Early, Texas - History (part 5 of 11)

than any other. Gen. Tarrant sent Capt. Yeary with an interpreter to the prisoner to see if he would reveal anything, for prior to this he had been sullen and would not say a word. He was made to understand that if he would tell where the village was and how to find it he should not be hurt. He made a full revelation of the whole matter, and closed by saying, ""We be friends. " He was relieved, but kept under guard all night. After dark Tarrant sent ten men under Henry Stout, who was ordered to go to the village, reconnoiter the same and select the point of attack, and report by 4 o 'clock in the morning. This was done, and by daylight all were in motion under guidance of our trusty pilot for the village, which was reached about 9 or 9 :30 in the morning.

From our position we could see the Indians passing about in every direction. We were ordered to deposit our baggage and free ourselves of every encumbrance, and be ready for the charge in five minutes. When the time was out Gen. Tarrant said: "Are you all ready?" The response was in the affirmative. Then Tarrant in a low, yet clear, distinct voice, said: "Now, my brave men, we will never all meet on earth again there is great confusion and death just ahead. I shall expect every man to fill his place and do his duty. ' ' The command to charge was given. A level prairie about three hundred yards wide lay between the command and the first huts. This distance was measured off in less than half the time I am telling it. In a moment the sound of firearms, with a voice of thunder, rang out over the alarmed and terror-stricken inhabitants of that rude city of the wilderness. Tarrant and James Bourland, with Denton, led the charge, while every other man followed with the best speed his horse could make. I was riding a mule, furnished me by Aunt Gordon. . . . Well, pardon the digression. That mule was a mule, and, just like its kind, it was slow and made me among the last to reach the enemy. As I passed the first huts I saw to my right a number of Indians. I fired into the crowd with the best aim my excited nerves would allow. In a moment our men came upon them from a different direction, and for a short time the work of death was fearful. It was here that my mule was shot from under me. I felt like that I had lost my best friend. The air was full of bullets, and I took a tree. In a moment, however, I saw a number of our men on foot, some of them from choice, and others, like myself, because they could not help it. I left my tree and joined them. In less than an hour the village was cleared of Indians, and it seemed like the work of death was done.

Covered with dust and dirt and wet with sweat, and almost famished both for food and water, Tarrant called the little company together at a little spring. On roll-call it was found that not a man had been killed. A dozen perhaps had been unhorsed. Quite a number were hatless. As many as eight or ten were slightly wounded, but none in a painful manner. Many had made narrow escapes from death, as their rent clothes abundantly testified. Tarrant commended the men for their good behaviour and said, "Thank God, we are all here. You have had water; repair to the nearest huts and get your hands full of dried buffalo meat, and in fifteen minutes be ready for further advance."

My My How the buffalo meat was used up by those hungry men. At the expiration of the fifteen minutes Tarrant called the men together and ordered John B. Denton and Henry Stout each to take a squad of twenty men and pursue the retreating Indians, as a great number went north into the Trinity bottom by two paths leading out of the village. It so happened that I fell into the squad commanded by Capt. Henry Stout, who took the trail which led out from the northeastern part of the village. John B. Denton with his men took the trail which led out from the northwestern part of the village. Within some sixty yards of the river the trails came together. When Capt. Stout came to this point he halted and addressed his men : "Here the trail from the west unites with ours; a great many Indians have gone out on both trails ; from the large cottonwoods in view we are near the river. I think it is imprudent for a little squad of men to enter such a trap, for if the Indians make a stand at all, it will be at the river."

Instantly and without another word Captain Denton spurred his horse on in the path. Stout followed, and their men dropped into line, and the little company, in death-like silence, moved on toward the river. We found no prepared ford, but a merely well-worn buffalo trail, which led down into the river, and went out some eighty yards below. The north bank of the river was high and covered with a closely set undergrowth of brush. Here the Indians had secreted themselves. When the company reached the point opposite and under the Indians, they opened a deadly fire upon us, it being mainly directed upon our men at the front. Captain Denton was instantly killed, and Captain Stout had his arm broken. In this condition of affairs no command was given. The scene of death and the moment of suspense was awful to endure. Capt. Yeary hollowed out at the top of his voice, "Why in the h 1 don't you move your men out to where we can see the enemy ? We will all be killed here. ' '

The men began at once a kind of irregular retreat, and Capt. Stout had so far recovered from his shock as to be able to say, "Men, do the best you can for yourselves; I am wounded and powerless."

About this time some one exclaimed: "Captain Denton is killed. ' ' The shot was so deadly that there was no death struggle. He had balanced himself in his saddle, raised his gun and closed one eye, intending to deal death upon the enemy, when the death shock struck him. When his death was discovered his muscles were gradually relaxing, and his gun, yet in his hand, was inclining to the ground. The men nearest to him took him from his horse and laid him on the ground, and then we returned to the command at the village. We feared that after we left the Indians would scalp Captain Denton and otherwise mutilate his body, but this was not done. A squad of men were sent back to river to bring Denton 's body, which was done. I am glad to this day that I am one of the number to volunteer to go back and, if need be, to brave death to recover the body of Captain Denton.

About 4 or 4:30 p. m. the body of Captain Denton was securely tied upon a gentle horse, and the command moved out from the village, with some eighty head of horses and fifteen or twenty head of cattle taken from the village. We moved up the river a point not far from Fort "Worth, and there spent the night. Early next morning we crossed the river at a point where the timber was narrow. After crossing the river we travelled in the direction of Bird's Station, aiming for Bonham as our objective point. At about 11 a. m. we halted on a prairie on the south side of a creek, with a high bank on the north. On one of these elevations Captain Denton was buried.

The remains of Denton were exhumed in 1860 and reburied on Chisholm's ranch; but in 1901 the Old Settler's Association of Denton County took charge of the remains and reburied them on the courthouse square in Denton, and erected a monument to the memory of this pioneer for whom both the county and the town are named.

Two sons of Jno. B. Denton became itinerant preachers J. F. and John B., of the West Texas Conference; and another son, Dr. A. M. Denton, served for many years as superintendent of the State Asylum for the Insane at Austin. J. B. Denton 's widow was married in later years to Abner McKenzie, a brother of Kev. J. W. P. McKenzie ; and a daughter of this union became the wife of Milton Ragsdale, and Miss Belle Eagsdale and Allen K. Eagsdale are children of this marriage.

The name Mulkey is so well known in our later history that we pause here long enough to obtain an outline of "William Mulkey, the father of the Texas Mulkeys, who appears on the Bed River in an obscure way before 1840. "At the third session of our Conference," says Andrew Hunter, the nestor of Arkansas Methodism, 4 "there came to us by transfer from Tennessee one whose name should be preserved from oblivion. That was William Mulkey. He was a unique character. He was one of the best English scholars I have ever known." Continuing, the writer says: wards, it was a great mistake to send him to preach to Indians through an interpreter. It was like putting a steam engine to a common road wagon. Mulkey ran away from the interpreter and left him wondering where he would take up. In the fall the presiding elder brought him down into the white settlements, in Sevier and Hempstead counties, where, after the novelty growing out of the preacher's manner passed away, he did most effective work. Br. Mulkey served the church a number of years as a missionary to the colored people on the Eed River plantations, the owners giving him a good support. He located afterwards; went to Nashville, Tenn., and afterwards to Texas. My recollection is that he took to the lecturing field, and in travelling in a stage coach at one time became very sick and was left at a roadside house, where he died. He left several children, sons and daughters. One of his sons is in the evangelistic work in Texas, and his praise is in all the churches.

We were sitting together talking on various topics. The question was raised as to how much it was a Christian man's duty to bear from the wicked without resistance. I remember asking him the question direct: Brother Mulkey, suppose a wicked fellow should come up to you and say, "Bro. Mulkey, I am going to whip you" what would you do? To which Mulkey replied, "I would say to him 'Sir, if the Lord gives me grace I will bear it ; but if not, woe be to your hide.' "

While associated with McKenzie in the Indian mission field the two preachers found it necessary or convenient to live with their families in the same house. On one occasion during McKenzie 's absence, and while Mulkey had gathered the two families for morning devotion, one of the Mulkey boys and a girl of the other family interrupted prayer by engaging in an open fight. Mulkey suspended his prayer, ordered the others to remain upon their knees, and took the offenders into an adjoining room and settled with them. Quiet being re-

Contemporary Methodism In Northeast Texas 187

John W. P. McKenzie, after entering Texas, came to be one of the great figures in Methodist history in North Texas, as Robert Alexander became in the south, and both alike enjoyed an active career of more than forty years in the state of their adoption. Like Alexander also, McKenzie was of Scotch extraction and a native of North Carolina, where he was born April 26, 1806. His mother was converted in girlhood under Francis Asbury, and she became a staunch Methodist. Her adherence to the Methodists cost her for a time her place in the family circle, as her parents, Scotch Seceders, were so prejudiced against the Methodists that her father demanded that she renounce her faith or leave home. She chose to do the latter, though but a girl of fourteen. But her firmness not only won her place back in the home, but won her parents to the Methodist faith. McKenzie 's father was thrown from a wagon and killed, leaving the son when but a youth with his widowed mother. When but fourteen years of age McKenzie had shown such advancement in his books and such a thirst for knowledge that he was entered in the University of North Carolina. After two years he was sent to the University of Alabama at. Athens. Here he graduated with distinction, and for awhile filled the chair of ancient languages in his alma mater. 5 In 1829 he returned to his native state, and in the same year he was united in marriage to Miss Matilda Parks, whom he found to be through all the activities of his later life a helpmeet indeed. In 1831 he removed to s The facts about Dr. McKenzie 's education here given are from a Memoir contained in the Journal of the North Texas Conference, 1881. Dr. J. H. McLean says in a biographical sketch, Texas Methodist Historical Quarterly, July, 1909, that Dr. McKenzie was educated at the University of Georgia, then called Franklin College, "a few years after Bishop Pierce and Senator Toombs were graduated from the same institution," and that ' ' it was there he received the life-long sobriquet of ' Old Master ' for having quelled a difficulty among the students that had baffled the faculty, and by way of compliment the president remarked that 'Old Master himself could not have done better.' "

Maury County, Tennessee, and for five years he conducted a successful school near Columbia. "Up to this time," says a memoir, "he had been quite irregular in his religious life. Here he was thoroughly awakened . . . and he was regularly licensed to preach. " In 1836 he was admitted on trial into the Tennessee Conference, but having failed to reach the seat of the conference he met Bishop Morris in Little Rock, Ark., when he was ordained deacon and sent as a missionary to the Choctaw Indians. We have seen that Dr. McKenzie received his first appointment in Texas in 1839. Of this work he says : 6 " The writer was appointed to a field of labor south of Bed Eiver (1839), and his first circuit contained thirty-two appointments. This circuit was made in four weeks ; but soon the cry, ' Come over and help us, ' became so urgent that ere we were aware we had a six week's circuit. The labor was arduous, but there was no safe way to say No. In those days men came to Texas to work, not to hide away from a scene of failure, or to seek a soft place. . . . The receipts on our first circuit in Texas amounted to fifty-six dollars and seventy-five cents, and a wife and four children were to be supported. But the wife was not a mere boarder but a help-meet a producer and by rigid economy and constant industry we managed somehow to live. ' '

Dr. McKenzie, whose heart was ever inclined toward teaching, saw the dire need in this raw country for a good school of high grade. Besides, his health was beginning to fail under the strain of attending so large a circuit. In 1841 he took the supernumerary relation, and settling four miles west of Clarksville, opened his first school in a log house, with sixteen pupils. This was the beginning of McKenzie College, Methodism's first school in North Texas, which opened about eighteen months after Rutersville, her first school in the south, had been launched. Of the McKenzie school and her "Old Master" much more will need to be said as our history progresses. At this point we will turn again to the narrative of Andrew Davis, and extract his account of how a boy of that day could reach his thirteenth or fourteenth year without sight or sound of preacher or religious service of any sort, and find and example of the benevolent and forceful influence of the McKenzie 's in bringing the wild and uncouth children of that country into subjection.

I suppose it was about one year after my father's death that I went to Rev. McKenzie 's. My life was so divided and unsettled that I can hardly say where I did live. I hung on to my stepmother. I knew nothing any better. She was kind to me as my own dear mother could have been. . . . My step-mother could not think of remaining at the old home. She therefore had to get protection wherever she could find it, that made life unsettled and unsatisfactory until she married again, and by that change procured a home again. Though near a hundred miles from Pecan Point, where I was born, and the old friends of my father, they soon heard of his death, and also the character of life I was living, and knowing that there was not anything in my environments that promised the least future good to me, they began to plan to get me back to Eed River county, and if possible to get a home for me at Rev. J. W. P. McKenzie 's.

Among the friends of Red River county that took an active interest in me on my father's account were Mr. John Robbins and Ibbie Gordon. They conferred together and planned for the accomplishment of my return. They finally concluded to engage some teamster hauling supplies to Fort Lidy to hunt me out and bring me back and leave me at Mr. Robbin's. They finally found a teamster by the name of Crowder, who, by the way, had been a soldier at Fort Lidy and knew me. Providence soon ordered that I was at the Fort when Crowder arrived. When Mr. Crowder named his business to me I in a moment decided that I would not go. I loved my freedom. I loved the wild scenes of frontier life felt that I had as soon die as to leave them. Additionally the reflection came to my mind that

I was so far behind in everything that life would be miserable if I should go back. After long importunity I consented to go back. We were on the road two weeks. Mr. Crowder was driving an ox team. . . . Some days we never travelled more than six miles. . . . My imagination was all the while filling my mind with scenes and surroundings that would be embarrassing to me. Finally we arrived at Mr. Bobbins 's. . . . Near by the place where our old double-log house stood there had been reared a large two-story framed building, with all the modern improvements and conveniences, and painted until it looked as white as snow, with window blinds painted in impressive contrast. The floor was finely carpeted, and nice mates were profusely spread about. Mr. Bobbins met us in the most cordial manner. He seemed glad to see me and said I must enjoy myself again at the old home. My father had improved the place and sold it to him some years before. The family, even the children, saw my embarasment, and seemed .to sympathize with me. I was dressed in buck-skin clothes from head to foot. These clothes were glazed with a mixture of grease (mostly bear's oil) and dirt. The elbows, knees, and even the seat of my pants, were all worn and patched, which I thought made me look like a comic picture. Mr. Eobbins had a large number of colored peaople, and the colored cook, with a parcel of little negroes, came upon the scene and stood around and looked at me as if I was on exhibition. The room all furnished with fine chairs, many of them finely cushioned, all so clean and nice, that I felt my clothes would soil them. I had been used to old chairs, patched up to make them go as far as possible, and stools and benches. But finally I had to come to terms and set down on these clean, nice chairs. . . .

I was at Mr. Bobbin's about two weeks. . . . Finally one day about 11 a. m. Mr. Bobbins came out to where I was playing, and said Uncle Ab had come for me to come on up to the house ; dinner would soon be ready. He took me by the hand, and as we walked on to the house I asked him who Uncle Ab was. He said he was a brother of McKenzie's, and superintended all the affairs of the home and farm. As we approached the gate Mr. Bobbins said, "That is Uncle Ab's horse and buggy there." The buggy right new had never been soiled in the least. I had never seen one so clean and nice. I knew what it was for, but me to sit in it with my dingy clothes would soil it. ... Dinner over, Uncle Ab seemed to be in a hurry. The farewell was taken, and at once we started for my new home. I was perpetually uneasy about the fine new buggy, afraid my clothes would soil it. I labored not to touch against the buggy any more than I could help. . . . Uncle Ab saw that I was not well at ease, and labored to draw me out in conversation about the frontier, about my past life and all the rough scenes through which I had passed. When we were nearing our destination Uncle Ab said to me, "John and Matilda are not at home; they are at the camp-meeting. Some of the servants are at home. We will stay at home to-night, and go out to the camp-ground in the morning." The term camp-ground I did not understand. I had known a great deal about common camp-life, and also about military encampments, but had never heard the word used in that way. It was impossible for me to eliminate from my mind the idea of military. I had never been to any religious encampment up to that day. I had never seen any kind of religious services, nor had any person ever talked to me on the subject of religion. . . . Next morning we started for the camp-ground. Uncle Ab said it was 12 or 15 miles from John's out there. We passed through Clarksville. It had grown wonderfully in the past three or four years. But on we went at slow pace until near 11 o'clock a. m. Uncle Ab said we would soon be there. We were in post oak timber. I began to look out for camp. Sure enough directly the encampment began to come into view. "Yes," said I to myself, "there is trouble here." Here, there and everywhere in all directions, covering a large space of ground, were the white tents and covered wagons. There were a large number of horses, mules and oxen tied all about the tents. . . . Uncle Ab drove up among the tents and got out. After hitching his horse he said, "John's in the pulpit now." I don't think that I bad ever heard the word pulpit used before. And the whole thing to me assumed the appearance of a military encampment or gathering. What kind of addition a pulpit could be was a great mystery to me. Just as these reflections were passing through my mind Uncle Ab said, "Let us go on up to the stand." As he said that he started on, I moving in a slow reluctant manner. When we arrived in about fifty yards of the stand, as Uncle Ab called it, I saw Brother McKenzie in some kind of rough looking box. I saw a large collection of people, men, women and children, all seated in a quiet mood. Brother McKenzie the only person that seemed to be in trouble. He seemed to be as restless as though he stood on embers, running first to one end of the box and then to the other, as though he wanted to get out of the box. He was talking loudly, and his gestures were of the most violent character. At once I concluded that for some cause they had him confined in the box so that he could not get out, or that he feared to come out. It all indicated some serious trouble to me, that whatever the nature of the trouble it was just reaching a crisis, that some one was in trouble and some one was going to be hurt. So I decided to keep out of it. Just at this moment we were pasing a large post oak. I said, "Mr. McKenzie, you can go on up there; I'll stop here at this tree." "Oh, come on," he said, "we will get a seat behind the pulpit." I said, "I am not going there; you can go on." He saw the state of my mind and that it would not do to try to force me, so he started, but after going a few steps he turned around and said, "Now will you stay here until I come back?" I replied, "Well, I recon I will" but I intended to take to the woods if trouble came. Mr. McKenzie went on up to the arbor and sit down back of the pulpit. I kept to the tree watching with a hawk's eye every movement. My eye was on J. W. P. McKenzie all the time. He seemed the center of interest. All at once, like a flash, he bounded out of the box, ran around out of my sight. Just at this moment the congregation stood up. "There, there," I said "he's broke out of the box; the row is going to come off now." But just at the moment of my most intense excitement and alarm there arose from the congregation the sound of music. It reverberated to the highest heaven and broke in mellow and melting tones among the boughs of the trees. "Well," said I to myself, "there cannot be any trouble here ; the whole thing is a mystery to me, but there cannot be any danger." So I ventured to sit down in the shade of the tree and wait for my friend Uncle Ab. After awhile I saw Uncle Ab and his brother coming. The manner in which J. W. P. McKenzie met me and talked to me impressed me deeply and won my heart at the very first, and taking my hand he said, "Come on with me up to the tent and see Mrs.

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The tent and all about were alive with people, all clean and well-dressed. I still had on my well glazed suit of buck-skin. I was greatly embarrassed. The children stood around and gazed at me as the wonder of the day. But Mrs. McKenzie met me with such an expression of love and sympathy that no mortal could keep from loving her. She led me away from the crowd, back into the cook room, and said to an old colored woman that seemed to have universal oversight of the cooking department, "This, Aunt Dicey, is our adopted boy. I want you to spread him a good dinner here on this side table and see that he gets plenty to eat." Sister McKenzie sent a young man to Clarksville that afternoon after cloth to make me a suit of clothes. By 2 p. m. next day I laid aside my deer-skin suit of clothing and put the new suit on ; but I was still shy about the arbor ; never went under it, but stood about the edges of the congregation, and sometimes would sit down on the outside. This camp-meeting was the first religious assembly I ever saw, the first preaching and praying I ever heard. . . . J. W. P. McKenzie was the first preacher I ever saw. I shall never forget that Sister McKenzie, though cumbered with care all the time, gave marked attention to me. . . . The camp-meeting closed at a late hour on Sunday night. Everybody seemed to be happy, and on Monday morning all the tenters pulled up stakes and returned home. Late on the afternoon of this day my life began in my new home.

We can rest assured that Andrew Davis is now in safe hands. We shall hear from him, and many others who, from time to time, came under the influence of Dr. McKenzie and his noble wife.

Chapter Xiii The Year 1841-1842

THE years 1841-42 were fruitful ones for the Church in Texas, and witnessed the spread of the work into many hitherto unoccupied localities. On the southwestern border the Victoria country, which had called so loudly the year before for a preacher, was covered in 1841 by J. P. Sneed, who succeeded in organizing churches in Victoria, Gonzales, Port Lavaca and Seguin. The statistics returned for that section in the fall showed 64 white members and 24 colored. On the northwest frontier, covered by Austin circuit, embracing all the upper Colorado, John Haynie reported at the close of the year 1841, 147 white members and 11 colored. From the new Harrison circuit, which was rapidly forming the connecting link between Texas proper and the Bed Eiver territory, a membership of 334 white and 24 colored was shown at the end of the year.

The year 1841 saw the organization of the first permanent Methodist Church in Houston, under the pastorate of Thomas 0. Summers, according to Mrs. Blandin, a local church historian. 1 "Previous to Mr. Summers' arrival in Houston," says this author, "Mr. Alexander had organized a class of fourteen; but the first permanent organization was made in 1841 by Mr. Summers." Jesse Hord, who included Houston in his circuit in 1838-39, records in his journal in April, 1839, the following item relating to a church in Houston: "Our church or class in this populous city numbers 14, joined by letter. Bro. Stringfellow was appointed class-leader & Bro. Fisher class steward. This I presume is the first Methodist class ever organized in the city; if one had been previously formed I think I should have heard something of it, having canvassed the city from center to circumference in the distribution of tracts." Although Hord does not say in so many words that he organized this church, the fact is made plain in the journal of another early preacher in Houston. From "Allen's Eeminiscences of Texas" we have the following: 2 " Just a year after my first preaching in Houston [this would make it, according to previous entries, March 31, 1839] organized the Presbyterian Church, the first Church in the city, ten members. . . . During the winter and spring of 1839, many ministers of different denominations appeared in Houston. . . . The first Methodist Church was organized soon after the Presbyterian by a Bro. Hord, as also the Protestant Episcopal, all within a month or six weeks." The fact then is, according to these concurrent testimonies, that Hord organized a Methodist Church in Houston in April, 1839, with fourteen members. Whether this organization disintegrated or suspended its activities is another matter. The historian of Houston Methodism thinks it did, and credits Mr. Summers, as above, with giving Methodism a permanent existence in Houston. The same writer adds: "As there was no church building in Houston, and the capital had been removed to Austin, and the old capitol converted into storehouses, Mr. Summers preached in a room over a store on Capitol Avenue, between Milam and Louisiana Streets."

Among the earliest members of the church in Houston were Charles Shearn, Alexander McOrowen, Mrs. Winn (daughter of Dr. Euter), Capt. Mosely Baker, Darius Gregg, Dr. John L. Bryan and wife, Francis Moore

((mayor in 1843), and G. S. Hardcastle. Charles Shearn came from England and settled in Texas in 1834. In 1837 he located in Houston and entered business. Religiously he was described as "an old fashioned Methodist, loyal to the doctrines, faithful to duty, and generous with his time and money in the interest of the church." He was one of Houston's first class-leaders, and was on the first board of stewards, filling both places in his church for more than thirty years. We shall have occasion to note more in detail his services to the church in Houston and to the Church at large in Texas in after years.

Alexander McGowen was a true fellow-laborer with Shearn in Houston. A native of North Carolina, he came to Houston in 1839. He became prominently identified with public affairs in the city and state, serving for three terms as mayor of Houston, and taking a prominent part as a member of the constitutional convention of 1845. He was converted in Houston, and joined in the organization of the first church. He served as trustee of his church for fifty-odd years and for many years as steward. Mr. McGowen died in 1892, and his funeral service was held at Shearn Church, conducted by Dr. G. C. Rankin, then pastor.

Darius Gregg and G. S. Hardcastle were both among the earliest settlers of Houston ; both successful in business affairs, and both were among the first officials and loyal supporters of the first Methodist church in Houston.

Like the Roman centurion, who "loves our nation and hath built us a synagogue," the name of T. W. House holds an honorable place in Methodist annals in Houston, though he was never a member of the church. Mr. House, who was a native of England, located in Houston in 1837 and entered business, his first venture being a bakery and confectionery. After a few years he founded a bank and established the largest wholesale dry goods and grocery house in the state. He became prominently connected with many other interests and succeeded in amassing a large fortune. Mr. House married the only daughter of Charles Shearn, and this relation, together with his early formed friendship for Dr. Summers both being Englishmen led him to devote much interest and means toward church building in Houston. He was a trustee of the Methodist church until his death in 1880, and after his death a son, T. W. House, Jr., succeeded to that office, so that for sixty-five years the name of T. W. House appears on the records of Shearn Church as a trustee. Col. Edward M. House, of recent international note, is another son of T. "W. House.

Mr. Summers 's work in Houston and Galveston in 1841-42 resulted in getting under way church buildings in both cities. The church in Gralveston was erected in 1841-42 and was named Ryland Chapel, in honor of the Eev. Wm. Eyland, of Washington, D. C., who contributed liberally to its cost. The first church building in Houston was launched at a quarterly meeting held there in March, 1842, by Eobert Alexander. The building committee was composed of Charles Shearn, T. W. House, D. Gregg, A. McGowen and Gr. S. Hardcastle. The building, thirty-five by sixty feet, with a sixteen foot annex, and galleries for colored people, was erected of brick, and was the first brick church in Texas. It was not completed or used until 1844.

From various sources we have a few glimpses of how the work was going on here and there in the interior of the country during this period. A contributor to the Texas Wesley an Banner in 1850 remembers the following:

On the 4th of July, 1841, a Sunday school was organized in Yellow Prairie, then Milam county, Texas, by Brothers Alexander Thompson and D. W. Wright. It was well attended and much interest manifested, and while some who attended that

In the latter part of 1841 the first camp-meeting ever held in San Antonio Prairie was held at Waugh Camp-Ground, then Milam county, by Bros. R. Crawford, D. N. V. Sullivan, D. N. Wright and C. W. Lewis. There were about twenty old fashioned conversions.

In the fall of 1841, previous to the meeting held at Waugh Camp-Ground, there was a camp-meeting held on Cedar Creek in Robertson county (the first held at that place), by Bros. S. A. Williams, R. Crawford, D. N. Wright, W. C. Lewis, D. Carl and J. H. Collard. Many spreading their tents to shelter them from the sun by day and the dew by night ; using the hindgates and other parts of their wagons for tables. They ate their frugal meals, worshipping God in the simplicity and beauty of holiness. About 18 or 20 were happily converted at this meeting.

Dr. Summers made a camp-meeting tour in the interior during 1841, and in a series of communications to the church paper in New York he reports on some of these and other conditions and incidents. He assisted in camp-meetings at Rutersville and Montgomery campground, and at both places he and J. W. Kenney carried on the meetings, due to the sickness and absence of many other preachers. " While at Enter sville," he says, "I made inquiries in respect to the college and was pleased to learn that it was increasingly prosperous. There are in both departments between 70 and 80 students. They are progressing rapidly in their studies ; and what is better still, a number of them have recently given their hearts to God. ... A building, 52 by 26, two stories high, will soon be finished for the better accommodations of the male students."

Another circumstance noted was much sickness among the preachers, and their poor financial condition. The health of Littleton Fowler had failed, Dr. Summers says, and he had been driven into the cornfield to seek a support for his family. "I have since inquired into the affair, ' ' says the writer, ' ' and find that it is not only true of him, but of some others of our number, if not all, who have families to support.'* It is but one of many references to be found in contemporary records of the straits the preachers often found themselves in. A few quarterly conference reports will explain these circumstances, as well as reveal to us what business was carried on in those days, and how. Here are the full minutes of a quarterly conference for Montgomery circuit in 1840, given verbatim et literatim:

Second quarterly m. Conference for Montgomery circuit June 20th 1840 Spring Creek. Members Present Moses Speer A P Eobert Crawford A P John Woolam Ex H. G. Johnson Richard Davidson C L James B Hogan C L

Br John C. Woolam came dewly recommended Befour the quarterly M. Conference Montgomery circuit for License to preach as local Preacher and was dewly Elected

Br Richard Davidson came before the quarterly M. Conference Dewly Recommended For License to Exhort and is dewly authorized by Conference to use his gifts that way Robinsons Camp ground was appointed for the next quarterly M. Conference Sept 26th & 27th 1840 , . .

Moses Speer Pres

The minutes of the first quarterly conference of 1841 are exceedingly brief, and show that the preachers departed as they came with empty pockets :

[Here follows a list of twenty-four appointments. No financial report or other business. Signed by S. A. Williams, P. B., and J. H. Collard, Sec.]

The minutes of the third quarterly conference show a financial report of "ten dollars Texas $1.12 specie " from one point, and $20 (unspecified) from another.

Dropping over into 1842 conditions do not appear to have much improved on this circuit. The minutes of the fourth quarterly meeting close with a little unconscious humor :

The Year 1841-1842 201

The small monetary dividends accruing to the ministry did not seem to discourage others who felt moved to preach. An examination of the quarterly conference records for Montgomery circuit, for example, through the years 1839-41 show that eight applicants were granted license to preach. These were Daniel Carl, Nathan Shook who was licensed "on condition that he place property in the hands of Bro. Joshua Eobinson and J. H. Collard to liquidate his debts in the United States" John C. Woolam, J. H. Collard, E. W. Owen, Wm. Eobinson, Eichard Davidson and Isaac Tabor. Six of these were recommended for admission into the traveling connection; namely, Carl, Shook, Woolam, Collard, Owen, Davidson. Another item worth noting is, that at the second quarterly conference for this circuit in 1842 it was "Eesolved that the stewards of this circuit be and they are hereby appointed a committee to receive donations in land, money and other property for the purpose of building and furnishing with heavy furniture a parsonage for Montgomery circuit." This is the first instance we find of such steps being taken in Texas.

Eeferring again to the financial support of the preachers, we have seen that the Mission Board in New York was at this time in such an embarrassing situation as to be unable to relieve the forces in Texas, contributing nothing in 1840, and only a small amount in 1841. The missionary appropriations for Texas for the years 1838- 41 were as follows : 8 s From Annual Eeports. Information furnished by Wm. B. Tower, in charge of Bureau of Surveys and Eesearch, Board of Foreign Missions, Methodist Episcopal Church. Mr. Tower says in a letter to the author: "After May, 1841, expenditures for Domestic Missions are not given in

Notwithstanding the poor financial reports, the preachers and the Church prospered in spiritual things, as the returns made at the next conference showed a net increase of nearly one thousand in membership. The exact figures were: 4 2352 white members, 407 colored, and 36 local preachers, making the whole number in society 2795, a net increase over last year of 917. The conference met in San Augustine on December 23, with Bishop Thomas A. Morris presiding. Bishop Morris had traveled overland from St. Louis, in company with John Clark and family and J. W. Whipple, who had come from Illinois to enter the work in Texas. We will let Bishop Morris add some observations on his trip to Texas, in which he gives an account of the conference : 5

The road from Nachotoches to the Sabine is broad, much travelled, and though passing over a broken country, would be tolerably pleasant if it were not torn to pieces by the cotton wagons ; but we were almost constantly meeting teams of horses, mules or oxen, mostly from Texas, drawing ponderous loads of this staple to Nachotoches, the great cotton depot for eastern Texas, as well as its own vicinity, in consequence of which much of the road was in bad condition. . . .

Friday, 17th, we came down to Sabine river, at Gaines's Ferry ; stopped on the east shore ; took our last luncheon in the United States; crossed over and were within the limits of the "virgin republic." . . . Pendleton is the name of a poor village on the west bank, containing some six or eight houses, most of which are empty. Leaving this we passed over level ground, ploughing through white sand, which tried the strength of our teams for four miles, when we rose onto high ground and entered the border of that interesting part of Texas called the Redlands, which is thickly settled and well improved. Our first night in the republic was passed at Redland Camp, near a pure fountain of excellent spring water, clear, soft and pleasant to so I was unable to trace down these names and find which ones represented the Texas Conference. . . . For this reason expenditures for 1842, 1843, and 1844 cannot be given here. ' ' the taste, a short distance east of Milam. Here we found ourselves in a pleasant and plentiful country. Whatever we desired for ourselves, or horses, was readily obtained, and on reasonable terms, compared with what we had been paying for the same articles in Arkansas and Louisiana. . . . Saturday morning, 18th. After breakfast we passed through Milam, the seat of justice for Sabine county, which is built on the red clay, and contains from twelve to twenty houses, nearly the color of the dust in their streets. In sight of town was a gallows still standing, where there had recently been an execution, the particulars of which we did not learn, and I only advert to it to remind bad people in the United States, that if they do not wish to be hung, they had better keep away from Texas. . . . There are in this part of the republic an enterprising community, and strong indications of growing wealth among them.

Saturday evening we reached San Augustine, the seat of justice for the county of the same name. This is one of the largest towns in Texas containing some eight hundred or one thousand inhabitants. The houses are mostly frame, and are painted white. There is in the town an academy, of respectable appearance ; also a new Methodist chapel, about forty by thirty feet, just brought into use, but not finished. We were glad to finish this tedious journey. My travelling companions had come from the extreme north part of Illinois, more than one thousand miles, with the same teams, and I had accompanied them from St. Louis to this place about seven hundred and fifty miles. Our time from St. Louis through was two months, but deducting the Sabbath and other days on which we stopped to preach or rest, we were actually on the road thirty-seven days, and slept in our own camp twenty nights. . . .

The Texas conference met on the 23d instant, in the city of San Augustine. Most of the members were present; two were absent, and one or two of those in attendance were in poor health. There has been no death among them in the past year ; but some of the first band of missionaries are nearly worn out. The conference was reinforced by four transferred, one readmitted, and three young men admitted on trial ; one located, and two probationers were discontinued. The whole number of names on the Minutes is twenty-three sixteen are members of conference, and the balance are on trial. ... Seven deacons and two elders were ordained, all local brethren except three of the deacons. . . . The missionary meeting was held on Monday night; and though the weather was damp and chilly, it was well attended; the amount collected was seventy-four dollars and forty-four cents. Some jewelry was thrown in, after which one gave four town lots ; another fifteen lots ; one one hundred acres of land, two others three hundred and twenty acres each, and one a quarter of a league. . . . Tuesday evening the conference terminated a harmonious and pleasant session of five days, and every man repaired to his own field of labor, ready to spend and be spent in its cultivation.

At this conference Charles W. Thomas, Jacob Crawford, James G. Johnson and George West were admitted on trial. H. D. Palmer, Daniel Carl, Eobert Crawford, John Haynie and Josiah W. Whipple were ordained deacons. Dr. A. P. Manly was granted a location, and S. A. Williams took the supernumerary relation. The transfers into the conference were John Clark, J. W. Whipple and Orceneth Fisher, all from the Illinois Conference, and William Craig from the Mississippi Conference. The appointments were as follows :

Nacogdoehes, William Craig. Harrison, to be supplied. Panola, Jacob Crawford. Jasper, to be supplied. Liberty, Joseph Sneed. Crockett, Nathan Shook, Jas. H. Collard.

Robert Alexander, P. B. Brazoria, Jesse Hord. Montgomery, Daniel V. N. Sullivan. Huntsville, Henderson D. Palmer. Nashville, to be supplied. Franklin, Jas. G. Johnson.

The Year 1841-1842 205

The preachers are now becoming too numerous to give an extended introduction to each one as he appears in the appointments; but a way will be found of giving each one due notice somewhere in this record. Suffice it to say now that the three new recruits from Illinois were all strong men. Fisher had been in Texas before, as we have seen. John Clark is to remain in Texas but two years, but he cuts no small figure in our history, in more ways than one. Josiah W. Whipple is to become a household word over a large section of our Church in Texas for many years.

After the close of the conference at San Augustine Bishop Morris traveled on to Washington, where he sought out the grave of Dr. Euter, and he visited Butersville, Bastrop and Austin. He then journeyed to Houston and Galveston, and returned home. Bishop Morris writes of his visit to the grave of Dr. Euter: "The mournful spot sought for was easily found without a guide, the grave being enclosed by a stone wall and covered with a white marble slab, three feet wide and six long, with a suitable inscription. At the foot of the slab stands a small hickory tree, hung with Spanish moss, waving in the breeze over the charnal-house. As we stood under this three reading the solemn epitaph, the sun was disappearing in the west, while a thousand thoughts of the past rushed upon our minds, and forcibly reminded us that our own days would soon be numbered. With Dr. Ruter I had often united in preaching the Gospel to crowded assemblies in Ohio and Kentucky. He now rests from all his toil, enjoying the promised reward. . . . When we read on the cold marble, 'thirtyseven years an itinerant minister of the Methodist Episcopal Church, and superintendent of the first mission of that Church in the republic of Texas,' and then remembered that the same mission had already become a respectable annual conference, and was still increasing, the thought arose, whereunto will this mission grow, and what cause of rejoicing must this be to its first superintendent forever? Our visiting the graveyard at sundown in a village where we knew no one, and where no one knew us, seemed to excite some curiosity. A colored boy, sent no doubt for the purpose, came and inquired whence we journed? Our answer was, 'Into all the world/ That night we were kindly received and entertained at the house of brother Lynch, sheriff of the county, two miles west of town. ' '

Chapter Xiv The Year 1842-1843

THE summer and fall of 1842 were the gloomiest Texas had known since the battle of San Jacinto, according to H. S. Thrall, a preacher who arrived in Texas that year. The Mexicans had sent another army into Texas, and San Antonio had fallen into their hands. They attempted, or threatened, to blockade the Texas coast, which intimidated trade and travel from that direction. The government had temporarily abandoned Austin for the more interior location of Washington. The Indians were unusually hostile and threatening along the frontier. The whole lower country was flooded with water from excessive rains and overflows. Texas money was almost worthless, and there was no "good money " in circulation. Cotton brought from three to five cents a pound in Houston, when it could be delivered there.

The conference met on December 23d at Bastrop. The bishop didn't come a most disappointing announcement to any conference, especially in those days. The venerable Bishop Roberts, who had been appointed to hold the conference, was taken sick at the Arkansas Conference, and had to return to his home in Indiana, where he soon died. Robert Alexander was elected president of the conference, and Thomas 0. Summers secretary. The sessions were held in a back room of a storehouse, some ten by twelve feet, containing a fireplace, and in a vacant storeroom nearby temporary seats were placed where a larger company might assemble for the preaching services. Nearly all the preachers were present, and it is

At this conference J. T. P. Irvine, Jno. C. Woolam, Robert B. Wells, Preston W. Hobbs, and Wm. C. Lewis were admitted on trial. John W. Kenney was readmitted. James H. Collard and Nathan Shook were elected to deacon's orders, and Daniel V. N. Sullivan to elder's orders, but they were not ordained, owing to the absence of the bishop. The reports of the preachers showed a net increase in membership over the previous year of 956, making a total of 3738 members, of whom 3202 were white, including 40 local preachers, and 536 colored. The Church in Texas had evidently been imposed upon by some one or more unworthy preachers, as a resolution was adopted at this conference to the effect that "no preacher who has been expelled from the Church elsewhere should have his ministerial character recognized here until his credentials are restored by a vote of the Conference that had previously taken action in his case. ' ' It is to be noted from the minutes of the conferences in those days that certain funds, which are now handled separately, were then carried under one head. The missionary fund, or "the amounts necessary to make up the deficiencies of those who have not received their regular allowance on the Circuits," and "the amounts necessary for the superannuated preachers, and the widows and orphans of preachers," were reported under one question, and in the distribution of the fund we note that a certain part was alotted * ' To the Bishops. ' ' At this conference the fund distributed amounted to $1094.65, of which $800 came from the Book Concern in New York. But as usual the Texans were not merely receivers of mission funds, but they were ready to lend their support to the general work of the Church. ' ' The various benevolent enterprises of the Church also came before the Conference," says the Report of the Board of Missions, "and evidently excited a deep interest among the preachers.

The Year 1842-1843 209

Resolutions were passed in which the preachers pledged themselves to take up collections for the liquidation of our missionary debt, and to carry out, as far as possible, the 'cent-a-week system.' The anniversary of the Conference Missionary Society was held toward the close of the session, at which a most excellent spirit prevailed. As the people in Texas are almost entirely destitute of money, they were obliged on this occasion to evince their attachment to the missionary cause by the consecration of their property. One gentleman gave to the Society 500 acres of land situated near St. Marks [probably San Marcos] ; and another the one-half of 150 acres near Rutersville. One gave a cow and calf, others jewelry, etc., while a deep interest for the missionary enterprise seemed to pervade the whole assembly."

Before the adjournment of the conference the members repaired in a body to the " preaching room," where the sacrament of the Lord's Supper was administered by Thomas 0. Summers, after which Robert Alexander, the president, read the appointments. In these appears the new district of Lake Soda, covering the upper portion of eastern Texas, with Littleton Fowler presiding elder, and the new charges appearing for the first time were Shelbyville, Lamar Mission, Franklin, and Huntsville. Thirty-five preachers received appointments at this conference, among whom we find a number of new names, transfers to Texas. In fact there entered Texas that winter one of the largest and best known companies of recruits which our history has known, and these all from Ohio. Homer S. Thrall, one of them, says in his "History of Methodism in Texas":

There was still a demand for more preachers. To secure volunteers Mr. Fowler attended some of the Northern Conferences. Among others he visited the Ohio Conference, held by Bishop Morris in Hamilton, 0., Sept. 28, 1842. Before Mr. Fowler arrived at Hamilton, H. S. Thrall, who had just been elected to deacon's orders, had applied for a transfer to Texas. Dr. Ruter's letters, published in the Advocate, in New York, in 1837, had influenced Mr. Thrall to select Texas as the ultimate field of ministerial labor.

Mr. Fowler made a speech and called for volunteers for Texas. J. B. Finley and Z. Connell took a vacant seat in front of the speaker, as though they were ready to go. These venerable men were crowded off by some younger brethren, who persisted in taking their places. Something was said about the best route to Texas, when Daniel Poe arose and gave some valuable information. Mr. Poe had lost a brother, Major G. W. Poe, of the Texas army, in Texas, and had visited the Republic. Mr. Finley, the old chief, moved that the Conference send Mr. Poe to take charge of the boys. This was agreed to at once. Some one asked Mr. Poe if Mrs. Poe would be willing? He replied that the first time he saw his wife she was teaching among the Indians at the head of Lake Superior, and she would go wherever the authorities of the Church thought it best to send her husband. The Minutes of the Ohio Conference for that year show that Daniel Poe, Homer S. Thrall, John W. DeVilbiss, William 0' Conner, Richard Walker, and Wilbur J. Thurbur were sent as missionaries to Texas. Mr. Poe called the Texans to meet in Cincinnati. They were here joined by Isaac M. Williams, from the North Ohio Conference.

We are told in another connection * that among those who arose at the Ohio Conference and started to take his seat among the volunteers for Texas was Randolph S. Foster, afterwards Bishop Foster, when a member of the conference sitting near him caught him by the coattail and pulled Mm back, saying, " Randolph, you have no business in Texas. ' ' Mr. Thrall in Ms ' ' History ' ' says that of this Ohio company of volunteers "Mr. Poe was the only one who reached Conference at Bostrop," but strange to say he records in certain "Reminiscences" that he himself reached WasMngton on the 17th of December, and that he arrived at Bastrop, the seat of the conference, on the 21st (two days before the conference opened). "Here," he says, "I met Brothers Fowler and Poe, and I learned that the other brethren from Ohio would not be at the Conference, having entered Texas by the way of Red River." Thrall had taken passage on the first river packet out of Cincinnati for New Orleans, ahead of the rest of the company, thence he proceeded to Galveston and up to Houston, where he met David Ayers, who had brought his carriage to Houston expecting to meet Bishop Roberts. The bishop, as we have seen, did not come. Mr. Thrall accompanied Mr. Ayers to the interior, arriving at the Wade neighborhood on the Brazos on the first of December. He says he remained there a week, assisting Brother Robert Alexander at a quarterly meeting. The class there numbered over fifty members, and had been organized during the year. For want of money they paid the presiding elder in cattle, the stewards agreeing to send them up to his "rancho" in Austin County.

Fowler, Poe, DeVilbiss and the others shipped from Cincinnati on November 20. On reaching New Orleans it was reported that Galveston was blockaded by a Mexican fleet. This report induced the company to take a Red River packet, which, however, could get no higher up that stream than a point below Nachitoches, on account of low water. The party hired a wagon and team to transport the women and children and baggage across to Texas, and the men took it afoot. After crossing the Sabine it was agreed, on account of the nearness of the date of the conference and the scarcity of horses, that Fowler and Poe should go to conference, and the rest of the company would await the appointments and better means of transportation. In the meantime the preachers remaining behind were not idle, but united in holding a few protracted meetings in which they had several conversions.

had been appointed to neighboring circuits, Thrall to Brazoria, and DeVilbiss as a colleague with Henderson D. Palmer on Egypt circuit. Thrall and DeVilbiss had been neighbors in Ohio, and were members of the same class. Thrall was a native of Vermont, where he was born in 1819, being, therefore, twenty-three years of age when he entered Texas. He was educated at Ohio Wesleyan University, and throughout his long career in Texas, covering more than fifty years, he manifested a literary turn of mind. He was admitted on trial at the Ohio Conference in 1840. DeVilbiss was a native of Maryland, and was of German extraction. He was of the same age as Thrall, though the latter is to outrun him fry a few years in Texas. Taking up DeVilbiss 's "Reminiscences" and obtaining an account of the hardships which he encountered in Texas, we wonder if he did not sometimes cherish the secret regret that some friend had not pulled him back "by his coat-tails," when he volunteered at the Ohio Conference. But DeVilbiss, as we shall discover, was a man of heroic spirit, deeply devoted to his calling, and able to display in the face of the worst difficulties a saving sense of humor and optimism. "I was now three hundred miles from my field of labor," he says, referring to his place of sojourn in eastern Texas when his appointment reached him, "and how to get there I did not know. Providence opened my way. Brother Sneed had bought a bunch of horses, and wished them taken to Washington county on the Brazos, and offered me one to ride provided I would assist in getting the others across the country. Could you have seen Brother Palmer and myself on this trip, you would not have taken us for Methodist preachers. Each had two horses tailed to the one he rode, and a few more followed of their own accord. We had a pleasant trip, and in due time delivered the stock safely to the owner, who had preceded us a week or ten days. Brother Sneed loaned me a horse to ride to my circuit and keep till

The Year 1842-1843 213

I could procure one of my own. The nearest point to our circuit was thirty-five miles, which we made in a day. "We were now on the Colorado, two miles from Columbus, our initial appointment. We put up at a Mr. Wright's, and were informed that the Colorado was higher than ever known by the oldest citizen. Columbus was on the west side of the river, and the following Sabbath was the day for preaching. It was Friday night, and we saw no way of crossing the river unless we could construct a raft. Mr. Wright informed me that Mr. Beason had some dry willow logs which lay very near the water, and at a good place to launch a raft. In the morning early I went to see Mr. Beason, and without any difficulty got the logs. Armed with augur, saw, axe, hammer and nails, Brother Palmer and I went to work, and by 3 p.m. our raft was finished and launched, and appeared to be entirely seaworthy, though Brother Palmer and the bystanders thought otherwise. We would have to run down the river about two miles to make Columbus, and these gentlemen thought the eddies and flood-wood together would cause our raft to founder. Just as we were making our preparations to go aboard a messenger arrived, informing us that a Mr. Williams had been drowned that morning in attempting to cross a slough and requested Brother Palmer and myself to make a coffin for him. I confess this news rather dampened my confidence in the raft, and we abandoned the enterprise. We gathered some rough tools, found some rough planks, and by noon on Sunday finished the coffin. We buried our young friend, and that night I preached to a small congregation at Mr. Wright's, and Brother Palmer delivered a warm and appropriate exhortation."

The Egypt circuit embraced all the settlements in what are now Colorado, Lavaca, Jackson, Wharton and Matagorda counties. Within this territory there were sixteen appointments, and it required nearly four hundred miles of travel to get round the circuit. The nar- rator adds: " During about three months of this year we had to travel at night, on account of the green-headed flies. If we attempted to cross the prairies in daylight, we did it at the risk of losing our horses." Other accounts of that day refer to this plague, which spread over all the lower country, and made life miserable to man and beast. During about half of this year Palmer was absent in eastern Texas, having been relieved to look after business matters, and DeVilbiss had the big circuit all to himself. In June a notable camp-meeting was held at Spanish Camp Springs, on Peach Creek, six miles below Egypt. The preachers present were John Clark, presiding elder ; Chauncey Eichardson, John W. Kenney, John Haynie, Homer S. Thrall, Wm. S. Hamilton, Isaac M. Williams and J. W. DeVilbiss. The church in these parts was greatly strengthened by this meeting, but it closed with both DeVilbiss and Haynie down with fever. The following instance of early Methodist hymnology is recorded by DeVilbiss :

I had a week-day appointment at a private house on Old Caney. The first time I preached there, while the people were gathering, a pious old lady ventured to give us a voluntary hymn. She sang it to the tune of "Old "Windham," in rather slow time, with a peculiar nasal twang. The hymn went on this wise :

At the close of the service I told the good sister that I did not like her hymn. "You don't," said she with emphasis; "Why, I think it is the best hymn in the book. ' ' I told her it was not in the book. Said she, "Yes, sir-ree, but it is"; and she drew from her pocket an old rusty little book and showed me the hymn. So I had to give it up.

The Year 1842-1843 215

One more reminiscence of this year we will give from this source. We have been pained to note that many of our preachers in those days were on certain occasions wholly wanting in dignity. Witness the journey of De- Vilbiss and Palmer to their circuit with that bunch of horses, already noted. Another instance where all dignity seems to have been cast to the winds or to the waters, rather is the following:

During this year Brother Thrall and myself met at a campmeeting in Washington county, near where Chappell Hill now stands. He was then on the Brazoria circuit. At the close of this meeting we started for Egypt. We spent the first night at Kev. Robert Alexander's. Here we were told that Mill Creek, some eight miles on the way, was impassable. Brother Thrall said we would go and see. On the way we met a colored man, who told us that about 300 yards below the ford some person had cut a small tree across the stream; and, said the darkey, "if you is good at cooning you'll get over." We went and found the tree, which looked like a slim chance. Bro. Thrall said we would try it. I tied his saddle and saddle-bags on his back, and he cooned it safely over the stream. He then returned and fixed me up in like manner, and I made the trip safely. The next thing was to get the horses over. There was a bluff about ten feet high on the north side of the creek, while on the south side the bank was low. We concluded to lead our horses, one at a time, near this bluff and push them off into the water. Bro. Thrall then led Fox (my horse) up to the bluff, gave him a push, and off he went. He floundered considerably, and for a few moments I thought my horse was gone, but he finally made the shore all right. Bro. Thrall then led up Brazos, as he called him. He was a strong, well built pony, but he had no hair on his head or face. He looked in his face for all the world like an alligator. Bro Thrall pushed off Brazos, and he went to the bottom, and apparently the horse was gone; but in a few moments the alligator head appeared near me, and Br. Thrall shouted: "Oho, I have got a Campbellite. " After Br. Thrall got over we ate our lunch, and said our prayers, and Bro. Thrall proposed that we then and there enter into a covenant never to take anybody's word for the condition of a stream, or any other difficulty or hindrance that might be in the way to an appointment, but to go and see. This resolution has been a great help to me in meeting my appointments. On many occasions, during my forty years ministry in Texas, I have had frequent reports of impassable streams, epidemics and other hindrances ahead, but have kept my covenant with Brother Thrall, and have gone and seen, and have made my way through.

The camp-meeting referred to above, held near where Chappell Hill came to be, marked the beginning of the rise of the church there, which was destined soon to become one of the most important appointments in Texas. Among the first settlers of that community were the families of Stevenson, Hubert, Chappell, Hargrove, Kesee, Eeavill, King, and others, all Methodists. The great camp-meeting of 1843 commenced at Cedar Creek, the then name of the place, on October 19. There were eleven preachers present, among whom were Clark, presiding elder, Kenney, Richardson, Alexander, Haynie, Fisher, Whipple, DeVilbiss and Thrall. Nearly all the giants of that day were there, and of the preaching "we have never heard it excelled," says Thrall.

Some very important camp-meetings were also held in eastern Texas that year. Francis Wilson, presiding elder of the San Augustine district, held eight meetings in succession on one round of Ms district, as follows: near Crockett ; at Wolf Creek, Polk County ; Corn Street community, Jefferson County ; Little Cow Creek, Newton County (near where Henry Stephenson had located and died) ; near San Augustine ; at Milam ; at the Box Campground, on the Neches; and at Fort Houston, Anderson County. At the Milam camp-meeting there were eighty accessions to the church, a wonderful ingathering for those days.

The Year 1842-1843 217

dent of his journey from conference to his first appointment makes a somewhat dampening and chilling experience for a new recruit. "As the Conference adjourned in the middle of the day," says Thrall, "a number of the preachers were enabled to start for their work, staying that night with families living on Hill's Prairie, fifteen miles below Bastrop. During the night a heavy rain fell. About 3 o'clock the next day the preachers reached the bank of Rabb's Creek, and found it ten feet deep and running with great rapidity. In spite of the remonstrances of the younger brethren, Brother Frank Wilson plunge in. His horse sunk, and horse and rider disappeared under water. Brother Wilson came to the surface, his head bleeding from a blow received from his horse. He and his horse finally reached the opposite shore safely. Mr. Sneed, who had navigated the swamps and bayous of Louisiana, was then selected to construct a raft. He did so. It was launched, and whirled rapidly down-stream. Those on it, among whom was the writer, were glad enough to get on terra firma on the same side we started from, thoroughly drenched with water. A council was called, and it was determined that we must wait until the creek had fun down. Mr. Poe, however, declared that he would cross over and accompany Mr. Wilson. In crossing Mr. Poe was thrown from his horse, and had to swim ashore. The horse did the same, but lost saddle and boots and Mr. Poe's outer clothing that had been tied to the saddle. It was now drawing near sundown, and Mr. Poe had to ride bareback in nothing but underclothing, ten miles to Euterville. As for the rest they concluded to camp for the night at an empty cabin Mr. Sneed had found a little off from the road. Mr. Hord rode to Rabb's Prairie and got a bushel of sweet potatoes to roast. Mr. Fisher improvised a prayer meeting, assisted by Messis. Fowler, Johnson, Lewis, Palmer and Shook. When they bivouacked for the night upon their blankets, the winds, sighing amid the grand old pines on

Daniel Poe proceeded to his appointment, the Lake Soda mission, in the Lake Soda district, Littleton Fowler, presiding elder. Poe had brought a wife and three children to Texas, a wife well adapted to a wilderness career, and who had the pioneering spirit akin to that of her husband. Poe early became impressed with the lack of schools and teachers in Texas, and this lack was more forcibly brought home to him by the prospect of rearing his own children here. He determined during the year to take steps to improve these conditions. After consulting Fowler, who heartily seconded him, he returned to Ohio and spent several months within the bounds of his old conference recruiting a corps of teachers for Texas. Having, after a few months, accomplished the object of his visit to Ohio, he returned to Texas, and shortly after commenced laying the foundations of an institution of learning at San Augustine. The next conference resolved to adopt it and give it their patronage. This was the beginning of ^Wesleyan College, " of which more anon.

We have to record that Wm. 'Conner, one of the band of volunteers from Ohio, did not live out his first year in Texas. He died in 1843, while serving the Harrison circuit, in the twenty-seventh year of his age. He was a native of New Jersey, but the family removed early to Ohio. He entered the Ohio Conference with Thrall, DeVilbiss and others in 1840. 'Conner left a young wife in Ohio, who expected to follow him to the new country at a later day. They never met again. The young preacher was buried where he fell.

The conference of 1843 was held in the Eobinson settlement, the old established Methodist stronghold a few miles below the present town of Huntsville. The church which had been erected here bore, according to the conference minutes, the classic name of "Trinity

The Yeae 1842-1843 219

Church," deriving the name perhaps more from geographical than theological influence. The church was ' ' a spacious building, constructed of hewn pine logs, the first of its kind perhaps in all that region, ' ' says 0. M. Addison, who was later pastor on the circuit. * ' Though somewhat rude in appearance, compared with the present style of city churches, it was creditable to the community, and comported well with the condition of the people and the country. ' ' 2

Bishop James 0. Andrew was present and presided at this conference. Bishop Andrew found in Houston that "they have a Catholic Church, and also a house of worship for Presbyterians. The Methodists have a very neat brick chapel nearly finished, for which we are mainly indebted to the indefatigable labors of Brother Summers, and the liberality of our friends in the States. The Episcopalians have a minister . . . but the Presbyterians are without a pastor. Of the Methodist society I ought to speak more particularly ; but can only say that they are not numerous, and there is but little of this world's wealth among them. They have, however, some pious spirits, and it is confidently hoped, when they get their church finished, and have a minister statedly among them, that they will experience enlarged prosperity. Beyond all doubt there is great need for a deep, a thorough, a sweeping revival of religion in Houston, for in addition to the usual evil influences exerted against what is holy, they have here more of infidelity, subtle, organized and boldly blasphemous than I have met in any place of its size in all my journeyings. " 3

The season was described as "the wettest ever known in Texas," and the bishop and preachers had to make their way to the seat of the conference through seas of water and mud. One preacher reported that in getting

2 This church was later displaced by a better one, known as ' ' Martha Chapel." The old building was removed to the home of Wm. Kobinaon where it served the uses of a barn.

ninety miles he had to travel two hundred, swimming numerous creeks and traversing boggy prairies without a road, the extra travel being to head impassable streams. Other preachers reported that they had to ferry two miles and a half in crossing the Brazos, and others five miles in crossing the Trinity. Bishop Andrew and his company from Houston, consisting of Messrs. Summers and Shearn, reached the conference after a horseback ride of eighty-five miles, without having to swim any of that distance. The conference opened on December 13. Thomas 0. Summers was for the fourth time elected secretary. Owing to the loss of all the early conference records, we again turn to the Annual Eeport of the Board of Missions for our information :

Two preachers were received by transfer, and eight on trial ; three were discontinued, one received a supernumery and one a superannuated relation. The number of preachers now in Texas is forty, being an increase of four over that of last year. The number in society, as reported at conference, are,, whites, 4,114 ; colored, 856 ; local preachers 55 ; making an increase over last year of 952 whites, 320 colored, and 15 local preachers the net increase being 1,287.

Increased attention has also been directed to the Sabbath School cause, and notwithstanding the peculiar difficulties of their establishment in a new country, whose population is so widely scattered, twenty schools have been organized and reported to the Conference. Connected with these schools there are 28 superintendents, 98 teachers, and 629 scholars ; also three Bible classes and 1,248 volumes in their libraries. . . .

The Rutersville College, incorporated by congress, has suffered much from its direct exposure to the border warfare which has been carried on in that region. Every rumor of an invasion must necessarily affect the operations of such a school. This interruption, however, to its prosperity, must be temporary only, and the college is destined to be an honor and a blessing to the infant republic.

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the "Wesleyan College," and is located at San Augustine, Eastern Texas. It has a male and female department, and is reported as being already in a flourishing condition. The Board cannot but observe, with gratitude, these noble efforts to provide with the blessed gospel the means of imparting sound religious and literary instruction among the inhabitants of that growing community.

The zeal of the church in Texas to advance the cause of missions is worthy of special commendation. As an evidence of this, we take great pleasure in recording the fact, that the amount assigned to the Conference for liquidating the debt of our Missionary Society, was all secured at its last session referring to the session of 1843. One or two preachers, with a wife and children, who received only $50 on their circuits, and a part of this sum in cows and calves, paid at the Conference $30 in cash for missions. At their Conference anniversary the same holy spirit of liberality prevailed; some retaining scarcely enough money to pay their expenses home.

The preachers admitted on trial at this conference were: William H. Hamilton, Win. K. Wilson, Francis M. Stovall, James W. Baldridge, Chas. H. Wright, Isaac Tabor, James M. Wesson, Milton H. Jones. The two transfers into the conference were Orin Hatch and Lester James, the latter appointed to the head of the new Wesleyan College at San Angustine. The conference suffered a great loss at this session by the transfer of Thomas 0. Summers, who went to the Alabama Conference, but lie was very soon to become a servant of the Church at large.

As the following year was to tie a General Conference year, the first delegates from Texas to a General Conference were chosen at this session. These were John Clark and Littleton Fowler. The slavery question, which in the older sections of the Church was now being crowded to the front, was not so acute in Texas, and it could not jbe seen that a division of the Church was possible ; least of all was it suspected that the Bishop now presiding over the Texas Conference would, within a few months, prove to be the rock on which the Church should split. If coming events had cast a shadow so far away as Texas it is certain that the Texas preachers, a majority of whom were Southern in birth and sympathies, would not have chosen to represent them in General Conference a man of the traditions and sentiments of John Clark. In view of the events of 1844, to be noticed in the next chapter, an interesting reminiscence of this conference of 1843 is here added, bringing into relief two men who are soon to stand in quite different relations from that shown here. The sketch is by W. P. Zuber, 4 and is as follows :

The Conference of 1843 was held in Robinson's settlement, about eight miles south of Huntsville. This was a prosperous settlement, located on a hill in the piney woods. At least onethird of the adult settlers were Methodists, and a majority subscribed to the Methodist doctrines. There were two houses of hewn pine logs, one a school house and the other a church, each 30 by 40 feet, and located about fifty yards distant from each other. Each had a door in the south end, windows without glass in east and west sides. The school house had two writing shelves, one on each side running full length. The church had a large tall pulpit in the north end. The seats in both houses were benches of hewn timber, very hard, but quite smooth, with strong supports. The Conference assembled on Thursday and adjourned on Monday morning. The Conference meetings were held in the school house, and preaching and missionary meetings were held in the church. All the preachers and visitors were entertained in the farmer's homes. I attended, from beginning to close, and I am the only adult survivor. Bishop Andrew was very affable and courteous, yet his plainness of speech often made him blunt. What I remember as singular was his special courtesy toward Clark. This Mr. Clark had a strong but melodious voice, and was a fine singer. The bishop usually called upon him to lead the singing and they usually walked arm in arm to and from the Conference. On the morning of the appointments several ladies and gentlemen came from Huntsville. The reading was in the school house, and just before the secretary commenced reading them, Clark announced that many ladies waited outside, and requested all men except preachers to leave and give room. Many preachers moved and seated themselves on the writing shelves along the sides, and I took a seat there. But the officious Clark imperiously ordered me to leave and give room for the ladies. To avoid becoming a cause of confusion, I left the house. After adjournment I mounted my horse, but E. Alexander told me to wait, that the bishop was going to my house. I sat on my horse several minutes looking at the preachers, many assembled and bidding each other farewell and sending word, some of horseback and some on foot. Soon the bishop rode around and called Summers, and he soon rode around, and these and two other brethren rode away with me. We took a course to avoid high water. About sunset we arrived at my father's house, about three-fourths of a mile below the present hamlet of Shiro, Grimes county. After supper and prayers Summers presented the minutes to the bishop to sign. They had been written on loose leaf sheets, and the bishop refused to sign them, saying he would not sign them until they were transcribed in a book. Summers had no book, but the bishop was prepared, and furnished him a book, and told him this would be his only opportunity to transcribe them, and the bishop retired to bed. Summers sat up until 1 o'clock to finish the job, and Brother Johnson, a local preacher, and I sat up with him and snuffed his candle. Next morning we had breakfast by candle light; the bishop signed the minutes, and they were off to Houston.

Chapter Xv The General Conference And Other Events Op 1844

THERE was a general feeling of an impending crisis on the slavery question as the delegates assembled in the City of New York for the General Conference early in the month of May, 1844. Bishop Andrew had written just a year before : ' * The state of the church, too, afflicts me. The abolition excitement, I fear, has never presented an aspect so threatening to the union of the Church as it does at this moment. ... I look forward to the next General Conference with no little apprehension. . . . The policy of a majority of the General Conference on this subject, I think, is fully settled, and I greatly doubt whether the South will longer submit to this avowed proscription. ' ' * But the state of feeling in the North was mild in 1843 compared to that existing in 1844. The more radical anti-slavery element had left the Church in 1843 and set up the Wesleyan Methodist Connection ; but still there was no sense of settled peace, and a new source of irritation had arisen. In January, 1844, after Bishop Andrew had closed his round of conferences, including the one in Texas, he entered into his second marriage relation, this time with a widow in Georgia who owned a family of slaves. 2 Bishop Andrew had been the legal owner of slaves before. In one instance a mulatto girl had been bequeathed to him by an old lady, to be held in trust until she was nineteen years of age, when she was to be sent to Liberia. When she arrived at that age the girl refused to go, and remained with him, legally his slave. In another instance the mother of Bishop Andrew's first wife had left to her a negro boy, who, upon her death without will, had legally fallen to her husband. In both instances his connection with slavery was involuntary, and the laws of his state would not permit of their emancipation. But it was the relation entered into in 1844 that brought upon the Bishop the censure of his brethren at the North. This was, in their view, a voluntary act of becoming a slave-holder, while occupying the high office of a general superintendent of the Church, and when sentiment throughout a large section of the Church had become settled that slavery was an unmixed evil.

When Bishop Andrew reached the seat of the Conference and became apprised of the feeling against him, he immediately resolved to resign his office. But he was dissuaded from this course by the action taken at a meeting of all the delegates from the slave-holding states, when it was resolved that "We unanimously concur in requesting the Bishop, by all his love for the unity of the Church, which his resignation will certainly jeopardize, not to allow himself for any consideration to resign. ' '

Early in the sessions of the Conference a case from the Baltimore Conference came up on appeal. A member of that conference, named Harding, had married a woman who owned slaves. His conference had suspended him "until he gives assurance that he has taken the necessary steps to secure their freedom." The General Conference sustained the action of the Baltimore Conference, by an overwhelming majority. This was a forecast of what might be expected when the graver case of a slave-holding bishop should come up. On May 20 the question relating to Bishop Andrew's case reached the floor, in the presentation and adoption of a resolution of inquiry concerning his connection with slavery. In response to this inquiry Bishop Andrew submitted a statement to a committee of the General Conference, containing the facts as noted above. 3 Upon the receipt of this statement a resolution was offered requesting Bishop Andrew to resign. On the following day the historic "Finley Substitute" was offered, which was as follows :

Whereas, the Discipline of our church forbids the doing anything calculated to destroy our itinerant general superintendency, and whereas Bishop Andrew has become connected with slavery by marriage and otherwise, and this act having drawn after it circumstances which in the estimation of the General Conference will greatly embarrass the exercise of his office as an itinerant general superintendent, if not in some places entirely prevent it; therefore,

Resolved, That it is the sense of this General Conference that he desist from the exercise of this office so long as this impediment remains.

This resolution was debated upon the floor of the Conference for ten days, when on June 1 it was adopted by a vote of 110 to 68. On the second day following this action a resolution that "it is the sense of this General Conference that the vote in the case of Bishop Andrew a " It was true, then, that one of the bishops of the church had become a slave-holder, though certainly under very peculiar circumstances. Nevertheless, it was a tremendous matter. The personal character of Bishop James O. Andrew was above reproach and above suspicion. During all those terrible ten days when the searching gaze of the General Conference, of the whole church, and, indeed, of the whole nation, was focussed upon him; amid the feverish excitement of that high debate, no railing accusation was brought against him. One who reads his biography will find that his private life was one of exceptional character. . . . But that Bishop Andrew should, in view of the history and exciting agitation of the slavery question in his church, have allowed himself to become connected with slaveholding after he was made a bishop in that church seems not merely ' an indiscretion, ' but a very grave and grievous error. . . . If Bishop Andrew did not know the history of the slavery agitation in the church and country, and the attitude of the two sections well enough to have reason for fearing that his marrying a slave-owner would occasion serious trouble, then his ignorance, for a man in his position, was inexcusable. If he did know these things and was indifferent to them, his indifference was more inexcusable. In any case, his position in 1844 was not one to be envied." A History of The Methodist Church, South, by Gross Alexander, D.D., pp. 19, 20.

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be understood as advisory only, and not in the light of a judicial mandate," and that final disposition of the case be postponed until the General Conference of 1848, was laid on the table. The last action taken in Bishop Andrew's case was the adoption of a resolution, in response to inquiries of the bishops, that "Bishop Andrew's name stand in the Minutes, Hymn-Book and Discipline as formerly"; that "the rule in relation to the support of a bishop and his family applies to Bishop Andrew" ; and that "Whether in any, and if any, in what work Bishop Andrew be employed, is to be determined by his own decision and action in relation to the previous action of this Conference in his case. ' ' *

It is not our purpose, nor does it lie within our province, to go into this historic case more at length, nor to dwell upon the causes which here in 1844 divided the Church. The above facts have been set out with a view of showing the reaction in Texas of certain aspects of the case. It should be observed, however, in dismissing the Andrew case, that while it was undoubtedly true that Bishop Andrew's connection with slavery was the occasion for the division, yet division was sooner or later inevitable from an ever-widening divergence of sentiment on slavery North and South. But Bishop Andrew is dead, and all that generation, and slavery has been abolished, and there is no division of opinion on the evil of that institution. The fact that the gulf between the two branches of Methodism, opened in 1844, remains unclosed, is not due so much to "harking back to ancient history," as to fundamental differences of views on Church law, or the relative powers of the episcopacy and the General Conference, differences which exist quite as much to-day as they did when the case of Bishop Andrew first brought them to the surface.