposed that the Rev. Mr. Philip or Phillips, who left his pulpit in Old Wrentham by reason of the persecutions of 1636-38, came to Dedham, and that he received an invitation to the ministry in Dedham in 1638, but did not accept it. After being in Dedham and perhaps other places about a year he returned to his native land and resumed his pastoral duties in his former parish. It is said that upon his voyage hither he was attended by "a goodly company," others also from Old Wrentham, England, having preceded him. The names of Thurston and Paine are particularly mentioned. These brought "an account of the state of affairs in Wrentham on which the Christian people of Dedham in that country invited him by letter to that plantation beforehand, so that when he arrived his friends there did expect and much endeavor to obtain his guidance in the first beginning of their ecclesiastical relationship."

In the petition of the inhabitants their leading thought seems to have been the maintenance of the minister. They asked for town power that rates might be made and collected for this purpose. '' Spiritual affairs were ever first in the minds of the Puritans." "Tt being as unnatural for a right New England man to live without an able ministry as for a And the General Court "judgeth it meet to give the petitioners

The minister was the principal person intown; the real head of the people. matters temporal as well as spiritual. Usually he was the only learned man in these primitive settlements. | As the freemen must be church-members, it may be conceded that his influence must have been almost without limit.

The early comers to Massachusetts established a church after their own choice, and the civil polity was in subordination to the ecclesiastical.

In the resolve of Oct. 17, 1673, the General Court granted "all the liberties and privileges of a township,' with the boundaries heretofore agreed upon between the inhabitants and Dedham. Wrentham thus became independent of Dedham. But yet the | inhabitants were not considered competent to manage their town affairs, and the Court placed them under the guardianship of a committee, " for the better carrying in end of their prudential affairs," etc., and appointed Capt. Hopestill Foster, Mr. William Park, and Ensign Daniel Fisher to be the committee. They were to be joined with any two of the inhabitants that might be chosen, and the acts of said committee or the major part of them were "to be valid, and their power to continue till the Court take further order." | And Wrentham was exempted from county rates for | four years. |

Organization of the Town. - We now leave our Indian cognomen of Wollomonopoag. Hereafter the name given by the General Court is to be our designation. On the 4th day of December, 1673, the committee (for ordering the affairs of the town called Wrentham, near unto Dedham) met and ordered as followeth :

"5, That the order in Dedham Town Book referring to the admitting inhabitants, made June 1, '66, be transcribed in this town book, to be an order for the town of Wrentham as to all intents and purposes therein contained.

'"' Whereas, towns have suffered from the entertainment of persons privately, and as this town is liable to like inconvenience, therefore for the prevention thereof, it is ordered that no inhabitant of the town, or tenant of any house, lands, &e., shall after due publication hereof, grant, sell, alienate, lease, assign, sett, or to farme lett any house, lands or parcels of land whatsoever within said town &c., to any persons not formerly

| dwelling within our town, nor shall hire any out of town person for a servant by the yeare or any apprentice for more than two months without the leave of the Committee or the Selectmen, without such 'securitie' for the 'town's indemnitie' as said Committee or Selectmen shall accept. Notice shall be given of allsuch contracts made or intended to some one of the Comttee or selectmen, andif not forbidden within a month then the party may proceed therein. Butif being forbidden, he shall, notwithstanding proceed to contract or entertain contrary to this order, or shall fail to give notice as above provided, he shall for every month so continuing forfeit to the use of the Towne

Such an order sounds very strangely in these days. But two hundred years ago such regulations conformed to the sentiment prevalent in the Colony of Massachusetts Bay.

And in 1692 a law of the province gave settlement to persons who sojourned in any town three months without having been warned by the constable to depart. And in 1736 it was enacted that the inhabitants who took in strangers should in twenty days notify the selectmen thereof. Prior to these enactments it seems that tices. not very frequent; Wrentham being " far into the country," few strangers probably found their way hither. Later in its history arrivals were more numerous and warnings more frequent. One is here copied : " Wrentoam, January the 20, 1758. "We the subscribers would In Form the Selecttmen In Behalf our Honered Father Pelatiah man that He Hez brought into This Towne from Dedham gilyard Morse and Taffey Morse children of the late Widow Morse. "DANIEL MAN, " MinatrAn Man."

Having progressed thus far the inhabitants had a general meeting in February, 1675-74, and passed votes as to the mode of assessing estates for the support of the minister, requesting of the church in Dedham the use of their lands here for Mr. Man, for preventing the waste of timber, for repair of highways, and for fencing the lots of settlers. surveyor of highways; Samuel Sheeres and Joseph Kingsbury, fence-viewers. Measures were also taken for herding cattle, for keeping out-of-town cattle off the common lands, for the ringing of swine, and for building a pound.

In 1674 an Indian named Matchinamook asked that he might have some place to live in, and " full liberty" was granted him "to go to a place called Harry's Plantation, or at the head of Ten-Mile River, near to the Pattene Line, there to improve three or four acres of land during his lifetime."

This latter year was undoubtedly one of anxiety to the little town of Wrentham. of 1675," says Drake, '' Sassamon's body was found in Assawomset Pond, in Middleborough." Indian preacher, a professed convert to Christianity,

Having learned from his countrymen that they intended to make war upon the English, he communicated that knowledge to the Governor of Plymouth, |

Swanzey was attacked and nine of her inhabitants killed, and on the 24th of June the abandoned houses were burnt. Soon afterwards a part of Taunton,

In 1675-76 the General Court, in consideration that many Indians were "skulking about our plantations, doing much mischiefe and damage," offered a bounty of three pounds per head, or the Indian so taken, to every person who should surprise, slay, or bring in prisoner any such Indian."

It was probably about this time, and not long before their withdrawal, that the valorous little colony covered itself with glory in the famous attack at Indian Rock. The story is as follows :

A man by the name of Rocket being in search of a strayed horse in the woods, about three miles northeast from Wrentham village, discovered a trail of Indians, forty-two in number, towards the close of the day directing their course westward. Rocket, undiscovered, followed the trail until about the setting of the sun when they halted, evidently with a design to lodge for the night. The spot chosen was well situ- Rocket watched their movements until they laid themselves down to rest, when with speed he returned to the settlement and notified the inhabitants. They being collected, a consultation was held, whereupon (the women, the infirm, and the children being secured in the fortified houses) it was agreed to attack the Indians early the next morning. The little army consisted of thirteen; at its head was a Capt. Ware. Rocket was its guide. before daylight, and were posted within a short musket-shot of the encamped Indians, with orders to reserve their fire until the Indians should arise. Between daybreak and sunrise the Indians rose, nearly all at the same time; when, upon the signal given, a full discharge was made, which, with the sudden and unexpected attack and slaughter, put the Indians into the greatest consternation, so that in their confusion, attempting to effect their escape in a direction opposite to that from which the attack was made, several were so maimed by leaping down a precipice from ten to twenty-feet among the rocks that they became Some of the fugitives were over- And it is related that two of them being closely pursued, in order to elude their followan easy sacrifice. taken and slain.

ers, buried their bodies all except their heads in the waters of Millbrook (about one mile from the first It is probable that these were likewise injured by their precipi-

Dr. James Mann, to whom we are indebted for this account of the fight at Indian Rock, says there is an intelligent man eighty-seven years of age (Deacon Thomas Mann), who in his youth was acquainted during his life an annual pension from the General Court. name of Clap, was also living, aged ninety-four years, who well recollected to have heard the story related

In March, 1676, the inhabitants left their homes, so lately established here and with so much difficulty, on account of the alarming attitude of the natives. Up to this date eighteen births had been recorded, and the small number of families who were without any means of defense against the savages prudently withdrew. The war against the English was now fairly initiated by Philip. Having stirred up the native Indians hundred men fell in battle. of Medfield was attacked and some twenty whites killed, and more than half the houses were burned or otherwise destroyed. Wrentham lay in the track

Indians came after the inhabitants were gone, and | shillings - £1 10s. in wheat, five shillings in money, | and £3 10s. in merchantable Indian corn.

burned all their dwellings but two, which were saved because, according to tradition, the party attacking believed they had been infected with the smallpox.

We get some knowledge of the condition of our town, and of the manner of administering its affairs more than two hundred years ago, from the record of

'Samuel Fisher was appointed to take down in writing what shall be agreed on this day." It was ordered that a list of voters should be made, and absentees from town-meetings were to be fined ; grants of land were to be recorded ; fences three feet high, and sufficient to turn lawful cattle, should be built ; cattle should be herded and a herdsman appointed, the minister's salary provided for, and additions made to it as inhabitants and improvements should increase, that the meadows should be laid out; that births, marriages, and deaths should be registered ; appointed surveyors of highways and fence-viewers, and men to burn the woods. They also voted that Mr. Man should have his ten cow-commons heretofore promised, and that four days' work should be done upon the highway. These votes were approved by the committee, of which it will be remembered two of the inhabitants were members, whose importance in the little community was thus recognized and acknowledged. One of these was Samuel Fisher, who was and deaths. Even thus early a list of voters was to be made, and under the laws of the colony but little difficulty could arise in determining who were voters.

The General Court ordered, 'to the end that the body of commons may be preserved of honest and good men, that noe man shall be admitted to the freedome of this body polliticke but such as are members of some of the churches within the lymitts of the And in 1635, 'that none hut freemen shall have any vote in any towne in any action of authority or necessity," etc.; and '"'for the yearly choosing of assistants the freemen shall use Indian corn and beans, the corn to manifest election, the beans contrary." Quakers and others who refused to attend public worship were made '"uncapable of voting in all civil

It was voted upon Mr. Man's request, in 1675, that the common rights and lands heretofore granted to him for improvement should become his absolutely Cornelius and Samuel Fisher bargained for his ten cow-commons, agreeing to pay therefor five pounds and five

The last meeting of the inhabitants prior to abandonment of the place was holden on the 19th of January, 1675-76, and on March 30th they left on account of the Indian war.'

And on the 2d of February, 1675-76, the Pru- | dential Committee met and appointed the first Tuesday in March following to be a meeting of the proprietors at Dedham in reference to their replanting On the 6th of March, 1677, at | the proprietors' meeting in Dedham, the question - the answer was by all present that they would bear charges there as formerly, and divers of them expressed themselves "willing to return if Mr. Man | would return with them, and a considerable number would ingage in that worke."' Upon further debate it was decided that a committee be chosen to present the case of Wrentham to the honorable General Court for their advice and concurrence in order to the rebuilding the towne again." They also made a division of their meadow lands. | In 1660 the number of proprietors was eighty. Sixteen years had made changes in the ownership of lands. From this time until January, 1677, no important public transactions concerning Wrentham took place. At that time the " Proprietors and those that were | formerly inhabitants of Wrentham" met, and the inhabitants were asked whether "they would go on to _ rebuild and inhabitt Wrentham." as follows:

"We, whose names are hereunto subscribed, having formerly had our residence in Wrentham, but by those sad and sollame dispensations of God's providence were removed, yet desire a worke for the honour of God and the good and comfort of ourselves and ours might be again ingaged in and promotted att that place. God willing.

Therefore our purpose is to returne thither, But knowing our own inability for so great and waytie a worke, both in respectt of our insufficiency for the caring on of new plantation worke, and the dainger that may yet be renewed upon us by the heathins breaking out on us, thinke it not saffe for us to returne alone, except other of the proprietors joyne to go up along with us, or send inhabitants to ingage in that work with us." Subscribed by Elizear Metcalf, Daniell Haws, Daniell Wight, Saml. Fisher, William Macknah, Elizear Gay, Samuell Man, Cornelius Fisher, Joseph Kingsbury, Robert Ware, John Aldis, John Payne, Benjn. Rocket, Nath. Ware, John Ware, Michell Wilson, Samuel Sheeres.

This faithful record informs us who the first inhabitants were. And although driven from their homes by the '"' heathins" and obliged to take quarters with their Dedham friends, they nevertheless preserved their organization, choosing John Ware and Samuel Fisher to join with the court's committee, Hleazar Gay, constable, and the faithful Samuel Fisher to keep the town book.

treat with Mr. Man. He very wisely required that a goodly number of competent persons should go back as a principal condition of his own return; and also that a suitable dwelling-house should be prepared for him; that there should be no delay as heretofore in the payment of his salary. This of the proprietors. Another condition of great importance he annexed, to wit: that they should sell their interest to settlers

As to the first proposition, it was stated that the former inhabitants have determined to return to Wrentham, and that others purpose to join them, and that this is all the "incouragement that can at present be expected."

K rate was made probably in 1679 for the building of Mr. Man's house at two shillings per common. Forty-five were taxed for this purpose, including the church at Dedham. The amount assessed was fiftytwo pounds fifteen shillings and sevenpence, of which fourpence per common was to be paid in money, the rest to be one-third part in wheat and rye, the other Mr. Man himself was John Thurston, a non-resident, it seems was the largest taxpayer, the amount assessed him being three pounds sixteen shillings.

In 1680 a house-lot and ten cow-commons, with the privileges thereto belonging, were granted to Mr. Constables were made to account for the rates collected by them, and it was determined that highways should be made through the six hundred acres. Rules also for supplying Mr. Votes for the preservation of grass upon the common lands, for the encour- cows was to be kept 'in the towne." the scarcity of timber no one could cut off the common land upon penalty of five shillings per tree. Lands were to be fenced in general fields, each man bearing his proportion of the expense, according to the number of his acres. Bounds between town and individuals were to be renewed once in three years.

A part of the former inhabitants had returned in | In 1685 there was a general meeting of the pro- March, 1680, as appears from the following entry of prietors and inhabitants "att Wrentham meeting the book-keeper: "The inhabitants, such as were then | and that it should be leavied upon the commons, for | that several of them that had ingaged whose names | to any other use or purpose whatsoever."

The First Meeting-House. - In March, 1681, the committee having met at Dedham, and being informed that the inhabitants of Wrentham were suffering "oreat inconvenience for want of a suitable place to attend the worship of God, it is ordered that a convenient house be forthwith erected." to be borne in part by the proprietors and in part by the inhabitants. In March, 1682, they concluded that, - brasted (braced) and all other suffichant timber suitabel for such an house; to stand the north side of Mr. Man's house. And they granted to John Woodcock a parcel of land as nere the place where the meeting-house shall stand as may be conveniently had, that he might sett a small house up for theire refreshment on the Sabbath day when they come to attend upon the worship of God."

This was the first vote regarding the building of the meeting-house, which they thought might be inclosed by the 15th of September next following and finished by March 1, 1684, but a dozen years had passed before its completion.

land, and meadow or swamp land; and having chosen their book-keeper, prudential committee, constable, and agent for the minister's business, they chose also a

Liberty was given to certain persons to build a gal- It thus appears that this first meeting-house was erected and occupied in 1684, although far from being finished.

hous,' when it was determined that the common land between the two great ponds "shall lie common for thé proprietors." Secondly, that they would "sett out four or six acres of their now common land near the metting hous, with twenty or twenty-five acres of other upland and swamp or swampy land for the encouragement of a school, which was not to be diverted These lands and the proceeds of their sale, let it be said to the honor of the good people of this town, never have been diverted by them from the use to which they were thus applied, but now make a part of the fund whose income is appropriated to the support of schools.

It was ordered that the meeting-house should be used for a watch-house. They provided also for a stock of ammunition, voted to establish the stocks for the punishment of offenders, to pay for " billiting" soldiers at the time of the Indian war, and to pay bounties for " wolves that have been killed." Eleven wolves were killed. John Ware was allowed one pound four shillings and ninepence for his disbursements or services in building Mr. Man's first house, from which it would seem that Mr. Man had been a householder here before Philip's war, his first house having been burned by the Indians.

In the same year the inhabitants presented a petition to the General Court praying that they might be authorized to chose selectmen, as in other places, representing that the committee appointed to have the care over them, although very useful in "' yt capacity, yet they are crazy and infirme in body, and cannot be got together so often as we stand in need of, etc."

In 1686, selectmen were chosen for the first time. They were Samuel Fisher, John Blake, John Fairbanks, John Guild, and John Ware. And now the town began its real independent existence, being deemed at last capable of acting without guardians. They appointed a committee 'to goe the bounds between Dorchester and Wrentham, and renewe the markes as the law directs." They voted bounties for killing blackbirds, adopted orders concerning cedar timber, and fined certain persons for neglecting work upon the highways and for cutting grass upon com- The town had at this time forty-two pounds of powder and one hundred of lead. A committee was appointed to go to Rehoboth (since Attleborough), and examine the was but little money in the plantation, and the salary of the good minister was so much in arrear that the town "' doe nominate their friend and neighbor, Sargt. Samuel Fisher and do desire and impour him to demand and upon refusal to address himself to ye Governor and Council for advice and make his report to | ; : | by ye English Noon hill, & so to ye grat River, called by ye

On the Ist day of March, 1687, there was a meeting of the inhabitants "to consider the matter of clearing the Enden [Indian] title to their lands." Samuel Fisher and John Ware were chosen a committee " to take care in the town's behalf and manage the clearing and confirmation of the Town's title to ye lands in ye town bounds according to ye agreement with Dedham at the first settling of Wrentham."

Report or THE ComMmitrEE. - * Forasmuch as Thomas Awasamogue a Natick Indian in the last year being 1687, made claim to some of our lands which was bought of Philip Sagamor and payd for according as the law then provided for ye Endians the town being called together to consult y" own interest, ther was a committee chosen to inquir into the matter, which Committee (after some inquiring and also treating with said Thos. Awasamogue) presented to the town divers Evydances [evidences] and wrightings both of English and Endians for ye making the thing mor clear which Evydances are insarted as followeth.

"To the Selectman of Dedham - these are to request you to pay to this barer for ye use of King Philip five pounds, five shillings mony and five in Trucking cloath att mony price with a third Pt advanced.

"3. Receaved of this bill ye 16 of November 1669 in referance to the pay of King Philip of mount hope ye full and just sum of five ponds and five shillings in money and twelve yards in trucking cloath, three pounds of powder and as much lead as to make it up to which is in full satisfaction with ten pounds that he is to receive of Nathaniel Pan [Paine] of Seconck for all the rights of land claimed by Indian title from the town or within ye limits belonging to the town of Dedham which is due by any claim to King Philip or heirs or assigns in witness hereof I have here sett to my hand this 16 Novemb. 69

1. " Nathaniel Colburn, aged 70 years and upward (Dedham, March, 1687), testifie that I, being at Wollomonopogue when King Philip did make sale of thos lands, which ware in ye bounds of Dedham, to those men which Dedham Selectmen had sent up to trade with King Philip respecting ye same, and

1 This is the letter previously inserted on page 626, in which Philip wished his white friends to send him a 'holland shirt to wear to Plimouth Court and offering to sell his land at Wollomonopoag."

There is also an entry under dateof 8th of 9th mo., 1669, that Philip's notice was received and a committee appointed to treat with him at Wollomonopoag, and the report of

English Charles River, & so up y* River to a River att Sichsopogue, and up to Sanetcheconet and ye land belonging to Wollomonopog, all y$' lands I know was Philip's, and that he sold it to Dedham men. I was at Wollomonopoag when Dedham men bargained for it, and farther, when I was a boy, my grand-

3. "Sampson, an Indian, aged 55 years, and Deask, aged 40 years (Bristol, March, 1687), testifie and saith that we, having had some knowledge of the bounds of the lands which sometime did belong to Philip Sagamore, and it was always accounted that in the north or norwest part, his bounds went from Mashapogue pond, and so to Wawwatabscutt, and yn (then) Pabanuttuck, and to Bappatocket, & yn to Nihoquicag, and from thens straight away to Pontucket River, and that these places was Philip's propriate, being his outmost bounds that way, and further saith, that ye Indians yt dwelt ther did pay tribute to Philip. When they killed a bare they brought it to Philip.

4. "The testimony of an Indian called Labeock, aged 86 years (Decem. 24, 1686), who saith he knew all the lands here described to be aforetime Wassomeakin's (Massasoit), and after Philip, his son's. The bounds Eastward was at Mashapogue pond, and so from ye middle of that pond Northward over a high hill, and straight along to another great hill into Medfield ward, a hill called by the English Noon hill, and from that hill straight along to ye great River, called by ye English Charles River, and up y* River, to a pond and a little hill, which was by the Indians called Pabaluttock, wher was of old a hill field; ~ and further, his land was to Seanchapogue River, & so bake again southward to Senecheconet, and all yt land called Wollomonopogue. Isay I know all this land was, after Wassamakin's death, Philip's land, and that all Indians that lived ther when Philip was alive called him Sachem and payd tribut to him; and further, I hard Philip say that he had sold thos lands to Massachusetts men, and had no more to doe ther, and I did see Philip's men when they brought the pay to Philip.

5. "John Daggett, of Rehoboth, aged 64 years (Wrentham, March, 1687), testifie, that in former times, as I had frequent convers with the Indians upon Ocasion I was att a great meeting of ye Indians, or an Indian dance, where yr (there) was present Ansemakin, Sagamore of Mount hope, and Philip, his son, who was afterwards Sagamore, and a great number of Indians, and I did then understand that there was a bussell or controversie amongst ym, and many large words about ye Right of land, and after long debate the conclusion was, that from Pontuequet River and so northward by a small river near Sanchapogue, at least eight or ten miles, and y® (then) about Eastward, and so to Mashapogue pond, was and should be Ansemakin's land. Ys (this) meeting was, as nere as I can remember, upwards of 30 or nere 40 years since, and was on the land in controversie."

Land Titles. - In 1688 all grants of land were to This year the salary of Mr. Man was to be forty pounds, one-fourth in money, onefourth in English grain, and the other half in counbe in fee simple.

try payment. Ten persons agreed to pay certain sums towards the salary, twenty-six requested to be taxed their proportional parts. It would seem, therefore, that there were thirty-six taxpayers living here at this time. Of these, Ensign Blake was the wealthiest.

Public officers made moderate charges for their services in 1688. two days and to Dedham and Boston five days, charged twelve shillings. Swanze, Brestol, and Tanton five days, to Dedham and Boston four days, eighteen shillings.

In the assessment in December, 1688, for paying the expenses of clearing the Indian title, which was to be borne by proprietors as well as inhabitants, but few names except those of inhabitants appear. Man's policy that non-resident proprietors should sell out their interest in the lands here had prevailed. The tax also was fora black staff, for wine and ale measures, scales and beam, and for some finishing of the meeting-house, and other things for which the town is indebted. ble, whose duty it was " to carry his black staff in the execution of his office that none may plead ignorance."' was reserved. 'This was pursuant to the reservation made at the original planting of Wollomonopoag. No more specific statement of the quantity of land reserved for this use has been found. The southeast corner of Dearing's house-lot '' touched on the burying-ground." It was no doubt near the site occupied by Mr. Harlow. Although the proprietors appointed a committee to lay out the burying-ground, yet in 1795 no report of such committee could be found, rods for burial purposes. The old cemetery has recently been enlarged by the annexation of more of the land originally owned by Cyrus Guild. The ancient yard is filled with the dust of generations that have lived and died since Samuel Sheeres first came to Wol- But on the way leading from Capt. Robert Pond's along by Eleazer Metealf's, north on the land of Baruch Pond, eastward by common land on all other parts." Laid out March 28, 1735.

In 1689 the town made provision for the first person requiring help asa pauper. The constable was ordered to '" convey out of town a woman of late come from Boston to Mr. Blake's, unless she forthwith give bond with sufficient sureties for the securitie of the town."

Richard Puffer agreed to take the above-mentioned pauper for one year, and was to have "three pounds & ten shillings in Country pay, and in case she should larn to spin and card yn (then) yr (there) shall be consideration on yt account of ten or twenty shillings as may be meet."

The meeting-house was still unfinished in 1690. It was then voted that "it should be shingled on or before the 20th of June, 1690, the walls lathed, plastered, and white-limed, two galeries finished, and the windows gleased (glazed)." Watchmen were to walk two together "of a night" from the meetinghouse eastward and westward "not exceeding half a mile." The law of 1636 required them to examine all night-walkers after ten o'clock at night, unless they be known peaceable inhabitants; to inquire whither they are going and what their business is, and, if their answers are unsatisfactory, they were to be held securely until the next morning and carried before a magistrate to answer, etc.; and to secure any one after ten o'clock at night behaving "debauched by" or being "in drink." In short, like Dogberry's posse, these worthy officers were

And, further, they were 'to see all noises stilled and lights put out (except upon necessary occasions) for the prevention of fire as much as may be."

A circumstance illustrative of the spirit of the time happened in the case of Benjamin Force in 1691: Cornelius Fisher, having informed the selectmen that was ordered to make no contract with him until the selectmen should be satisfied, or that his stay in town should be limited, at least. in strict conformity to the rule adopted by the town,

A tax was assessed of thirty-six pounds for Mr. Man's salary, he being entitled to forty pounds, 'having reseved order from y*® Revt. Mr. Man to make it no more respecting the waight of publique charges." tham. The young settlement had now become able to contribute to public charges, and was assessed £135 16s. 4d. as its part of a county tax. This taxlist contained forty-two names, John Blake's having the largest sum set against it, viz., £9 11s. Lieut. Fisher's tax was £6 2s. 9d.

meadow, it was said it would be of great use to other meadows that way, one of which was the meadow at the mine. We get from this statement an idea as to the location of the mine, and infer that it was in the westerly part of the town; but as to its character, whether it was a gold-, silver-, copper-, lead-, or coalmine, we are not informed.'

One Dr. James Stuerd (Stewart), with his family, having taken up his residence at the house of Hleazer Gay, an admonition went swiftly from the selectmen to Eleazer that he must be responsible for this bold physician and his family according to the town's orders. It is probable that the forty-two householders, agement to a medical man, so that the worthy selectmen of that day most prudently prevented Dr. Stuerd from becoming an inhabitant unless the required security should be given.

In 1692 some new regulations were made concernning the admission of inhabitants. _New-comers were required to present themselves to the selectmen and bring with them certificates of their good behavior and fined. A town-meeting was called on the 28th of April, 1692, "by sun half an hour high in the morning to 1The Dedham Records, vol. iii. p. 206, speak of hopes of discovering a copper-mine within the bounds of Wollomonopoag at Harry's ground, on the west side of a brook that runs out of Mischo.

The town compensated Deacon Samuel Fisher and Cornelius Fisher, for their services as representatives to the General Court, by the payment of seven pounds and fifteen shillings ; and allowed Samuel Fisher, for his disbursements for ' Diat," etc., fifteen shillings for something more than two weeks, his horsekeeping included ; and Cornelius Fisher, for" Diat," drink, and other necessaries, one pound, fifteen shillings, and four

In 1693 the towns of Rehoboth (Attleborough) and Wrentham renewed their bound marks, being occupied three days in the matter, and beginning at Pawtucket River. Afterwards the selectmen were side of Dimon Hill nere Rehoboth line till the town " Showing that a part of what is now Cumberland, R. I., was within the limits of Wrentham.

It was now, 1693, voted that the annual townmeetings should hereafter be holden on the first Monday of March, and this continued to be the day of those meetings for about one hundred and eighty-five

It was not until the year 1695 that any steps were taken towards the building of a school-house. At this time the voters determined to build a watchhouse, which should serve the purpose of a school- It was 'to be so bigg as y' (that there) may be a room of sixteen foot squar besides Galleries were to be finished in the meeting-house and the people to be placed therein, and Hleazer Fisher was to sweep it, take care of the cushion, and provide a lock for the

Two dividends of land made in 1698 are instruc- The first was of timber land, consisting of only Seemtive. one and one-half acre to each cow-common. ing to prove a scarcity of timber land. And we also may add that the proprietors at different times made regulations concerning the use of timber, and for preventing trespasses and waste thereof. The second dividend was called the great dividend, being seven

(313), and that the number of proprietors was sixtythree (63). drawn - one being the church lot. the remainder were drawn by inhabitants and by cided that there should be "a contribution on the Lord's day, after the evening exercise, toward defraying his salary." The people had been very negligent

_ less inhabited, but nothing had been done in the way _ of a public school in all that time. But now the obli- _ gation could no longer be shunned, and the town voted to procure a schoolmaster. But it seems that the good fathers were not successful, for we find the record made that they had approached Mr. Cobbitt with an and although they had heard of other masters, yet 'considering the scarceness of money, etc., it is proposed for this winter time that ye Selectmen, and such others as will join in yt worke with them, doe _ by themselves or som others in their behalf, take their with them on this account. land were often delinquent in this respect. ecdote of the Rev. Jonathan French is told by President Quincy substantially as follows: 'The parish were bound to find him in wood ; the winter was coming on, and they had neglected to furnish it. Experience had taught him that a direct complaint would be useless. He waited therefore until the proclamation for Thanksgiving came, and after reading it to the congregation he said, with great apparent simplicity, | '"' My brethren, you perceive that his Excellency has appointed next Thursday as a day of Thanksgiving, and according to custom it is my purpose to prepare two discourses for the occasion, provided I can write them without a fire." The hint took effect, and before twelve o'clock on the succeeding Monday his whole winter's stock of wood was in his door-yard. A committee was appointed "to take care of the common meadow about Diamon Hill for the town's use.' Jurisdiction was taken by Wrentham over this part of Rehoboth (now Cumberland, R. L.). names of people born on territory now included within the limits of Cumberland were entered upon contracted with Ben Rocket to keep Hannah Kingsbury, a distracted or idiotic person, for one year for £3 10s. in money. In 1701 the number of taxpayers was fifty-four.

In 1702 so much progress was made that it was resolved to build a school-house "twenty foot long and sixteen foot broad, to be built and finished by next Michelmas or thereabouts.''

In the rate made for paying the cost of this schoolhouse, the selectmen included the names of fifty-eight Of these, Daniel Hawes was taxed thirteen shillings and Robert Ware twelve shillings and ten pence, Lieut. Ware eleven shillings twopence, Michael Wilson ten shillings and eight pence, and Eben Gay ten shillings, who are named as showing who paid the largest taxes, and what amounts

This first school-house was located near the present site of the bank building; at least, one stood there in /1738. On the 24th day of December, 1703, the selectmen 'did bargain and agree with Theodo" Man in behalf of the town to keep schoole, beginning January the 3d next insuing, until the next March for the sum of three pounds eight shillings in silver." He was a son of Rev. Samuel Man. In 1704, John Swineborn was employed for thirty shillings and his ' diet. In 1705, Theodore Man was offered forty shillings per month, and in 1707 the treasurer was directed to pay him four pounds for keeping school two months. John Fale, Jonathan Ware, and William Man were also employed to teach, and they, with others, kept the one school in town for some years. The town voted from time to time small sums for | repairing this solitary school-house.

month at Ebenezer Ware's; and in 1719 four schools were voted at four different quarters of the town. Jabez Wight, of Dedham, was employed to teach a grammar school for one-quarter of a year for ten pounds.

In 1723 a school was provided at Poppoluttuck, and the next year it was voted that the school be kept one-half the time in some convenient place near the meeting-house, and in that part of the town formerly belonging to Dorchester, and the other half in those places that that will accommodate those inhabitants In 1734, Mr. Joseph Bacon was employed to preach four months to keep school three months, for the sum of forty-two pounds. The schools were not permanently located in those days, it seems, as the matter of placing or stating them was frequently considered in town-meetings. 'To show what wages were then paid we append a few examples. In 1730, Nathaniel Newell was allowed twenty-seven pounds for keeping school threequarters of a year, and he procured his board for five shillings per week. 'The Selectmen agreed with Mr. David Cowell, to keep a grammar school in this town for one month for the sum of five pounds, and with Hezekiah Man for two months after the expiration of that time, and they were to provide for themselves." paid "fourteen pounds and his diet and lodging." Notwithstanding the division of the town into precincts in 1737, precinct schools were not established, although the law of the province allowed it.

answer to a complaint laid before the grand jury, for not keeping a grammar school." hundred families were under obligations by statute to maintain agrammar school. Whatever might be the notions of the selectmen of those days about a grammar school (and it seems that to instruct their children to read, write, and cipher was all they required of their teachers), the law-givers of 1647 defined it to fit youth for the university. And it is probable that our predecessors made attempts to provide such teachers, agents being sent to Cambridge, Dedham, Roxbury, ete., to procure them ; and Jacob Bacon, Hezekiah Man, David Cowell, Amariah Frost, James | Messinger, and Benjamin Guild, who were employed | grammar school was continued, and the school money remaining after paying for that was divided according to the number of children between four and sixteen years of age. his was the practice for many years. In 1767 the town voted to expend eighty pounds for the support of schools, and that the school should be kept in the circular form, - that is, moving about into different parts of the town according to their respective turns, until the eighty pounds be expended. The divisions of the town for school purposes were designated variously, as the Long Walk division, Capt. Day's division, the South End division, the school near Esquire Whitney's, Deacon Man's division, ete. In 1780 three thousand pounds were voted for the use of the school in this town, so depreciated had the currency become ; and in 1786 it was voted to keep a grammar school at the cheapest rate in order to clear the town of a fine; also, that young men intending to go to college should be exempt from poll-tax so long as the town is exempted from keeping a grammar-school master. The Legislature, in 1789, authorized a division of towns into districts, with bounds defined for school purposes. And in 1790, Deacon Man's division, so called, was changed into a school district, and the bounds thereof established. In 1802, districts one, two, and three were in like manner defined, and eventually, viz., in 1846, there were nineteen. A hundred years ago the school money was expended as follows, viz.: for the Benjamin Shepard division, three pounds, thirteen shillings, for the year 1777 ; the River End division, three pounds, eighteen shillings ; the Samuel Lethbridge division, three pounds, eightpence; Long Walk division, four pounds, one shilling, two pence; Capt. Fairbanks' division, five | pounds, eight shillings, four pence; North End divi- | sion, three pounds, nine shillings, fourpence; the Reuben Pond division, three pounds, nine shillings, fourpence; Joshua Grant division, four pounds, eighteen shillings, eightpence ; the South End division, six pounds, ten shillings; Capt. Day's division, five pounds, twelve shillings, eightpence ; the Samuel Hawes division, four pounds, eight shillings, tenpence ; Col. Metcalf's division, four pounds, eleven shillings ; pence; Plain division, three pounds, eightpence; Hast division, six pounds, seven shillings, tenpence. In the year 1800 five hundred dollars was granted for the support of schools; from 1802 to 1806, six hundred dollars; from 1806 to 1810, eight hundred dollars; from 1810 to 1827, one thousand dollars ; from 1827 to 1842, fifteen hundred dollars ; in 1846 it was two thousand dollars. From that time it has not 'been below two thousand dollars, and has been five lands here held a meeting at Dedham, and among other things voted to reserve land " for highways, of- | ficers' lots, burial-place, trayning-ground, and all other | lands necessary to be reserved for all public uses."

As early as 1685 they voted to "set out four or six | acres of their now common land in the most conven- | ient place near the meeting-house for ye accomodating and incouragement of a school, with twenty or twentyfive acres of other land, upland and swamp or swampy land."". This was "to be for the use and benefit of | the school, and not to be alienated to any other use or purpose whatsoever." The boundaries of the six acres first above-named were not established until 1741. In 1734 the proprietors passed a vote "that there be and hereby is given, granted, and confirmed | to the inhabitants of this town forever, for the use and | benefit of a school in this town, the income or use | thereof to be employed for the maintaining and keeping a school in this town, and to no other end or use | whatsoever, a piece or parcel of land commonly called | the school land, being upland and meadow land, con- | taining by estimation twenty-five acres, more or less, | butted and bounded, ete." These two tracts of land went by the name of the school land, and the meadow, at least, was leased to individuals for many years, un- til the people thought that their value in money would produce more income for the school, and therefore, in 1753, procured leave of the General Court to | sell them, it being ordered that the principal sum should always be kept good and the interest only applied towards the support of the school in said town, and that neither the principal or interest be applied to any other use."

Under this authority the lands were sold, and the income of the money arising from the sale applied to the use of the schools. Other lands granted to the town at other times were sold, and the proceeds (in 1759) also applied to the use of the school, and made | a part of the school fund.

In 1827, Benjamin R. Cheever, of Philadelphia, by his will gave the sum of one thousand dollars to | Wrentham, his native town, in aid of its school fund.

The income of this fund has never been diverted from the purpose to which it was devoted by its founders. In all the years since its creation, through | all the exigencies of the inhabitants, even in the straits | of the Revolutionary war, to their honor be it said |

| Day's Academy. For the establishment of this institution they were in a great measure indebted to the Rey. Elisha Fisk, who was the minister of the church others to raise funds for this purpose having been successful, a charter for an academy was obtained from the Legislature in 1806. It was named Day's Academy in honor of Benjamin Day, who contributed more largely to the funds than any other subscriber. The State granted a half township of Jand in Maine for the encouragement of the school. The amount subscribed in money was twenty-three hundred dollars. The General Court enacted that there be and hereby is established in Wrentham an academy by the name of Day's Academy, for the promotion of learning and religion, and that the present pastor and the present deacons of the First Congregational Church in said Wrentham, and their successors in office, together with Beriah Brastow, George Hawes,

Pond, Timothy Whiting, Daniel Ware, Amos Archer, David Fisher, Jr., Joseph Whiting, Jr., Eliphalet White, Luther White, Elijah Craig, Eliphalet Whiting, John Hall, Jr., William Brown, William Messenger, and such others as may hereafter associate with them, be and hereby are incorporated into a body etc. This act is quoted for the purpose of showing who were the men that interested themselves in the establishment of an institution whose influence was so important upon the community.

Nathaniel Emmons and an address by Bradford Sumner, Esq., the first teacher. It became a flourishing institution, and so remained until other academies - Mr. Fisk said of it, '' Many resorted to it for acquiring learning. fn it a large number of students have been fitted for

A Baptist Church was organized in the westerly part of the town in 1769. Its first settled minister was the Rev. William Williams, who graduated at In March, 1775, He

About the time of his settlement he opened an academy which attained to high distinction among the literary institutions of the day. He is supposed to have had under his care nearly two hundred youths, about eighty of whom he fitted for college, not a few of whom became distinguished in literary and professional life. He also conducted the thological studies of several young men with a view to their entering upon the ministry. He continued to teach and preach until about the close of his life. He was a fellow of Brown University from 1789 to 1818. In 1777, when the college building was occupied as a barrack for soldiers, and afterwards as a hospital for great respect not only in, but out of his denomination. Among his pupils were the late Hon. David R. | _ British ministry did not keep their promise, and after by a steady course of enlightened and Christian activity he accomplished an amount of good for his denomination which fairly entitles him to a place among its more distinguished benefactors. spirit of improvement and a love of intellectual culture throughout the circle in which he moved.'' - (Sprague's ' American Pulpit.'") *

Samuel Sheeres, the first white inhabitant, was by | vote of his fellow-townsmen exempted from the payment of all taxes in the future. Deacon Metcalf both refused to serve as representatives to the General Court; and Samuel Fisher, Jr., who had been chosen in 1702, was allowed " to make use of nine or ten shillings of the town's money in his hand if he stand in need." The selectmen were directed '' to take care that the seats in the meeting-house and was born in Hillstown, Bucks Co., Pa., in 1752. where he accumulated a handsome property and spent the remainder of his days. Hopewell, N. J., at a celebrated school taught by Rev. Isaac Eaton. versity, then located in Warren, R.I., one year in advance and

In January, 1704, the people seemed to feel some compunctions at the condition of their meeting-house, and resolved, " forasmuch as the place of the worship of God want finishing to make it sutable, &c., it is thought galeries may be made over the galeries that be, and the walls filled and white-limed, and then persons placed as ought to be that there may be decency and order in the house of God." The number of taxpayers was sixty-eight. In 1708-9 the town was threatened with presentment at the next Quarter Sessions unless Mr. Man's salary in arrear should be paid.

It seems from some votes passed in this latter year that men were impressed in Wrentham to serve against the French and Indians in the Canadas. We also learn that Ensign Blake was in the Queen's service. An attack of the combined northern colonies against Montreal and Quebec was meditated at this time, under the expectation that a British fleet and army would be sent to co-operate with them. But the waiting a long time for the appearance of the fleet the forces were disbanded without attempting anything. It does not appear whether any Wrentham men were in the expedition against Canada under- which terminated so disgracefully for the assailants. And after the peace which Walpole had maintained so long was at last broken, and the French and English in America were again in hostility, and Louisburg had been taken from the French by an army chiefly from Massachusetts, and again a project was formed to capture Quebec, and again the English fleet and army failed to appear, and the war was ended and

In that year the names of Benjamin Hubbard and Thomas Cook, both of Wrentham, are found upon the muster-roll of the company in his Majesty's "service, under command of Capt. John Jones, of Bellingham. And in the company of Capt. Eliphalet Fales, of Dedham, in 1756, were enrolled Michael Mulsey, Zachariah Worthee, Forster, and Simeon Forster, all of Wrentham. Also, Stephen Cook, of Marlboro', born in Wrentham, and Isaac Fisher and Ebenezer Streeter, of Wrentham, were in Capt. Nathan Tyler's company. Capt. Nathaniel Blake, of Milton, also enrolled in his company Abner Turner, Ephraim Randall, Jeremiah Blake, Michael Ware, Joseph Turner, Thomas Boyden who were all of

Wrentham. And in Maj. Stephen Miller's company, in Col. Bagley's regiment, Fort William Henry, Aug. 9, 1756, the following-named Wrentham men were enrolled, viz. : regiment at Wrentham, April 22, 1757, of which Samuel Day was captain, Benjamin Shepard, lieutenant, Ebenezer Cowell, ensign, Lemuel Kollock, clerk, John Hancock, Daniel Man, Pelatiah Metcalf, Gamaliel Gerould were sergeants, and Samuel Fisher and Elisha Harrington were drummers, and there were sixty-four privates. alarm-list of men between the ages of sixteen and sixty years, fifty-two in number, headed by the Rev. Joseph Bean, in which were also the names of Capt. Timothy Metcalf, Capt. Nathaniel Ware, Capt. Jona Whitney, Lieut. Joseph Fairbanks, Lieut. Ebenezer Cox, Dr. John Druce, Dr. Obadiah Blake, and others, some of whom had probably seen service in former conflicts with the enemies of the English.

In the same year Wrentham men were " inlisted or impressed for his Majesty's service" in Col. Miller's regiment, "'to be put under the command of his Excellency Jeffrey Amherst, Esq., general and commander-in-chief of his Majesty's forces in North America for the invasion of Canada, 1759." These men had been in an expedition against Lake George in 1758, and one of their number in 1757. Their names were as follows:

Capt. Abijah Hall, of Wrentham, commanded a company in the service, and the Wrentham men mustered into it were Daniel Hawes, Thomas Boyden, Nathan Hall, Jacob Bacon, Henry Crossman, Elisha Farrington, Jonathan Newton, Amos Man.

In Capt. Samuel Slocomb's company were Robert Cooke, John Boyd, Hleazer Blake, John Blake, Stephen Cook, Thomas Cook; they were enlisted April 2, 1759, and mustered out December, 1759.

In September of this year, Quebec having surrendered to the English, the war in North America was virtually at an end. But the English colonies had for many years been exposed to the hostile incursions of warlike French and Indians, and had suffered the loss of many lives and of much treasure. The New England towns contributed soldiers, and the preceding

Resuming our narrative, and returning to the year 1709, we find the people peacefully pursuing their usual avocations, and administering their prudential affairs with great economy, - ' fastening the loose glass in the Meeting-house,' for example, and " stop- ing." A few years later, John Ware and Ebenezer Fisher reported that they were appointed a committee to run the ancient patent-line between the counties of Suffolk, Bristol, and Plymouth, and had met Capt. Jacob Thompson, a surveyor, " but being shamed in the thing had done nothing.' 'This line was the boundary of the colonies of Plymouth and Massachusetts, and a prominent bound, called Angletree, in the respective colonies in 1664. But it seems that for a number of years, although surveys had been ordered, the line was in doubt. At length the Provincial Legislature enacted "that for the future a line beginning at a certain heap of stones on the west side