The State Guard, 1848-06-20

which our institutions ami the habits of our society recognize. What would be thought if Congress should undertake to prescribe the terms of marriage in New York, or to regulate the authority of par parents - ents parents over their children in Pennsylvania ? And yet it would bo as vain to seek one justifying the interference of the National Legislature in the eases referred to in the original States of tho Union. I speak here of the inherent power of Congress, and do not touch the question of such con contracts, - tracts, contracts, as may be firmed with new States when admitted into the Confederacy. Of all the questions that can agitate ns, those which arc merely sectional in their character arc the most dangerous, and tho most to be deprecated. The warning voice of him who, from his character, and services, and virtue, had the best right to warn us, proclaimed to his countrymen, in his Farewell Address - that monument I of wisdom fir him, as I hope it will be of safety for them - how much wo hail to ap apprehend - prehend apprehend from measures peculiarly affec affecting - ting affecting geographical portions of our country. Theigrave circumstances iu which we are now placed make these words, words of safetk ; lor I am satisfied from all ( have seen and heard here, that a successful at attempt - tempt attempt to ingraft the principles of the Wil Wilmot - mot Wilmot Proviso upon the legislation of this \ Government, anil to apply them to new ' territory, should new territory he acquired,; would seriously affect our tranquility. 1 do not suffer myself to foresee or to fore, tell the consequences that would ensue ; for I trust and believe there is good sense and good feeling enough m the country to avoid them, by avoiding ail occasions which might lend to them. liricffy, then, I am opposed to the exer exercise - cise exercise of any jurisdiction by Congress over this matter; and 1 am in iitvor of leaving to the people of any territory, which may be hereatler acquired, the right to regulate it for themselves, under the general principles ofthe Constitution. Because. - 1. I do rot see in the Constitution any grant of the requisite power to Congress; and I am nut disposed to extend a doubt doubtful - ful doubtful precedent beyond its necessity - the establishment of Territorial Governments when ncpded - leaving to the inhabitants /all the rights compatible with the relations they bear to the Confederation. ) 'i. Because I believe this measure, if I adopted, would weaken, if not impair, the | union of the States ; and would sow the seeds of future discord, which would grow i up and ripen into an abundant harvest of wu^amity.

ing within their boundaries, except in those cases, where they have 'urrcndered le the General Government a portion oftheir rights, in order to give effect to the objects of the Union, whether these concern foreign nations or the several States them themselves. - selves. themselves. Local institutions, if 1 may so speak, xvhether they have reference to slavery, or to any other relations, domestic or public, are left to local authority, either original or derivative. Congress has no right to say, that there shall be slavery in Now York, or that there shall be no slave slavery - ry slavery in Georgia ; nor is there any other hu human - man human power but the people of those States, respectively, which can change the rela relations - tions relations existing therein ; and they can say, if they will. We will have slavery in tho ormcr, and wo will abolish it in the latter. In various respects tho Territories dif differ - fer differ from the States. Some of their rights are inchoate, and they do not possess the peculiar attributes of sovereignty. Their relation to the General Government is very imperfectly defined by the Constitu Constitution - tion Constitution ; and it will be found, upon examina examination, - tion, examination, that in that instrument the only grant of power concerning them is conveyed in the phrase "Congress shall have the pow. er to dispose of and make all needful rules and regulations, respecting the territory and other property belonging to the Uni United - ted United States." Certainly this nhraseology is very loose, if it were designed to include in the grant the whole power of legisla legislation - tion legislation over persons, as well as things. The expression, the "territory and other proper property," - ty," property," fairly construed, relates to the public lands, as such, to arsenals, dock-yards, forts, ships, and nil the various kinds of property, xveieh the United States may and must possess. But surely the simple authority to din dinpose - pose dinpose of and regldnte these, does not ex extend - tend extend to the unlimited power of legislation ; to the passage of all lairs, in the most general acceptation of the word ; which, by the by, is carefully excluded from the sentence. And, indeed, if' this were so, it would render unneesary another provis provision - ion provision of the Constitution, which grants to Congress the powers to legislate, with the consent of the States, respectively, over nil places purchased lor tho "erection of forts, magazines, arsenals, dock-yards," &c. These biting the ''property" of the United Slates, if the power to make

the same. The rejection of this restric. tion will not arid one to the class of servi servitude, - tude, servitude, nor will its adoption give freedom to a single being who is now placed therein. The same numbers will be spread over greater territory; and so tar as compres compression, - sion, compression, with loss abundance of the necessa necessaries - ries necessaries of life, is an evil, so far will that evil he mitigated by transporting slaves to a new country, and giving them a larger space to occupy. I say this in the event of the extension of slavery over any new acquisition. But can it go there 1 This may well he doubt doubted. - ed. doubted. All the descriptions which reach us of the condition of the Californias and of Now Mexico, to the acquisition of which our efforts seem at present directed, unite in representing those countries as agricul agriculiitrtvl - iitrtvl agriculiitrtvl I t-'jL*luilJJj similar 111 lliclr |M »/d»ictu t.» our Middle States, and generally unlit tor the production of the great staples, which can alone render slave labor valuable. If we are not grossly deceived - and it is dif difficult - ficult difficult lo conceive how we can he - the in inhabitants - habitants inhabitants of those regions, whether they depend upon their ploughs or their herds, cannot he slaveholders. Involuntary la labor, - bor, labor, requiring the investment of largo capital, can only bo profitable when em employed - ployed employed in tlie productions of a few iiivorod articles, confined by nature to special dis districts, - tricts, districts, and paying larger returns than the usual agricultural products spread over more considerable portions of the earth. In an ablo letter of Mr. Buchanan upon this subject, not long since given to tho public, he presents similar considerations with great force. " Neither," says this distinguished writer, ''the soil, the climate, nor the productions of California south of 36° 30', nor indeed of any portion of it, north or south, is adapted to slave labor ; and besides, every facility would there bo afforded for the slave to escape from his master. Such property would lie entirely insecure in any part of California It is morally impossible, therefore, that a ma majority - jority majority of the emigrants to that portion of the territory south of 30J 30', which will be chiefly composed of our citizens, will ever re-establish slavery within'its lim limits. - its. limits.

il SMIJJUCI UI DACUUUVD cuiisiultuiioii.- j There the Constitution has placed it, and : there I am willing to leave it; not only because I have full contidence in its judi judicious - cious judicious exercise, hut because, in the ever evervarying - varying evervarying circumstances ot a war, it would be indiscreet, by a public declaration, to | commit the country to any line of indem indemj - j indemj nity, which might otherwise ho enlarged, j as the obstinate injustice of the enemy | prolongs the contest, with its loss ofblood and treasure. It appears to me that the kind of meta meta1 - 1 meta1 physical magnanimity, which would re reject - ject reject all indemnity at the close of a bloodv j and expensive war, brought on by a direct i attack upon our troops by the enemy, and I proceeded by a succession of unjust acts for a series of years, is ns unworthy of the age in which we live, ns it is revol revolting - ting revolting to t lie common sense and practice of mankind. It would conduce hut little to our future security, or, indeed, to our pres present - ent present reputation, to declare that wo repudi repudiate - ate repudiate all expectation of compensation from the Mexican Government, and are tight tighting, - ing, tighting, not tor any practical result, but tor some vague, perhaps philanthropic object, which escapes my penetration, and must be defined by those who assume this new principle of national intercommunication. All wars are to be deprecated, as well by the statesman, as by the philanthropist. They are great evils; hut there are grea greater - ter greater evils than these, and submission to in injustice - justice injustice is among them. The nation, which should refuse to defend its rights and its honor, when assailed, would soon have neither to defend ; and when driven | to war, it is not by professions of disinter disinterestedness - estedness disinterestedness and declarations of magnanimi magnanimity, - ty, magnanimity, that its rational objects can he best ob obtained, - tained, obtained, or other nations taught a lesson of forbearance - the strongest security for permanent peace. We are at war with Mexico, and its vigorous prosecution is the surest means of its speedy termination, and ample indemnity the surest guarantee against the recurrence of such injustice as nrovoked it.

| who, if elected, will firmly maintain and carryout the great political principles in-1 traduced In the resolutions adopted by the Democratic National Convention in 1944 - principles which it has been the earnest endeavor and constant aim of my admin administration - istration administration to preseve and pursue - and upon the observance of which, in my opinion, mainly depend the prosperity and perma permanent - nent permanent welfare of ourcountry. If, on reviewing the history of my ad adminintration, - minintration, adminintration, and the remarkable events, foreign and domestic, which have atten attended - ded attended it, it shall bo the judgment of my countrymen, that I have adhered to these principles, and faithfully performed my du duty, - ty, duty, the measures of my ambition are full, and I am deeply compensated for all the labors, care and anxieties which nre in in! - ! in! separable from the high station which I have been called to fill. I shah ever cherish, sentiments ol deep gratitude to my fellow-citizons for the con confidence - fidence confidence they reposed in me, in elevating me to the most distinguished and responsi- ! ble public trust ou earth. It is scarely necessary that I should add that it will lie no less my duty than it will \ ho my sincere pleasure, as a citizen, to unite with my democratic friends in the support of the nominees of the conven convention, - tion, convention, for the offices of President and Vice President of the United States. With great respect, I am your ob't servant, JAMES K. POLK. T Dr. J. G. M. Ramsey, of Tenn. Washington December 24. 1847 DeakSiu: I have received your letter, and shall answer it, as frankly as it is written. You asked lie whether I am in favor of the acquisition of Mexicnn territory, and what are my sentiments with regard to the Wilmot Proviso? I have so dieu and so explicitly stated my views of the first question, in the Sen- : ate, that it seems almost unnecessary to repeat them here. As you request it, however, I shall briefly give (hem. I think, then, that no peace should bo granted to Mexico, till n reasonable in indemnity - demnity indemnity is obtained for the injuries which I she has done us. The territorial extent of this indemnity is, in the first instance, j

! o. Hut, utter till, it seems to lie gener genert - t genert ally conceded, that this restriction, it' car carI - I carI ried into effect, could not opcra'.e upon any 1 State to be formed from newly acquired j territory. The well known attributes of , sovereignty, recognized by u« as belong belongi - i belongi ing to the State Governments, would sweep before them any such barrier, and ; would leave the people to express and ex exert - ert exert their will at pleasure. Is the object, : then, of temporary exclusion for so short | a period as the duration of the territorial I Governments, worth the price at which it would be purchased ? - worth the discord it would engender, the triul to which il would expose our Union, and the evils that would be the certain consequence, let that trial result as it might? As to the course, which has been intimated ra rather - ther rather than proposed, of engrailing such a restriction upon any treaty of acquisition, I persuade myself that it would find but I little favor in any portion of this country. Such an arrangement would render Mexi Mexi: - : Mexi: co a party, having a right to interfere in our internal institutions in questions lefl by the Constitution to the State Govern Governments. - ments. Governments. and would inflict a serious blow upon our fundamental principles. Few indeed, I trust, there are among us who would thus grant to a foreign power the right to inquire into the consti'ution and conduct of the sovereign States of tliif Union; and if there are any, I am noi among them, and never shall be. To the people of this country, under God, now and hereafter, are its destinies committed; and we want no foreign power to interro interrogate - gate interrogate us, treaty in hand, and to say, Why have you done this, or why have you let! that undone ? Our own dignity and the principles of national independence unite to repel such a proposition. But there is another important consider' f ation which ought not to be lost sight of ir the consideration of this subject. The question which presents itsolf is not c question of increase, but of the diflusior of slavery. Whether its sphere be pro giessivc or stationary, its amount will hi

.. Wktumi'ka, June 7, 1843. Charles E. McDougall - Sir: At n Meeting held yesterday at the Council Chambor, for the purpose of making ap appropriate - propriate appropriate arrangements to celebrate the approaching Anniversary of our Nation's Birth Day, you were selected to read the Declaration of Independence upon that occasion. Permit us, sir, to request your compliance with the wishes of the meet meeting. - ing. meeting. Yours with respect, TILMAN LEAK, ) 8 AM. 8. BE MAN, Committee. ROB'T. C. CLARK. ) To C. E. McDouoall, Esq., Wf.tumpka, June 8, 1848. Gentlemen: Feeling a deep sense of the honor conferred upon mo, more es especially - pecially especially as it was entirely unexpected, I shall with pleasure comply with the re re[ - [ re[ quest of the meeting. Respectfully yours, CHARLES E. McDOUGALL. j Tilman Leak, j [ Sam. S. Beman, > Committee. Roh't. C. Clark, S Mr. Hardy: In a number of yoitr pa paI - I paI per, some two or three weeks back, we noticed a communication signed " Nim Nim\ - \ Nim\ rod," which stated, in substance, that the Commissioners of Revenue & Roads for i Coosa county, had resigned their offices; | consequently there was no Court on the first Monday in May; and in consequence of the doubts of the Judge of the County Court, as to his authority to go on with the business of the Court, nothing was done in the way of Districting the county and appointing Assessors. From which, to together - gether together with the earnest admonition of an editorial in the same paper, the idea seems to have gone abroad, however unauthor unauthorized, - ized, unauthorized, that the people of Coosa are deter mined to repudiate. Now our only reason for thus trespass trespassing - ing trespassing upon your patience and that of your leaders, is to assure those who may feel interested in the matter, that they need feel no apprehensions on the subject. I However objectionable the law may be in detail, there is not the least disposition among the citizens of Coosa to shrink from the payment of their taxes, even if they should necessarily be augumented to twice the present amount.

it argnos won tor me permanance ot our Confederation, that during more thati half a century which has elapsed since the establishment of this Government, many serious questions, and some of tho highest importance,, have agitated the public mind, and more than onco threatened tho gravest consequences, but that they have all in succession passed away, leaving our institutions unscathed, and our country ad advancing - vancing advancing in numbers, power, and wealth, and in all the other elements of national prosperity, with a rapidity unknown In ancient or modern days. In times of po political - litical political excitement, when difficult and del delicate - icate delicate questions present themselves for so solution, - lution, solution, there is one ark of safety for us ; - and that is, an honest appeal to tho fundar mental principles of our Union, uml a stern determination to abide theirdictates. This course of proceeding has carried us in safety through many a trouble, and I trust will carry us safely through many more, should many more bo destined to assail us. The Wilmot Proviso seeks to take from its legitimate tribunal a ques questiou - tiou questiou of domestic policy, having no relation to the Union, as such, and to transfer it to another created by the people for a spe special - cial special purpose, and foreign to the subject matter involved in this issue. By going back to our true principles, we go back to the road of peace and safety. Leave to the people, who will be aflected by this question, to adjust it upon their own re responsibility, - sponsibility, responsibility, and in their own manner, and we shall render another tribute to the orig original - inal original principles of our Government, and furnish another guarantee for its per. maaeneo and prosperity. I am, dear sir, respectfully, Your ob't. servant, LEWIS CASS. A. O. P. Nicholson, Nashville, Tenn. A gentleman informed the editor ot Cist's (Cincinnati)JAdvertiser, a few days since, that during the past year ho bad helped off four himdi'ed and thirty five runaway sieves, and only five of them had been caught.