Walla Walla County, Washington - Chapter 5: The Indi.w W.\rs of the ' Fifties, 1901

Chapter 5: The Indi.w W.\rs of the ' Fifties

We have seen in the previous chapter the struggle for possession with England. America won. Her home-builders outmatched the fur-traders. But there was. as there always has been in our national history, another inevitable struggle for possession. This was with the Indians. Tlie so-called Christian nations have never stopped to consider much the rights of the native claimants of the land. This, too, though accompanied by needless cruelty, deceit and treachery, is one of the necessary though seeminglv hard and I)itter laws of life. The thing greatly to be deplored in all Indian wars, however, has been the general practice on both sides of inflicting punishment upon any innocent person that might happen along. Some drunken and ferocious savages, as devoid of humanity as the wild beasts about them, would plunder, outrage and kill some family of immigrants or settlers, and forthwith, a band of tlie brave, manly, yet harsh and intolerant frontiersman, who have made our early history, would rush forth impetuously and kill some

])oor Indian wretches who had ne\'er heard of the outrage and had not the remotest conception of having committed any offense. In like manner, when some avaricious white had swindled the ignorant Indians out of land or some other valuable property, or some lustful and conscienceless white desperado had outraged Indian women or murdered unoffending braves, a band of Indians, inflamed with whisky purchased of some post-trader, and armed with weapcins from the same source, would go im th.e war path and torture, mutilate and murder some innocent, helpless women and children, who had never had a thought of injuring a livins" thing. No one who has ever lived on the frontier can wonder at the hitter and intolerant hatred of whites for Indians. But if we, the civilized and the victors, could ])ut ourselves in the ])lace of the natives and view life with their e\'es, none of us wonkl wonder that they hatl haled us with the fury and frenzy of wild beasts. For it is safe to say that for every pang suffered hv whites, a score have been suffered

Yet in the final summary tliere can be no other conclusion than that the extermination of the majority of the Indians and the tutal destruction of their claims as owners of this country, was "writ down in the book of fate." It was simply part of the irrepressible conflict of life. Moreover by reason of the necessities of existence the early settlers could not wait to argue abstract questions of rights. They had obeyed the fundamental law to subdue and replenish the earth, and in pursuance of that condition of all progress they could not stop to philosophize on the princijiles of human brotherhood. They had to live and with a tomahawk just leveled over their heads they had to repel. And if the right to repel existed, the right to counter attack followed as a matter of course ; for extermination of their enemies was, generally speaking, the only effectual means of repelling. It was sad but inevitable. And though we have lived a "Century of Dishonor," it is much easier now to condemn them than it would have been then to improve.

By reason of the conditions just noted, we find the history of our Indian wars the subject of bitter controversy. Hardly any two writers or witnesses give the same version of suj^posed facts. One has a bias in fa\'or of the volunteers and makes his facts conform to his opinions, and hence represents the volunteers as always justifiable and the Indians as always to blame. Another gi\-es the reverse impression. Nor are pioneers generally much disposed to qualify or smooth either their opinions or expressions. It is all one thing or all the other with them. The other fellow is a fool or a liar and that ends it. Compromise does ni)t llnurish

We shall use our best endeavor in these pages to present the facts without bias, acknowledging the probable impossibility of satisfying all readers. Ijut believing that at this tlistance from the time, though not far from the scenes of the struggle, we can calmly view it and clearly see that its good or evil are not to be found exclusively on one side or the other, but, as with all human affairs, the texture of each is of a mingled warp and woof.

After the Cayuse war had ended in 1850. by the execution of the supposed murderers of Dr. Whitman, there was a lull along the bunchgrass plains and sage-brush l)anks of the Collumbia and Snake ri\'ers, and a few adventurous explorers -and ranchers began to seek locations on the streams hallowed by martyrdoms. The most considerable settlement was at Frenchtown. ten miles below Walla \\'alla. According to the best information obtainable, there were eighty-five persons, the men entirely of French origin and former Hudson's Bay Company employes, v.-ith Indian wives and a good stock of half-lireed children, living there and in the vicinit}-. There were a few men at what is now ^^'allula. There were some fifteen men living at various .separated points. Among them were Henrv AI. Chase, well known for many vears in Walla Walla, and Dr. W. C. ]\IcKay, the most famous man of mixed white and Indian blood that ever lived in Oregon. There were three men, Brooke, Bumford and Noble, at Whitman station.

On the 3d of March 1853, Washington became a separate territory. Major Isaac I. Stevens was appointed go\-ernor, and in the following summer he set out for his domain. Ciiild had been disco\-ered in the Culville coun- try and tliere were many adventurers moving across the plains in that direction. The Indians were very restive. These explorations they regarded with well grounded suspicion as the entering wedge of the establishment of white sovereignty.

There were at that time two remarkable Indian chiefs, chiefs who belong to that line of remarkaljle Red Men of which Philip, Pontiac, Red Jacket, and Tecumseh were more illustrious specimens : whose qualities of mind and character contain a hint of what Indians might have been had they had any wide or long continued opportunity. These two Columbia vallev chiefs were Kamiakin of the Yakimas and Peupeumoxmox of the ^^'alla Wallas. Like all the Indian chiefs, he perceived the handwriting on the wall revealed by the entrance of the whites, and they determined to make a desperate effort to burst their tightening bonds while there was yet a chance of success.

There was a general outburst of all the tribes of Oregon and \\'ashington in i<S53 and 1S54, which led into the great war centering in Walla Walla in 1855. This series of troubles began in the summer of 1853 in the Rogue river valley, in southern Oregon. The usual bitter controversy raged as to who was to blame for this. It looks as though whites and Indians were both equally so. In 1854 occurred the horrible ".Snake River Massacre," in which a number of immigrants who had ofYered no provocation whatever, were butchered in the most brutal manner. X'orman \\"ard, of Pendleton, then a boy of thirteen, was the only survivor. That massacre occurred on the Boise, a few miles above Fort Boise. Great excitement ensued in the Willamette valley when this atrocity was known, and Major Haller was sent by General Wool, then commanding the Department of the Pacific, to the scene. Having partially punished the supposed perpetrators of the outrage, the command returned to The Dalles. All these things, with many smouldering causes of discontent, prepared the Indians for war.

This war had three fields of operation. One was southern Oregon, another Puget sound, a third the Yakima and Walla Walla \-alleys. In all there were probably four thousand Indians under arms, and many have believed that nothing but lack of intelligent cooperation among these prevented the annihilation of all the smaller settlements. But the wirious pettv feuds and conflicting purposes, always characteristic of barbaric wars, prevented such ' co-operation. Indian fought against Indian, and whites profited thereby.

In ]\Iay, 1855, Governor Stevens and General Joel Palmer met the representatives of seventeen tribes at \\'alla Walla, to endeavor to make treaties for the cession of their lands. The council ground was on and around the identical place now occupied by Whitman College. The immemorial council ground of the \Valla Walla and other tribes of this country, lay between the college brook and the one north of it, and around the place now known as Council Grove. A fair, entrancing spot it must have been in its primeval luxury and wildness. The tents of the great chiefs were pitched, as nearly as can be ascertained, on the spot now occupied by the house of Mrs. E. H. Baker.

First Council Of W.Vlla Walla

Lieutenant Kipp has preserved a graphic account of this important meeting. Governor Stevens and General Palmer had an escort of only about fifty men. The Indians gathered in great nunil)ers. Old Cliief Lawyer led an army of Nez Perces. twenty-five hundred strong', and, as tlie sequel proved, it was well for the whites he did so.-

Two days later three Innulretl Cayuses, those worst and most dangerous Indians, the "Spartans of the Columbia," reached the ground, surly and scowling as usual, led b}- several chiefs, of whom none was friendly except Stechus. Two days later came over two thousand Yakimas, L'matillas and Walla Wallas. Governor Stevens and his small squad must have been somewhat startled to see that in case of treachery their lives were not worth a dime. But with his characteristic nerve he maintained perfect dignity and composure. That was a meeting worthy of the pen of Irving or the brush of Bierstadt. Along the banks of Mill creek and on either side of those rippling spring branches, whose clear cold waters lend beauty and freshness to the pleasant hi:)mes of Walla Walla, were stretched the camps of the flower of the warriors of the Inland Empire. The "Valley of many W^aters" must have seemed blessed indeed to the tribes of the plains, after they had ridden across the arid wastes between Yakima and Walla W'alla and emerged fiom the Touchet hills upon ths fresh and grassy dales now consecrated to the memory of that very missionary whom the Cayuses slew. It seems i)oetic justice that Whitman College should now hold the self-same spot which fifty years ago was the capitol of the confederated tribes. Poetic justice, and yet melancholy and pitiable, if we could by some magic wand render again visible and audible the savage magnificence which was there out-stretched on the banks of Mills creek, and contrast it with the wretched remnant which now shamljles aimlessly through this heritage of their fathers and

Governor Stevens opened the council on May 29th by a short speech setting forth his desire to purchase the lands of the Indians, leaving to them in perpetuity certain reservations. On the 30th and 31st both Governor Stevens and General Palmer addressed the council in lengthy speeches. These had to be translated into both the Nez Perce and Walla Walla tongues and from these they gradually filtered down among the mass of Indians. The Indians were entirely unresponsive. Attempts were resumed unsuccessfully to get some sign of committal by the chiefs. On June 4th Lawyer broke the ice by an address favoring the treaty. Many of the Nez Perces followed Lawyer, but Joseph swung a large faction in the other direction. All the eloquent portrayal of Stevens and Palmer of the blessing's of civilization was received by the Indians with gutteral grunts, an Indian's sign of attention, but no token of approval followed, aside from the faction represented by Lawyer.

Several days passed. The Cayuses bitterly opposed the treaty. Peupeumoxmox, the great Walla Walla chief, departed from his usual policy of taciturnity and openly opposed it. Peupeumoxmox had sufficient cause of grievance. He had been a friend of the whites. His sen had been educated at Whitman's mission. He had been friendly to Whitman. Then his son was taken by Stilter, of gold-discovery fame, to California. There the innocent and well-meaning boy was murdered by a crowd of those low, coarse, brutal white men, who have caused so large a part of Indian troubles. The father swore vengeance and bided his time.

Glass, the great Xez Perce war chief, wlio had airi\e(I late to tlic council, with a Blackfoot scalp dangling beside him as a tropy of a recent foray. The governor had decided to offer them three reservations, one for the Yakimas, one fnr the Xez Perccs. and one for the Cayuses, Walla Wallas and Umatillas. He made a great speech, and aided as he was by the influence of Lawyer, felt sure that he had attained his end. But the magnificent war chief Looking Glass leaped to his feet and poured forth a speech that soon had the tribes shouting and api)lauding around him. He was the Demosthenes of the occasion and the governor found all his work undone. But with the patience and skill which made him such a great figure in our annals, he again gathered up the broken threads of his work, and by private manipulations and persuasions, Lawyer being his right-hand man, he secured the assent of the chiefs to the signing of the treaties on the 11 th of June, and his work was complete. Lieutenant Kip asserts that they afterwards discovered that they had been all the time on the very verge of a volcano, for the Indians were spending most of their time tliscussing the question of whether they should massacre the whole detachment. The Cayuses, as usual, were the active originators of this plot. The firm opposition of the Nez Perces was the only thing that prevented its consummation. An untold debt of gratitude is due the Nez Perces. No white man with a spark of humanity in him should forget these noblest of the red men. Had the plot been executed, the Indians would next have wiped out the soldiers at The Dalles, and after that the extermination of all the whites in the country east of Portland would have followed.

The treaties negotiated at Walla Walla, June 12, 1855 (though dated June 9th), provided fur the surrender by the Yakimas of the vast area of twenty-nine thousand square miles, being substantially Chelan, Yakima, Kittitass, Franklin, Adams, antl the most of Douglas ar.d Klickitat counties. From that cession was to be excepted the ])rincely domain, one o^. the finest bodies of land in the world, now known as the Yakima reservation. The Yakimas, it may be said, constituted a "nation" ccmposed of fourteen tril)es, extending from the Cascade summits to the Palouse river. The Nez Perces agreed to relinquish almost as large an area, embracing what is now a good part of Whitman, Garfield, Columbia and Asotin counties in Washington ; U^nion and Walli.wa counties in Oregon; and Washington, Idaho and Nez Perces counties in Idaho. A very large reservation was provided by the treaty for the Nez Perces; being, in addition to tliat now embraced in the Nez Perce reservation, large tracts between the Alpowa and Snake ri\-ers and the Wallowa valley. The retention of the W'allowa was insisted on by Chief Joseph, and seems to have been the key t'j the ratification of the entire plan: antl it is the more to be deplored that the modification of the treaty in 1S63 afterward precipitated the Nez Perce war of 1877. That change in 1863 involved the surrender of the Wallowa and the reduction of the Nez Perce reservation to what it was prior to its recent opening. But few Indians seem to have been consulted, and young Jose])h, son of the Joseph who took part in the treaty of 1855, insisted on their claim to the countr}-, and the difficulty led to the memorable war of 1877. This is not the [jlacc to discuss the event, but we refer to it here in order to illustrate the lamentable results which follow a failure to adhere to a given agreement from one administration to another. The treaty of 1855 should have been faithfully ob- served unless abrogated by tbe clear and general agreement of botii parties. And there was tlie deeper obligation on the government to do it in case of the Nez Perces, for to them Governor Stevens and his party owed their lives, and the settlers owed a debt of thankfulness not to be computed. Instead of i-emem- Ijering this, the land-grabbers goaded those steadfast friends of the whites into a cruel and causeless war. In connection with this Wallowa matter, an interesting- reminiscence was given the writer by John McBean, son of the Hudson's Bay employe of that name. Young McBean was at that time a boy of twelve, and I)eing a half-breed and knowing the Indian language perfectly, could pass at any time for an Indian. He related that while acting as a spy on the grounds, he heard the discussion about the treaties. And the whole matter depended upon whether the Nez Perces would accept it. This they finally did on the distinct agreement that Joseph and his band should have permanent possession of the Wallowa. That point assured, the Nez Perces agreed. The others followed. That settled the whole matter. Otherwise the treaties would iiever nave been accepted. Yet eight \'ears after, without general agreement by the tribe, the vital point was violated and the cherished Wallowa valley left out of the reservation to be demanded in later years by white settlers. It should be added that those immediate settlers were in no way personally guilty. Government was to liiame. That is a sample of one kind of reason for Indian wars. So much for the Nez Perce I'art of the agreement.

The Umatillas, Cayuses and Walla Wallas, under the terms of this treaty, relincjuished their right to another magnificent territory, embraced substantially in the present limits of Walla Walla county in Washington, and Umatilla. ]\Iorrow, and part of Uni(jn and Gilliam counties in Oregon. Their reserx'ation was essentially that now known as the Umatilla reservation. Which of these three superb domains was the best would puzzle a good judge to decide. An}' one of them is larger than most of the Atlantic states, and in point of opulence of natural resources surpasses ecjual areas in most parts of the world.

For their concessions the Indians were to receive what seems a just and even liberal compensation; though to the mind of civilized man ridiculously small; for the whole vast area of probably thirty million acres outside of reservations, was relincjuished for about six hundred and fifty thousand dollars in all ; perhaps, roughly estimated, two cents per acre. It is probably worth to-day, with its improvements, nearly a cjuarter of a billion dollars.

The compensation of the Yakima Nation was two hundred thousand dollars, paid in annuities, with salaries for the head chief of five hundred dollars for twenty years, also some special agreement in regard to houses, tools, etc. The compensation of the Nez Perces was the same. The Umatillas, Cayuses and Walla Wallas were to receive one hundred thousand dollars; each of the head chiefs to have an annuity of five hundred dollars for twenty years, and also to have the usual special donations fur hiiuses, tools, etc. Peupeumoxmox, whose f;ivor was especially courtsd, was granted the uni(|ue privilege of beginning to draw his salary a: once, without waiting for the formal ratification of congress. His remaining son was to receive an annuity of one hundred dollars a year, a house and five acres of land, plowed and enclosed. Peupeumoxmox was also to be given three yoke of oxen, three yokes and chains, one wagon, two plows, twelve hoes, twelve axes, two shovels, a saddle and Ijridle, a

Having completed this great work, Governor Stevens passed on to the north and east to continue tlie same line of negotiations with the Lidians there. Wc may say in hrief, that he succeeded in making a treaty with the Blackfeet, but was unsuccessful with the Spokanes. ]\Ieanwhile, during his absence, the great Walla Walla and Yakima war hatl burst with the suddenness of a cyclmie upon the Columbia plains. A.nd not only here but throughout the Sound country the storm of war had burst on all sides.

War Begins

That the outbreak of hostilities shijuld have occurred almost simultaneously at places so remote from each other as Walla Walla, Puget sound and Rogue river has led many to suj)- pose that there was a definite and wide-spread conspiracy. Others have believed that there was simply an identity of causes, and that these produced like results at like times. While it is altogether likely that there may have been hints oi outbreak in the air which spread from tribe tu tribe, it is likely that the second is the true solution.

Kamiakin, the Yakima chief, and Peupeunioxmox, the Walla Walla chief, were the animating force of the movement on this side of the mountains. Kamiakin was a natural general and diplomat. He seems to have signed the treaty at Walla Walla only under great pressure and with the mental reservation that he would break it at the first opportunity. Hardly had the ink dried on the treaty when he was rounding up the warriors over the wide domain of the Yakima nation. These chiefs seem to have seen, as did Philip and Pontiac, that the coming of the whites, if not checked, meant the destruction of Indian rule. If they struggled against fate at all they must do it then. From their standpoint they were adoptir,g the only possible policy. As some of the Xez Perces told Governor Stevens, they were not afraid of explorers, or trappers or soldiers, but they were afraid of men with wagons and axes. They had now been watching for fifteen years a steady stream of immigrants passing down to the \Mllamette. Steamboats were running on the Columbia and Willamette rivers. Towns were springing up. It was now or never for them. One Indian only, and that was Lawyer, the Xez Perce, perceived the impos- .sibility of the Indians ever coping with the whites, and that therefore the only wise course for them was to yield to the inevitable as easily as possible and adopt the white man's mode of life and live on terms of amity with him. Though Looking Glass and Eagle-from-thelight had dissented very strongly from the first, th.ey had finally yielded to Lawyer's powerful infiuence and the treaty had resulted. Now in the midst of the fury of war they remained true to their agreement.

Kamiakin had gathered together a great council of the disaffected at a point north of Snake river. The fierce and intractable Cayuses were the most acti\-e in the movement of any except Kamiakin himself and his immediate friends. Young Chief and Five Crows were the Cayuse chiefs leading the war, Stechus alone, with a very small following, holding aloof.

The war broke out rather prematurely in September by the murder of miners who were traversing the Yakima \alley. Agent Bolon having gone courageously into the valley to investigate the matter, was murdered and burned to ashes on September 23d. It is said that

Tidings of the ontbreak of hostilities having readied The Dalies. Major Haller with a iumdred men started north at once and Lieutenant Slaughter went from Steilacoom across the Xatches pass to the Yakima to co-operate with Haller. But on October 6th, the Indians burst upon Haller with such energy that he was obliged to retreat with the loss of a fourth of his men, besides his howitzer and baggage. At this stage of affairs Peupeumoxmox fell upon old Fort Walla Walla, now Wallula, and tl'-ough it had no garrison the Indians plundered the fort of a considerable quantity of stores. The Walla Walla valley was swept of settlers. The regions also bordering Puget sound were ravaged by the Indians. At this time General Wool was the commander of the Department of the Pacific. It is not possible here to enter into any examination of the bitter and rancorous dispute that has arisen as to General Wool's conduct of this war. It was intensely unsatisfactory to the settlers. Wool seems to have decided that the whites in southern Oregon were more to blame than the Indians, and he felt disposed in consequence to let them meet the results of their own acts.

Discovering from experience that there was little to be hoped for from the regulars, Governor Curry and the Oregon legislature speedily equipped a strong force under Colonel J. W. Nesmith. Colonel Nesmith having gone to the Yakima country with four companies under general charge of Major Rains of the regulars, on what proved to be a fruitless expedition, Lieutenant-Colonel J. K. Kelly, in command of five hundred men, marched to Walla \\'al!a.

There occurred the famous battle of the Walla Walla, on the 7th, 8th, 9th and loth of December, 1855. The force of Oregon volunteers having reached Wallula on December 2nd, found that the Indians who they had hoped to meet there had eluded them, leaving the fort in ruins. Setting forth in two divisions on December 5th, the volunteers proceeded up the Walla Walla river to the Touchet. Turning up the latter stream they had gone about ten miles when there suddenly appeared, with a flag of truce, no less a personage than Peupeumoxmox himself. Captain Connoyer, w-ho was in the vanguard, entered into a parley with the Walla Walla chieftain, in which the chief stated that he and his people were anxious to make peace. He told Nathan Olney, the Indian agent with whom he conversed, that he had at first intended to make war on the whites, but on reflection had decided that it would not be good policy.

While the conference was in progress, the troops as well as the Indians had gradually gathered around in considerable numbers and finally passed on in the direction of an Indian village near at hand.

Seeing that they were approaching a dangerous canyon, Colonel Kelly became suspicious that the Indians w-ere meditating treachery, and he determined to return a short distance back upon the trail and camp without supper for the night. It was a cold, wretched night. Snow began to fall. Colonel Kelly, in his anxiety to make a forced march, had given orders to tra\el light, and they were so very light that they had no supplies.

tlie wisdom of pausing and camping on the trail. Captain Connoyer held the opinion, which he afterwards stated to Colonel Gilbert, that Peupeumoxmox was acting in good faith and that if the army had gone on with him, he being entirely in their power, they would have reached the village in safety and would have found plenty of food, passed a comfortable night, and that the war would have ended then and there. Colonel Kelly believed otherwise and has left cm record the following rea^ sons for his opinion :

Colonel Kelly writes that Peupeumoxmox "stated that he did not wish to fighi and that on the following day he would come and have a talk and make a treaty of peace. On consultation with tlunurable Nathan Olney, Indian agent, we concluded that this was simply a ruse to gain time for removing his village and preparing for battle. I stated to him that we had come to chastise him for the wrongs he had done to our people, and that we would not defer making an attack on his people unless he and his fi\e followers would consent to accompany and remain with us until all difficulties were settled. I told him that he might go away under his Hag of truce if he chose, Init that if he did so we would forthwith attack his village. The alternative was distinctly made known to him. and to save his people he chose to remain with us, a hostage for the fullillment of his promises, as did also those who accompanied him. He at the same time said that on the following day he would accompany us to his village; that we would then assemble his jieople and make them deliver up their arms and ammunition, restore the l)roperty which had been taken from the white settlers, or pay the full value of that which could not be restored, and that he would furnish fresh horses to remount my command and cattle, to supply them with provisions to enable us to wage war against other hostile tribes who were leagued with him. Having made these promises, we refrained from making the attack, thinking we had him in our power, that on the next day his promises would be fulfilled. I also permitted him to send one of the men who accompanietl him, to his village to apprise the tribes of the terms of the expected treaty, so that they might be prepared to fulfill it.

"I have since learned from a Nez Perce boy who was taken at the same time with Peupeumoxmox, that instead of sending word to his people to make a treaty of peace, he sent an order to them to remove their women and children and prepare for battle. From all I ha\e since learned, I am well persuaded that he was acting with duplicity and that he expected to entrap my command in the deep ravine in which his camp was situated, and make his escape from us."

\\'e will not now undertake to say who was correct, but all seem to have agreed in one thing, and that is that the men had a most wretched night and became exceedingly impatient, and rather blindly feeling that Peupeumoxmox was to blame for all their discomfort, they were in the mood for the tragedy that followed.

This move of the "Yellow^ Serpent" w^as hard to explain in any way. It seemed very strange that he would have put himself right in the hands of his enemies unless he really meant to act in good faith. }iIoreover, it is not easy to see how he could have expected to gain anything by leading the whites to his village, so long as his own life was sure to be the instant forfeit of any treachcr\-. But on the other hand, it is very strange that if he was perfectly honest the Indians should have made the attack on the next day. Hu\ve\er it may ha\e Ijeen, it was plain that things were not going just according to program, for during the night Indians had gathered in great numbers aliout on tiie hills, and were evidently watching in great anxiety to see what might be the fate of Peupeumoxmox.

The sul^secpient exxnts matle it seem likely that the Indians had made a change of policy during the night. They shouted words in the Cayuse language evidently intended for the capti\e chief alone.

\\ hen morning of that bleak December day dawned, Peupeumoxmox was very anxious to get some stay of proceedings. He said that his people needed time to prepare provisions, etc., in order to give the whites a fitting reception. It was nearly noon before the cold, hun^ gry, disgusted command got started, and after passing through the canyon in safety they reached the Indian village, but alas ! no warmth or food, or welcome awaited them. The village was deserted. Scouts were seen on the surrounding hills, and finally after much shouting and gesticulating one Indian was induced to come to the camp. He proved to bo the son of Peupeumoxmox. Having entered into conversation with his son, the old chief finally directed him to notify the people to come in and make peace. 1 he son told him that they were only awaiting the arrival of Five Crows to do so. But they waited a long time and the famished and exhausted volunteers saw that they must return to the mouth of the Touchet to join those there left with provisions and baggage. Doing so, night found them at the Touchet.

In the morning early the force was under way with baggage and all available resources, moving toward Whitman mission where Colonel Kelly planned to make a winter camp.

Peupeumoxmox with several companions were still with them. Soon after the volunteers had crossed the Touchet, the ball opened. \Mio first fired is still a matter of dispute. Gilbert quotes A. P. Woodward as asserting that the whites fired first; a member of Company B, named Jont, being the one that fired the first shot. A running fight up the Walla Walla valley ensued. At the mouth of Dry Creek, near the present Loudon place, the Indians made a brief stand, but being forced from their position they broke again and pressed on hastily toward Frenchtown. There spreading across the valley they made a determined stand. Here Lieutenant J. M. Burrows, of Company H, was killed and a number of men were wounded. Giving way again, the savages retreated to the location of the Tillier ranch, and there, near the present site of the Frenchtown church, the fight was renewed. There Captain Bennett, of Company F, and Private Kelso, of Company A, were killed.

The soldiers had found an abandoned howitzer at Wallula and this, under charge of Captain Wilson, was now brought to bear on the enemy. At the fourth discharge the piece burst, severely wounding Captain Wilson. But the Indians now broke again and fled. The fight was over for the time and the soldiers camped that night on the field of battle. The sp(jt where the severest contest occurred here was marked a few years ago by a gathering, with appropriate exercises and the raising of a flag provided by Mrs. Levi Ankeny; a deeply interesting occasion in which veterans of that war took great joy. Prominent among these were General McAuliff, William Painter, Louis McMorris and A. G. Lloyd, all known to everyone in Walla Walla.

his four companions in captivity l)ecame desperately excited and seemed to be attempting to escape. Their guards, by a sort of common consent, withdut agreement or orders, began firing indiscriminately upon them. Li a minute or two all was over and the great "Yellow Serpent" with all his companions but one was lying dead. The one that was spared was a Nez Perce. Only one made resistance. This v.-as a powerful Willamette Indian called "Wolf Skin," who fought desperately with a knife, cutting one of the guards severely, until he was dispatched by a blow from the butt of a gun. It is asserted by some that the body of Peupeumoxmox was mutilated shamefully. It should be said that all the testimony shows that the volunteers as a body were in no sense Responsible for any atrocities, but treated the Indians in an entirely humane manner.

This massacre of the Indian captives (if it is to be considered as such) has been the subject of the most bitter dispute. Some, as Gilbert, have most strongly censured the troops, especially on account of the mutilation, as guilty of the "infamous acts of soulless men." Others have regarded the killing as necessary, on the ground that the Indians were trying to escape and rejoin their companions; that the battle was at a critical point and that self preservation justified the killing of the chief whom they believed to have been meditating treachery and making all the trouble from the beginning. Lewis McMorris, who is the only one living liere who witnessed the event, tells the writer that he believes that "it was either kill them or let them escape," and they were apparently just on the point of doing the latter. ]\Ir. McMorris is confident that no one would have touched tliem if they had not tried to escape. Nobody now, however, justifies the mutilation of the body of the old tV'alla Walla chief, if it was really mutilated as asserted. Even Ehvood Evans, in the "History of the Pacific Northwest," written for the express purpose of whitewashing everything that any volunteer or other white man ever did, admits that it was "in bad taste" for the troops to mutilate the body of the chief. We will not undertake here and now to decide the vexed question of the rights and wrongs of the Walla Walla chief. The likelihood is that he or his people did meditate treachery, but whatever the plot may have been it failed to materialize. It is also probably true that some of the volunteers were bitter, intolerant, excited and very willing for an excuse to get rid of the captives.

On the next day the battle was renewed. Colonel Kelly thus describes the events of the next twi) (lays, and inasmuch as his official report thus embraces the essential features of the case, we quote it at length.

" Early on the morning of the 8th, the Indians appeared with increased forces, amounting to fully six hundred warriors. They were posted as usual in the thick brush by the river, among the sage brushes and sand knolls, and on the surrounding hills. This day Lieutenant Pillow, with Company A, and Lieutenant Hannon, with Company H, were ordered to take and hold the brush skirting the river and the sage bushes on the plain. Lieutenant Fellows, with Company F, was directed to take and keep the possession of the pomt atthe foot of the hill. Lieutenant Jeffries, with Company B, Lieutenant Hand, with Company L and Captain Cornoyer, with Company K, were posted on three several points on the hills, with orders to maintain them and to assail the enemy on other points of the same hills. As usual the Indians were driven from their position, although they fought with skill and bravery.

" On the 9ih they did not make their appearance until about ten o'clock in the morning and then in somewhat diminished numbers. As I had sent to Fort Henrietta for Companies U and E and expected them on the 10th, I thought it best to act on the defensive and hold our positions, which were the same as on the 8th, until we could get an accession to our forces sufficient to enable us to assail their rear and cut off their retreat. An attack was made during the day on Companies A and H in the brushwood, and upon B on the hill, both of which were repulsed with great gallantry by those companies and with considerable loss to the enemy. Companies F, I and

K also did great honor to themselves in repelling all approaches to their positions, although in doing so one man in Company F and one in Company I were severely woundeil. Darkness as usual closed the combat by the enemy withdrawing from the field. Owing to the inclemency of the night, the companies on the hill were withdrawn from their several positions, Company B abandoning its rifle pits, which were made by the men of that company for its protection. At early dawn of the next day the Indians were observed from our camp to be in possession of all points held by us on the preceding day. Upon seeing them. Lieutenant McAuliff, of Company B, gallantly observed that his company had dug those holes and after breakfast they would have them again; and well was his declaration fulfilled, for in less than an hour the enemy was driven from the pits and fled to an adjoining hill which they had occupied ,the day before. This position was at once assailed. Captain Cornoyer, with Company K and a portion of Company I, being mounted, gallantly charged the enemy on his right flank, while Lieutenant I\Ic.'\uliff, with Company B, dismounted, rushed up the hill in the face of a heavy fire and scattered them in all directions. They at once fled to return to this battle field no more, and thus ended our long contested fight.

" In making my report I cannot say too much in praise of the conduct of the officers of the several companies and most of the soldiers under their command. They did their duty bravely and well during those four trying days of battle. To Second Major Chinn, who took charge of the companies in the brush by the river, credit is due for bravery and skill; also to assistant Adjutant Monroe Atkinson, for his efficiency and zeal as well in the field as in the camp. And here, while giving to the officers and men of the regiment the praise that is justly due, I cannot omit the name of Hon. Nathan Olney, although he is not one of the volunteers. Having accompanied me in the capacity of Indian agent, I requested him to act a^ my aid on account of his admitted skill in Indian warfare, and to his wisdom in council and daring courage on the battle field, I am much indebted and shall ever appreciate his worth.

"Companies I) and E havinsj arrived from Fort Henrietta on the evening of the 10th, the next morning I followed with all the available troops along the Nez Perces' trail in pursuit of the Indians. On Mill creek, about twelve miles from here, we passed through their village, numbering one hundred and ninety-six fires, which had been deserted the night before. Much of their provisions was scattered by the wayside, indicating that they had fled in great haste to the north. We pursued them until it was too dark to follow the track of their horses, when we camped on Coppei creek. On the I2th we continued the pursuit until we passed some distance beyond the stations of Brooke, Noble and Bumford on the Touchet, when we found the chase was in vain as many of our horses were completely broken down and the men on foot. We therefore returned and arrived in camp on yesterday evening with about one hundred head of cattle which the Indians had left scattered along the trail in their flight.

" On the 11th, while in pursuit of the enemy, I received a letter from Narcisse Raymond, by the hands of Tintinmetzy, a friendly chief (which I enclose), asking our protection of the French and friendly Indians under his charge.

" On the morning of the 12th, I dispatched Captain Cornoyer, with his command, to their relief. Mr. Olney, who accompanied them, returned tn camp this evening and reports that Captain Cornoyer will return to-morro-w with'Mr. Raymond and his people, who now feel greatly relieved from their critical situation. Mr. Olney learned from these friendly Indians what before we strongly believed, that the Falouses, Walla Wallas, L'matillas, Cayuses and Stock Whitley's band of Des Chutes Indians were all engaged in the battle on the Walla Walla. These Indians also informed Mr. Olney that after the battle the Palouses, Walla Wallas and Umatillas have gone partly to the Grande Ronde and partly to the country of the Nez Perces; and Stock Whitley, disgusted with the manner in which the Cayuses fought in the battle, has abandoned them and gone to the Yakima country to join his forces with those of Kamiakin. We have now the undisputed possession of the country south of Snake river and I would suggest the propriety of retaining this possession until such time as it can be occupied by the regular troops. The Indians have left mu::h of their stock behind, which will doubtless be lost to us if we go away. The troops here will not be in a situation for some time to go to the Palouse country, as our horses at present are too much jaded to endure the journey, an i we have no boats to cross Snake river, no timber to make them nearer than this place; but I would suggest the propriety of following up the Indians with all possible speed, now that their hopes are blighted and their spirits broken. Unless this is done, they will perhaps rally again.

"To-day (December 14, 1855i I received a letter from Governor Stevens, dated yesterday, which I enclose. You will perceive that he is in favor of a vigorous prosecution of the war. With his views I fully concur.

" I must earnestly ask that supplies be sent forward to us without delay. For the last three days none of the volunteers, except the two companies from Fort Henrietta, have had any flour. None is here an 1 but little at that post. We are now living on beef and potatoes, which are found en rdclie, and the men are becoming much discontented with this mode of living. Clothing for the men is much needed as the winter approaches. To-morrow we will remove to a more suitable point, where grass can be obtained in greater abundance for our worn-out horses. A place has been selected about two miles above Whitman station, on the same (north) Side of the Walla Walla, consequently I will abandon this fort, named in honor of Captain Bennett, of Com-

Tlie winter following the battle of the Walla ^\'alla was one of the coldest and most trying ever known in this country. The veterans among the volunteers have left on record accounts of their sufferings, which show that war in an Indian country was not a picnic in those times. The writer has heard the late W. C. Painter describe vividly the experience of sleeping, or trying to, with scarcely any covering and the mercury at twenty below zero.

Meantime, while these events were occurring in the Walla Walla and Yakima countries, what was Governor Stevens doing? As already noted, after having negotiated the treaty at \\'alla Walla in June, 1855, he passed on to the Blackfoot country where he also negotiated a successful treaty. Having reached Hellgate, in the present Montana, on his return, he was met I)y a detachment of Xez Perce Indians who informed him of the war and of the fact that he was thus cut off from any direct communication with his government. His own official report to the Secretary ni War gives so clear and \i\id an account of what followed that we reproduce it here.

"The result of our conference was most satisfactory. The whole pnrty. numl>ering iourteen men, among whom were Spotted Eagle, Looking Glass and Three Feathers, principal chiefs among the Xez Perces, expressed their determination to accompany me and share any danger to be encountered. They expressed a desire that after crossing the mountains I should go to their countrv where a large

"Having replenished my train with all the animals to be had, on November 14th we pushed forward, crossed the Bitter Root mountains the twentieth, in snow two and a half to three feet deep, anti reached the Cceur d'Alene mission the twenty-fifth, taking the Coeur d'Alenes entirely by surprise. They had not thought it possible that we could cross the mountains so late in the season.

"With the Cfieur d'Alenes I held a council, ar.d found them much excited, on a 'balance for peace or war, and a chance word might turn them either way. Rumors of all kinds met us here : that the troops had fought a battle with the Yakimas and driven them across the Columbia towards the Spokane, and that the Walla Wallas, Cayuses and Umatillas were in arms, and that they had been joined by a party of Nez Perces. The accumts were of so contradictory a nature that nothing certain could be ascertained from them, excepting that the several tribes below were in arms, blocking up our road, and liad threatened to cut off my ]);;rty in any event. However, I determined to push to the Spokane.

"The Spokanes were even more sur])rised tl.r.n the Cceur d'.Vlenes on seeing us. Three hours before my arrival they had heard that I was going to the settlements by way of New \'ork. I immediately called a council ; sent to Fort Colville for Mr. McDonald in charge of that post of the Hudson's Bay Company: sent also for the Jesuit fathers at that jioint. They arrived. .\ council was held, at which the whole Spokane nation was represented. The Cceur d'Alenes and Colville Indians also were present.

extreme liostility of feeling: spoke of the war below; wanted it stopped; said the whites were wrong. The lielief was current that Peupeumoxmox would cut off my party, as he had repeatedly threatened. They had not joined in the war. but yet would make no promise to remain neutral. If the Indians now at war were (lri\'en into their country they would not answer for the consequences ; probably many of the Spokanes would join them. After a stormy council of several days the Spokanes, Oeur d'Alenes and Colvilles were entirely conciliated and promised they would reject all overtures of the hostile Indians and continue the firm friends of the whites.

"Having added to my party and organized, etc., we thence made a forced march to the Xez Perce country. Air. Craig had received letters which informed me that the whole Walla Walla valley was blocked up with hostile Indians, an<l the Xez Perce said it would be impossible to go through.

"I called a council and proposed to them that one hundred and fifty of their young men should accompany me to The Dalles. Without hesitation they agreed to go. Whilst in the council making arrangements for our movements news came that a force of gallant Oregon \i)lunteers, four hundred strong, had met the Indians in the Walla Walla valley and after fi-ur days hard fighting, having a nuni])er of officers and men killed and wounded, had completely routed the enemy, driving them across Snake river and toward the Nez Perce country. The next day I pushed forward, accompanied by sixty-nine Xez Perces, well armed, and reached Walla Walla without encountering any hostile Indians. They had all been driven across Snake river below us by the Oregon troops.

"The country between the Blue mountains and the Columbia was overrun with Indians, numbering one thousand to tweh-e hundred warriors, including the force at Priest Rapids under Kamaiakun, who had sworn to cut me off; it was completely blocked up. One effect of the campaign of the regulars and volunteers in the Yakima country under Brigadier General Rains, was to drive Kamaiakun and his people on our side of the Columbia river, and thus endanger our movement from tlie Spokane to the Xez Perce country. Thus we had been hemmed in by a body of hostile Indians through whom we could have (jnly forced our way with extreme difficulty and at great loss of life. We might all have been sacrificed in the attempt. To the opening the way to my party, I am solely indebted to the Oregon volunteers. Peupeumoxmox, the celebrated chief of the Walla Wallas, entertained an extreme hostility toward myself and party, owing to imaginary wrongs he supposed to have been inflicted upon him in the treaty concluded witli the Cayuses and Walla Wallas last June, and had been known repeatedly to threaten that I never should reach The Dalles. He was the first to commence hostilities by plundering Fort Walla Walla and destroying a large amount of property belonging to the United States Indian Department. * * *

"At Walla Walla I found some twenty-five settlers - the remainder having fletl to The Dalles for protection. With these were one hundred friendly Indians. Special Indian .\gent B. F. Shaw, colonel in the Washington Territory militia, was on the ground, and I at or.ce organize:! the district, ])laced him in com- Uuind and directed him, if necessarv, to fortify, at all events, to maintain his ground should the Oregon troops Ije disbanded before another force could take the field. The Nez Perce auxiliaries- were disbanded and returned home."

Charges Preferred Against General Wool

"Thus we had reached a place of safety unaitled, excepting by the fortunate movements of the Oregon troops. Not a single man had been i)ushed forward to meet us, although it was well known we should cross the mountains about a certain time, and arrive at W'alla Walla about the time we did. Why was this? Arrangements had been made with Major Raines by Acting Governor ^lason, to push forward a force under Colonel Shaw to meet me at Spokane about the time of my arrival there. A company had been enlisted, organized ard marched to Fort Vancouver to obtain equipments, rations and transportation, which Major Raines had promised toth Governor Mason and Colonel Shaw should be promptly i\ rnished them. Some little delay ensued, and in the meantime Major General Wool arrived who immediately declineil equipping the company, as promised by Major Raines, and stated that he could not in any manner recognize voltniteers or furnish them equipments or transportation, and declined to supply their place with regular troops, of whom, at \'ancouver alone, were some three hundred and fifty men."

Following this description of his journey Governor Stevens went on to prefer charges of gross negligence on the part of General AX'ool. All history abounds in instances of intense personal feuds and disagreements, but our Pacific coast history seems to have been especially fruitful in them. That between General Wool, with some of the officers who echoed Ins opinions, the regulars in short on one side, and Governor Stevens supported by the volunteers and the nearly united people of the territory on the other, was peculiarly acrimonious. We insert the following extract from the report by Governor Stevens to the Secretary of War :

"\Mien remonstrated with by Captain William ]kIcKay, in command of the company, to push forward to my assistance, when informed of the object for which the company was enlisted, and that if it was not pushed forward a: once, or if some other force was not sent, Governor Stevens and his party would be in the most imminent danger, the general replied that in his opinion the danger was greatly exaggerated ; that proliably Governor Stevens would be able to protect himself, but if he could not, then Governor Stevens could obtain an escort from General Harney.

a reply was that! A moiety of the L;dians now in arms had defeated a detachn'.ent nf one hundred United States regulars. }ilajur Raines had placed on record his opinion tl'.at an insufficient force would be defeated by these Indians, and my party was supposed to number no more than twenty-five men. Yet Major General Wool very coolly says, 'Governor Stevens can take care of himself." So, too, in the remark that I could obtain aid from General Harney. Did (jeneral Wool know that the distance from Fort Benton to the supposed position of General Harney was greater than the distance from Fort Benton to The Dalles and that to obtain aid from him would require not less than six months, and that an express to reach him must pass through the entire breadth of the Sioux? Such ignorance shows great incapacity and is inexcusable.

self and party, when known to he in imminent danger, and ljelie\-ed by tliose who were less capable of judging, to be coming on to certain death, and this when he had at his command an efficient force of regular troops. He refused to sanction the agreement made between Governor Mason ami ^Major Raines for troops to be sent to my assistance, and ordered them to di.sband. It was reserved for the Oregon troops to rescue us.

"The only demonstration made by Major Raines resulted in showing his utter incapacity to command in the field. As has heretofore been said, his expedition against the Yakimas effected nothing but driving the Indians into the very country through which I must pass to reach the settlements.

"I therefore prefer charges against General Wool. I accuse him of utter and signal incapacity, of criminal neglect of my safety. I ask for an investigation into the matter, and for his remo\-al from command."

.And now that we have allowed the governor to tell his own story of the final struggle in the Walla Walla, every reader asks, "And how did iit come out?" Gilbert pronounces that the Indians got all they wanted, and that so, the great Walla Walla war of '55 and '56 must go down in history as an Indian victory. After Stevens had reached The Dalles, Wright went back again for a short time to Walla Walla, with a force increased by one company. But having reached the scene of the council and the farewell fight, he held an amicaljle meeting with the hostile chiefs and assured them that "The bloudy cloth shall lie washed, jiast differences thrown behind us. and perpetual peace must e.xist between us." He even went so far as to recommend that the Walla Walla treaties should never be confirmed. Steptoe, bv Wool's orders, issued a proclamation that no whites should return to Walla Walla, except Hudson's Bay People and missionaries. Wool, in general orders of October 19th, expresses the hope that Wright, "warned by what has occurred, will be on his guard against the whites, and prevent further trouble by keeping the whites out of the Indian country." But Steptoe had got his eyes partly open by the events of the season, and a little later he ventured t3 suggest that a good, industrious colony be permitted to settle in the Walla Walla valley. Wool promptly stepped on the suggestion by declaring that "The Cascade range formed, if not an impassable barrier, an excellent line of d&- fence, a most excellent line of separation between two races always at war when in contact. To permit settlers to pass The Dalles and occupy the natural reserve is to give up this advantage, throw down the wall, and advance the frontier hundreds of miles to the east, and add to the protective labor of the army."

Governor Stevens did not mince matters in summarizing this war and its results. His letters, both to Wool directly and to the War Department, might, without putting too fine a point on it, be styled "vitriolic." To the fiontiersmen of the country it seemed shameful surrender. After the bitter struggle of those frigid winters, after all the tedious traversing of dusty plains and snowy and precipitous mountains, after the lives lost and the many wounds received, and especially after the brilliant and well-deserved victories won, then to have the regulars step in and rob them of all the fruits of victory by a practical capitulation to the hostiles - that was a jiretty hard dose for Stevens and his constituents. We need not blame the governor for some rather strong talk.

One thing interesting to note in connection Avith mustering out of the xdlunteers is that the horses which they had cai)tured on the Grande Ronde were sold at such a good price as to pay the entire cost of the expedition. Sales were for scrip issued by the territory, v.hich depreciated hut little. The total amoimt of script issued was $1,481,475.45. The general testimony of witnesses of those times is that there was a remarkably high morale on the ])art of all the \'olunteer forces, and that th.is was due \'ery largely to the character, ahility, and magnetic influence of \\'ashington's first governor, certainly the greatest man in the official history of those times. And so there Avas "ciuiet in the land hy the space of a year." In 1858 the Yakimas became so troublesoms that Wright began to conclude that they were not such desirable citizens after all. Major Garnett was accordingly sent into their country with a strong force, and he seized and executed a numlier of their chiefs and liraves. killed seven hundred of their ponies, and secured quiet at last in the land of the sage-lM-ush.

And now, though uf) battle was to be fought again on Walla Walla soil, it was the outfitting ])oint fnr the most remarkaljle disaster in the history of the territtiry, one which, if it had not been for the ever faithful Nez Perces, woukl ])iohal)ly have anticipated the Custer massacre i'l completeness and horr^ir. This was the

Steptoe Defe.Vt Of 1 858

Steptoe set out in May. 1858, to go witli two hundred cavalry to the Spokane country, though those powerful and independent Indians liad warned the troops to keep out, alleging that th.ey were neutral and wnuld nut allow either Yakimas or whites in their country. Steptoe, or more strictly speaking his subordinates, committed a most egregious and incom])rehensible blunder in starting from Walla Walla. On account of the great weight of provisions and l>aggage, a brilliant quartermaster ( said to have been Lieutenant Fleming) concei\'ed the idea of omitting the greater part of the auimnnitioii, by way of lightening the load. .\s Josei:)h McEvoy expresses it, the force was beaten before it left Walla Walla.

The expedition was made in ^lay. The wild torrent of Snake river was running bankfull from the floods of summer as the command crossed. Timothy, a chief of the Xez Perces, with a few followers, was living then at the mouth of the Alpowa, and by his efficient aid the soldiers crossed the wicked looking stream in good order and good time, and continued on their way, the iM'ave old Nez Perce accompanying them.

On May 16th the force reached a point near four lakes, prohahly the grou]) of which Medical Lake is one, though there seems to be a rather curious difference among the survivors as to where all this hap])ened. But wherever it was, here the Indians gathered in strong force and evidently with hostile intentions. Steptoe. realizing the dangerous odds, decided to return, the chief Salteese assuring him that if he would retire they would not attack. It is said that one of the friendly Nez Perces struck Salteese, telling him that he was speaking "two tongues."

On the next day at nine (/clock as the soldiers were descending a canyon to Pine creek, just about where Rosalia is now located, the attack was suddenly made. Throughout the forenoon the retreat and fight continued. The ghastly consec|uences of the blunder about the ammiuiition h'egan to stare them in the face as man after man had to cease firing. Captain O. U. P. Taylor and Lieutenant William Gaston were in command of the rear guard, and Avith amazing courage and devotion they kept the line intact and foiled all efforts of the Indians to rush through. They sent word to Steptoe to halt the line and give them a chance to load. But Steptoe deemed it safer to make no pause, and soon after those gallant heroes fell. A fierce fight raged for possession of 'tiieir bodies. The Indians secured that of Gaston, Ijut a small band of heroes fighting like demons got the body of the noble Taylor. One notable figure in this death grapple was De May, a Frenchman, who had been trained in the Crimea and in .\lgeria, and who made haviic among the savages with his gun barrel used as a sabre. But at last he, too, went down before numbers, crying, "Oh, my God, for a sabre."

At night fall they had reached a point said to be somewhere on the east flanks of Steptoe Lutfe, though there is a difference of opinion as to the exact location. Here the disorganized and suffering force made camp, threw out a picket line for defense, and buried such dead as they had not been forced to leave. In order to divert the Indians they determined to bury their howitzers and leave the balance of their stores, hoping that if the Indians made an attack in the night they might succeed in stealing away. The Indians, however, feeling sure that they had the soldiers at their mercy, made no effort a: a night attack. There was but one chance of salvation, and this was Ijy means f)f a difficult trail thmugh a canyon, which the Indians supposed to be entirely unknown to the whites. But by the good favor of fortune or Providence the Xez Perce chief Timothy knew this pass. Without him that next day would doubtless have seen a grim and ghastlv massacre. Durir.g the dark and cloudy night the soldiers mounted and in silence followed Timothy over the unwatched trail. Michael Kinney, well known in Walla Walla, was in charge of the rear guard, and is our chief authority for this narration.

The horrors of that night retreat were probably never surpassed in the history of Indian warfare in this state. Several of the wounded were lashed to pack animals, and were thus led away on that dreadful ride. Their iiufferings were intense, and two of them, Mc- Crossen and Williams, suft'ered so unendurably that they writhed themselves loose from their lashings and fell to the ground, begging their comrades to leave some weapon witli which they might kill themseh'es. But the poor wretches were left lying there in the darkness. During that night they foUow-ed, generally at a gallop, the faithful Timothy, on wdiose keen eyes and mind their li\es depended. The wounded and a few whose horses gave out were scattered at intervals along the trail. Some of these finally reappeared, but must were lost. After twenty-four hours they found that thev had ridden se\'entv miles, for the yellow flood of Snake river suddenly broke before them between its desolate banks. Here the unwearied Timothy threw cut his own peop'e as guards against the pursuing enemy and set the women of his tribe to ferrying the force acr(xss the turbulent ri\'er. This was safely ac- C(.implished. and thus the greater portion of the command reached Walla Walla in satety ii-om that ill-starred expedition.

Indi\idual narratives of experiences on that expedition have Ijeen given by men long after living in Walla Walla. Among these was John Singleton, Sr.. now deceased, who told the writer that being without a horse, he crawled on his hands and knees during the greater part of two (lays, running at night, until he at hist reached Snake river and was put across the stream l)y the Nez Perces. His knees and hands were worn to the hone. A soldier named Snickster reported that he and Williams, riding one horse, had reached Snake river, when the Indians overtook them and in a spirit of grim pleasantry told them that if they could swim the river tliey might escape. Plunging into the river with their horse, they soon fnund the Indian bullets boiling around them. Williams and the horse were almost immediately killed and Snickster, with an arm already broken, swam the rest of the way across Snake river. This story is told in several ways, and Michael Kinney considers it a fabrication. Air. Singleton, however, told the writer that he considered it as true. Joseph ]\IcEvoy also regards it true, though he claims that Williams was killed in the battle. It was generally accepted as true in early times. But we would doubt the possibility of any one, even under the most favorable circumstances, swimming Snake river in flood time with a broken arm.

The se(|uel to the Steptoe defeat furnishes a more creditable chapter in the history of our Indian warfare. General Clark at once ordered Colonel Wright to equip a force of six hundred men, proceed to the Spokane country and castigate the Indians with sufficient severity to settle the question of sovereignty forever. On August 15th Colonel Wright left Walla Walla on his northern campaign. In the battle of Four Lakes on September ist, and in the liattle of Spokane Plains on September 51)1. Colorel \\'right broke forever the power and spirits of the northern Indians. The severest blow which he struck them was the killing of nearly a thousantl horses. In his report Colonel Wright thus summarized the results of this campaign: "i. Two battles were fought by the troops under my command against the com- Ijined forces of the Spokanes, Coeur d'Alenes and Palouses, in both of which the Indians were signally defeated, with a severe loss of chiefs and warriors, either killed or wounded ;

2. One thousand horses and a large number of cattle were captured from the hostile Indians, all of which were either killed or appropriated to the ser\-ice of the United States;

3. Many barns filled with wheat or oats, also several fields of grain with munerous caches of vegetables, dried berries and camas, were destroyed or used by the troops; 4. The Yakima cl'iief, Owhi, is in irons ; and the notorious Vv'ar chief, Oualchen. was hanged : the murtlerers of the miners, the cattle stealers, etc. ( in all, eleven Indians), were hanged: 5. The Spokanes, Coeur d'Alenes and Palouses have been entirely subdued, and have sued most abjectly for peace on any terms ; 6. Treaties have been made with the abo\-e named nations. They ha\'e restored all property which was in their possession, belonging either to the United States or to individuals. They have promised tliat all white people can travel through their country unmolested, and that no hostile Indians shall be allowed to pass through or remain among them : 7. The Indians who commenced the battle with Lieutenant-Colonel Steptoe contrary to the orders of their chiefs have been delivered to the officer in command of the L'nited States troops ; 8. One chief and four men, with their families, from each of the above named tribes, have been delivered to the officer ii; command of the United States troops, to be taken to fort Walla Walla and held as hostages for the future good conduct of their respective nations : 9. Tlic two mounted howitzers aban-

The following words from General Clark's report show how completely the policy of Wool had been reversed. "Some time since I was persuaded that the treaties made by Governor Stevens, superintendent of Lulian affairs for Washington Territory, with the Indian tribes east of the Cascade range, should not be confirmed. Since then circumstances have changed and with them my views. The Indians made A\ar and were subdued. By the former act th.ey lost some of their claims to consideration; and by the latter the government is enabled and justified in taking such steps as may give the best security for the future."