Wilmington, Delaware - History (part 1 of 7)

Illustrated By Drawings

Whatever draws us from the power of our Bcnses, - whatever makes the f/ast.Wie distant. or the future preponderate over the present, advances twin the dignityiuf thinking beings." - Dr. Johnson.

By Benjamin Ferris

Be it remembered, that on the sixleenth day of AuguBt, Anno Domini \M5, Eenjamin Ferris, of the said district, hath deposited in this office the title of a book, (lie title of which is in the words following, to wit : " A History of the Orierinal Settlements on the Delaware, from its discovery h\ Hudson, to the colonization under William l'enn. - To which is added, An account of the Ecclesiastical Affairs of the Swedish Settlers, and a History of Wilmington, from its first settlement to the present time, illustrated by drawings.

" Whatever draws us from the power of our senses, - whatever makes the prist, the distant, (,r the future, predominate over the present, advances us iu the dignity of thinking bcingB." - Br. Johxsos.

By Benjamin Febkis. The rinht whereof he claims as author, in conformity with the Act of Congress, entitled " An Act to amend the several acts respecting copy rights."

Preface

As man is the only animal which manifests the least curiosity to know what will be hereafter, so is he equally distinguished by the desire to understand what passed before lie came into the world. This propensity, in the former case, is the mainspring to religious inquiry; in the latter, it is the motive to historical research. Notwithstanding die diversity of character which marks our species, we find very few who do not feel a curiosity to know something of those who lived before them, and of the parts [/-' they acted on the great theatre of life. It is found in children at a very early age. Not only arc they charmed with tales of wonder; they listen with delight to the simplest narratives of fact. So deep are the impressions thus made on the memory, that before the invention of letters, they were depended on as the conservatories of historical truths. But in the transmission of events by memory only, facts are liable to become mixed with fable, time is constantly curtailing the record, and death destroys the tablet. The aid of letters is necessary to preserve their just connection, and to rescue from oblivion the most important occurrences.

Much of the matter for a complete history of our primitive settlements is irrecoverably lost. The early adventurers were too much engaged in duties of the first necessity to permit them to record passing events. For the means of giving any thing like a connected statement of them we aTe much indebted to official documents, and other writings left by our predecessors, without any view to that object.

So few publications relating to the original settlements on the Delaware have yet appeared, that many, who are far from being indifferent to the subject, know very little of the interesting circumstances of our early history. No connected narrative, sufficiently comprehensive to convey a clear understanding of them, has ever been published in our language. Those authors who have incidentally treated of the subject have been too concise to satisfy a reasonable curiosity, and in most instances they have made so many mistakes as to mislead rather than inform the reader. The truth is, that much of the matter necessary to form a correct outline of our early history, has, until lately, been locked up in foreign languages, sometimes in books only to he found in European libraries. Facts of the greatest importance have been confined among the archives of public institutions, or in the cabinets of the curious. There arc not many in our new country, who can afford the lime necessary to explore the hidden resources of historical truth, widely scattered as they are, and often difficult of access. But a belter day is opening on the vocation of the historian. Historical Societies have been formed in several of the Stales of our Union. The Spirit of inquiry is abroad, connected with a noble zeal to discover and rescue from destruction the remaining materials for a. history of our country. The development of these hidden treasures will place us above the necessity of laying the foundation of our history in fable or uncertain tradition. We shall have no temptation to trace our lineage to imaginary deities, or to resort to poetical invention for the characters and actions of our ancestors. By an appeal to authentic facts the future historian will be able to give to his narrative a charm infinitely surpassing all others, - (he charm of truth.

The Dutch records at Albany, if published in a corrected translation, would furnish a large fund of curious and valuable matter for a history of our original settlements. In their present state it requires so much time to come at their treasures, scattered in disconnected fragments through so many volumes, that few can command time and the necessary seclusion from other pursuits, to avail themselves of the opportunity they oiler to enlarge our stores of historical knowledge. It is understood that Governor Bookman's official correspondence, during his residence at Christina, from the year 1659 to 16G4, is among those records. From the responsibility of his station, and from his character as a man of a liberal education, his letters, written during a very interesting period of our colonial history, would probably throw much light on the subject.

A good translation of Acrelius's '-History of New Sweden," would undoubtedly add much to our stock of knowledge. The small part of it already published is composed of extracts selected by Nicholas Collin, and relates chiefly to the controversies between the Dutch and the Swedes. Such detached portions of the work impair the connection of the history, and present its author in n less favourable point of view than he may justly merit. When it is considered that one department of history greatly illustrates others, it is much to be regretted that the whole work, as well that part which relates to ecclesiastical, as that which treats of civil history, is not translated and published. It is understood that a complete copy of that work is in the Library of the Philosophical Society of Pennsylvania; and from the laudable zeal of the Historical Society of that State to diffuse information, we may hope a translation of the whole work will not long be withheld from the public.

There are several other works relating to the Swedish Colonies in America, published in Sweden at different periods, which have not been translated into our language. One by T. E. Biorek, printed at Upsal in 1731; one by Andreas Hesselius who was pastor of the Church at Christina, from the year 1712, to 1723 ; and one by Charles David Arfwcdson, published in 1825. These, if rendered into English, would undoubtedly extend the limits of our knowledge relating to the early periods of our colonial stale, iliorek's work was written and published in the life time of their old pastor Ericus Biorek. and perhaps under his immediate inspection. In it would probably be found important information of an authentic character, as well as in the work of I lesselius, who having lived at Cluistina eleven years must have written of facts personally known to himself. As Hesselius succeeded Biorek at Christina, it is probable the two works might give us a chain of facts, of an inteiesiiug character, from the year 1697 to 1723.

The manuscripts of DuSimiliere, in the Philadelphia Library, contain a large amount of interesting information, from which might be extracted much that would illustrate the history of the early settlements in America. It is to be hoped that none of these depositories of historical knowledge will be suffered long to remain as dead slock to the inquirer into our colonial history.

The following narrative is not oifercd to the public as a complete or perfect history of the period it embraces. The author is well aware that more extensive research than his opportunities afforded, and higher qualifications than he can lay any claim to, are necessary to produce Mich a work. The limits which he had prescribed to himself, made it necessary for him to study brevity, and to convey the information in his possession in as concise a manner as possible, so as to accomplish the object he had in view. A larger work might have been written from the same materials.

The author has been much indebted to the New York Historical Society for the materials of his hi>tory. The last volume of their collections is invaluable. With the notes ami observations of its able editor, it furnishes, within a small compass, a greater amount of matter relating to the first settlements of the Dutch and Swedes, within the present limits of New York, Pennsylvania, New Jersey and Delaware, than can be found within the same space elsewhere in our country.

To the state authorities at .Albany for their kindness and liberality in permitting him to have free access to their records, and to copy fiom them such mailers as he deemed needful, the author is greatly indebted ; as he also is for the same privileges to the Historical Society of New Ybfk. He also gratefully acknowledges his obligations to J. C. Clay.

Rector of the church at Wicaco, and lo the vestrymen and church-wardens of the old Swedish Church at Christina, for the liberal use of their church records respectively. The kindness of the City Council at "Wilmington in the loan of their records is acknowledged with gratitude.

That part of the following work which is devoted to the ecclesiastical affairs of the Swedes, is the result of much labour: and a careful use of the materials in the author's possession. If it should be thought that he has gone too much into detail, the deep and general interest felt on this subject must be his apology.

In the part allotted to the local history of "Wilmington, it is not expected that the distant reader will feel much interest. To his fellow citizens he has endeavoured by a free use of the authentic information in his possession to make it interesting. Some ancient documents connected with the early history of Wilmington, which were found among the records of the proprietaries of Pennsylvania, after the revolutionary war, have been inserted entire. The author has not been deterred from giving them to the public by any consideration of their length, or the minor importance of some subjects which they illustrate. Small matters at home, when they relate to remote periods of time, often excite a higher degree of interest than great things at a great distance.

In the historical documents to which the author has been indebted for the facts contained in the following work, the dates present some discrepancies, not of any material importance to the reader, but involving some difficulty in the attempt to reconcile them. Under these circumstances it has been deemed most advisable that the dates should be given as they are found in the works of the authors referred to, without regard to the diffeient calendars, or the manner of expression. It might have been more useful to the exact chronologer, and would have been more agreeable to the author, to have reduced all the dates to one plain standard, and all to the Gregorian or new style; but the difficulty and labour of such an attempt were deemed to be greater than was called for by the circumstances.

In the compilation of this history the author has been careful not to insert any thing that cannot be sustained by competent authority. His highest aim has been to stale facts in a plain ami perspicuous manner, that the work may be referred lo as an authentic record of events. If he has failed in either of thoi^e objects, the failure has not been intentional. The future historian may add much interesting matter to enrich and adorn the narrative, but it is confidently believed that nothing will be di.-covcred materially to impair it, or to alter the chain of events as they are related in the following work.

Contents Part

Chap. VII. - Rising succeeds Pappegoia. Arrives in the Delaware. Captures Fort Cassimir. Strengthens the Fort. The Dutch capture a Swedish ship. Rising holds a council with the Indians at Tinicum. Sluyvesant sends a squadron into the Delaware, liecaptures Fort Cassimir. Lays siege to Fort Christina. It surrenders. Articles of capitulation. Fort at New Gottenburg falls into the possession of the Dutch, and the Swedish authority on the Delaware terminates, 8 1

Chap. VTII. - Character of Printz and Rising. Peaceable character of the Swedish colonists. Their situation after the conquest by the Dutch. Colony divided. Municipal regulations at New Amstel. Jacjuet and Beekman Governors. Jaquet dismissed. Aliich succeeds him. New Fort built near Cape Henlopen. Sluyvesant orders the Swedes to settle in one place. They refuse. Stuyvesaut forebodes a conquest by the English. Alrich dies. The Colony of the Company transfers its rights to the Colony of the City. Review of the Dutch Government, 99

Chap. IX. - The English prepare for the conquest of the New Netherlands. Sir Robert Carr sent with a squadron to New Amsterdam. Anchors in Gravesend Bay. Demands the surrender of the country. Sluyvesant demurs. Colonel Hide ordered to reduce the authorities to submit, by force. Sluyvesant surrenders. Sir Robert Carr sent with a squadron to reduce the Dutch forces on the Delaware. His commission and orders. Fort Cassimir surrendered. The inhabitants submit. The government changed. Colonel Nichols governs the New Netherlands under the Duke of York. Rebellion, headed by Konigsinarke, the Long Finn. Konigsmarke taken, branded and sent to llarbadoes to be sold. Sir Francis Lovelace Governor. His policy. Exacts duties on exports and imports. War between England and Holland. Dutch beat the combined fleets of England and France. New Netherlands recaptured by the Dutch. Restored to England by treaty. Andross arrives as Governor. His oppressive government. New Jersey remonstrates. Obtains redress, 113

Chap. X. - Swedish settlements on the Delaware in 1680. New Castle. George Fox's journey from the Rarilan to New Castle. Marcus Hook. Finland. Chester. Wieaco. Character of the Swedes, by William Venn. His arrival in the Delaware. Address to him by the Swede's. They chosen oliicers of the new government. Kind treatment by the proprietaries, 129

Contents. It

Chap. XL - William Perm. Quakers' sufferings under Charles II. and James II. Penn opposes the arbitrary measures of the courts in England. Character of the government instituted in Pennsylvania, *40

Part Ii Ecclesiastical Affairs Of The Swedes

Chap. I. - Old Swedes' Church at Christina. First church in the Fort at Christina. Crane-hook Church built for the Dutch and Swedes. The two races intermarry. Lock, their only pastor, twenty years. Fabritius pastor at VVicaco. His death. Swedes on the Delaware without a minister. Lay readers. Disorders prevail. Swedes send to Amsterdam for a clergyman. Effort ineffectual. Prospect dark. William Penn sends them religious books, and a bible for their church. Colony prospers. Andrew Printz, from Sweden, visits his countrymen. Returns to Sweden. Letter from Thelin at Goltenburg to Swedes on Delaware. They answer it. Three missionaries sent by the King. They arrive. Account of their voyage. First meeting at Crane-hook Church. Agree to build a church at Christina. State of the country, 144

Chap. II. - Crane-hook church unfavourably situated. Corner stone of Christina church laid. Articles with the mason and carpenter. Church finished, 159

Chap. III. - Church dedicated. Subscriptions. Belfry and bellringing. Inscriptions. Porticoes built. Steeple erected. Oldest gtave-stones. Present stale of the old church and lands round it. Crane-hook church properly sold. John Hans Slcllmaivs bounty, 168

Chap. IV. - Missionaries from Sweden. Account of them. Reorus Toikillus. John Campanius Holm. Lawrence Charles Ldkenius. Israel Ilolg. Peter. Matthias. Jacob Fabritius. Ericus Biorek. Andrew Hesselius. Samuel Hesselius. John F.neburg. Peter Tranberg. Israel Acrelius. Erick Unander. Andreas Borell. Lawrence Girelius. The Swedish language ceases to be intelligible. Missions cease. Girelius recalled. Letter from the Archbishop of Upsal to the Swedish congregations in America. Monumental inscriptions, 17?

History Of Wilmington

Chap. I. - Location. Christiana liver. Brandywine. Original patents to Tyraen Slidham and John Anderson. Rattle Snake Kill. Black Cat's Kill. Brandywine, origin of its name. Division of Anderson's tract. Description of the parts. Stalcop. origin of the name. Church land. Leases by the trustees of lands in Wilmington. Peterson's grant to Andrew Justison. Description of the lvact;

Chap. II. - Thomas Willing marries Catharine, the daughter of Andrew Justison. Justison assigns land to Willing. He lays out a town. First house certainly known to have been built. William Shipley purchases land in the town. Second purchase. Removes to the town. Town plan enlarged. Grows rapidly. Petition for a charier. Market-house built. Times for holding markets. Advertisement,

Chap. 111. - "William Shipley's first residence. Disputes concerning market place. Determination to build another market house. Protests against it. Appeal to Governor Penn. He interferes. Letter to him. William Shipley's letter to Penn. David Ferris' letter to Penn. Joseph Howes' letter to Penn.

Chap. IV. - Contract for the purchase of the market house. Subscriptions. Uneasiness between parties increases. Personal violence. Charter granted. Name changed from Willingtown to Wilmington. Disputes settled. Lower market house finished. Description. Two markets established. Burgesses made conservators of the peace. Ground purchased for prison. Cage, stocks and whipping-post erected. Cage called " smoke-house." Its description. Fairs. First election under the charter. First officers of the Borough. Number of inhabitants. First vessel built for foreign trade. Cargo. Trade to the West Indies and Ireland. Increases. Insurrection at St. Domingo. Piefugecs settle in Wilmington. Consequences. Yellow Fever in Philadelphia. Wilmington crowded with her citizens. Consequences. French Revolution. Jay's treaty. Opposition to it. Consequences. Bank oi Delaware. Bank of Wilmington and Brandywine. Farmers' Bank. Union Bank of Delaware. City hall built. Town clock. Bell. Library. Cells.

Contents. Xi

Chap. V. - Yellow fever in Wilmington in 1798 and 1802. Quarantine ineffectual. Board of Health. Memorial of the board on one of its members. Prosperity of Wilmington. First cotton factory. Berlin and Milan decrees. British Orders in Council. Manufactures instituted. Road over die Old Ferry to New Castle. Wilmington bridge over the Christiana. Turnpike roads. Kail roads and canals. Events of the war of 1S12. Treaty of peace. Death of James A. Bayard. Powder mill explosion. Its consequences. Death of E. I.Dupont. Changes in the surface of the ground. Ascents and descents fixed by law. Waterworks. Wilmington a city. Bows of houses. Manufactories. Shipyards. Markets. Rail road. Steamboats, 231

Chap. VI. - William and Elizabeth Shipley. Old Joan. Smokehouse. Drumming out. Wheelbarrow men. Health and longevity. List of aged persons. Cherry Island. Sixty years ago. Michael Wolf. Peter Steinmetz. Wilmington fairs. Pugilism. Contracionof the Christeen. Filling up. First stone cutter. Sheward's race. Charles Springer. Joseph Springer, his son. Joseph Springer, his grandson. Caty Dean. First apothecary shop. Schools and barling out. Griffith Minshall. Academy hill. Rejoicing for the peace of 17 S3. Clements' Creek. Travellers' tales. Rattle-snakes. Sea spiders. Fish-tree. Silver region. Black maize, lions. &c. Grapes. Manitto or devil-fish. Great trees. Land about Christina flowing with milk and honey. Gamboge found at the Old Ferry. Red paint at Kimensi used instead of Cinnabar. 'Wonderful calabashes. Remarks. Table of exports and imports at New Amsterdam. Old houses. Houses for worship now in Wilmington. Prices of the market, kc. First bridge over Brandy wine. First mill in Wilmington. Second bridge over Brandy wine. Old bolting mill. Old saw mill. List of Swedish families on the Delaware. Health of Wilmington. Testimony of physicians. New Castle church and other old places of worship, 25:

Errata

The following errors escaped attention as the work was passing throi the press. Page 4 line 13 from the top, instead of " motion" icad emotion.

Original Settlements

To Italy belongs the honour of producing two of thetmost distinguished navigators of the world. Whilst the inhabitants of the British Isles were yet in a state of semi-barbarism, Italy was enriched by commerce, and had made advances in the sciences and in the arts, which entitled her to rank among the most enlightened and polished nations of Europe. Her mariners, nursed from their infancy on the water, had acquired that skill and boldness which experience only can give. The limits of their own inland seas were too narrow for their enterprise ; they boldly extended their adventures beyond the Straits oi Gibraltar, and ventured their little and frail vessels on the broad bosom of oceans, as yet trackless and unexplored.

Columbus, a native of Genoa, in 1492, had discovered some islands on the American coast ; it was reserved for a Venetian merchant to discover the main laud. To John Cabot, the father of the celebrated Sebastian Cabot, is due the credit of first seeing this vast continent. On the 24th of the month called

England claims the honour of this discovery, and had it been made by a native of that country, and at the expense of the crown, the claim would be indisputable. But the voyage was undertaken by a native of Venice. It was executed at his own proper costs, and at his own risk. The energy to plan, the skill to direct, the means to prosecute the voyage, must all be credited to the science, ardour, and public spirit of foreigners. The reigning monarch, Henry VII., notorious for his parsimony, allowed them to labour for the profit of the crown at their own costs, and after all their perils and expenditures, bound them to pay to the king one-fifth part of the emoluments.

In the year 1498, Cabot, in company with his son Sebastian, a noble-minded youth, then only twenty-one years old, made a second voyage to America. They reached the continent near Cape Grimington, on the coast of Labrador, N. lat. 58. Finding the region intensely cold, and the country inimical to the objects of their enterprise, they bore away to the south-west, and were the first navigators who discovered and sailed along the coast, from the far north to the capes of the Chesapeake. But it does not appear that they landed, or took possession of any part of the country, either beyond or within the present limits of the United States. The expedition was obliged to return for want of provisions, and the voyage terminated, more to the honour than profit of the adventurers.

From this period the ardour for maritime enterprise spread with great and unparalleled rapidity through the States of Europe. The Portuguese fitted out Cortereal, who reached the shores of North America in 1501, and sailed along our coast from Cape Cod to the 50th degree of north latitude. Within ten years after Cabot's discovery, the French were well acquainted with the banks of Newfoundland, and had a fleet of vessels there engaged in the fishery. They gave the name to Cape Breton, - and Dennis, a citizen of llonfleur, drew a map of the Gulph of St. Lawrence. Verrazzini, a Florentine, under the patronage of

Original Settlements Ox The Delaware

Francis I., of France, arrived on the coast of Carolina in 1524 and it is supposed was the first European who had ever seen that part of the continent, lie sailed northward, - entered the bay of New Port, in Rhode Island, and afterwards pursued his course as far as Newfoundland. * He was delighted with the country and its inhabitants, and on his return to France wrote a narrative of his adventures, which is still extant, containing one of the earliest descriptions of our coast. In 1534, Carrier, a French adventurer, discovered the Gulph of St. Lawrence, and sailed so far up the river that he could see either side of it at the same time. In the following year the king furnished ships for a second adventure, and Cartier penetrated the country as far as Montreal, to which he gave its present name.

No further discoveries of much importance were made of territories within the present limits of the United States, during the next half century. Much had been expended, many had perished, and little pecuniary reward had followed the daring enterprise of a host of adventurers. In the following century, however, the spirit of adventure revived. Within the first ten years of it the French were active along our north-eastern and north fern frontier. In 1603 Champlain sailed up the St. Lawrence, and finally explored the country along the Sorel, and to the lake, which is destined, as an imperishable monument, to bear his name down to the latest ages. In 1604 De Montz explored the shores and rivers of New England, as far south as Cape Cod. The first French settlement in America was made in that year at Port Royal.

*It has been supposed that Verrazzini entered New York bay. As there is no tradition among the natives, of any Europeans having been there before Hudson, some have doubled the fact. The account of Verrazzini, however, makes it probable that he discovered the entrance to the bay, and that he sent his boat some distance up ft, far enough to ascertain its form, but no practical advantage ensued.

The Indian account of the first arrival of the Europeans, given by Hecke welder, agrees remarkably vrilh the account of Hudson's first visit to Manhattan. See New York Hist. Soe. Collections, vol. 2, p. 71.

curred after this event, until the celebrated Henry Hudson undertook to penetrate our northern seas, in search of a passage through them to China and Japan. Fortius purpose he was litted out by some London merchants, and set sail in a small vessel, on the first day of May, 1607. With a crew of ten men and a boy, he boldly pushed into the North sea, and sailed as highaslat. 80°; but. being stopped by the ice, he rctured to England in the following autumn. Pursuing the same object, he sailed again in 1608, but could get no further than Nova Zembla, and returned the same year.

Hudson having twice failed to attain his end, it is supposed his employers became discouraged and abandoned the scheme. The hopes and the ardour of this great navigator were not, however, crushed by this failure, for we find him the next year in Holland, then one of the most commercial countries in the world, contracting with the Dutch East India Company to seek for them a nearer route to China by the northern seas. The arrangements being completed, on the 4th day of April, 1609, in a ship called the Crescent, but more commonly the Half-Moon, he sailed toward the north. Not succeeding in his object, his crew became dissatisfied ; upon which he determined to examine the more southern coasts of America. Pursuing this object, he sailed southerly as far as Cape Cod, and supposing it an original discovery, he called it New Holland ;* thence steering a southwesterly course, he kept along our coast till he came to a point south of the capes of the Chesapeake. Knowing that a colony had been settled on some of the shores within those capes, he turned his course towards the north-east, and on the 2Sth day of August, he entered the Delaware. t After passing into the bay above Cape Henlopen, they found the "land to trend away toward the north-west, with a great bay and rivers, but the bay was shoal," and seeing it dangerous by reason of sand bars, they did not attempt to explore it, but very soon stood out to sea, position as "a very good harbour for all winds."* On the 14th they began to ascend the noble river which still bears the name of Hudson. On the loth they passed through the splendid scenery of the Highlands, and continued their course several miles beyond the present city of Hudson. Some of the ship's crew proceeded in the boat eight or nine leagues higher up the river, probably to Castle Island just below Albany, and some writers suppose they advanced as far as Troy.

On the 4th of October, 1609, Hudson left New York bay, and returned to Holland, with a chart of his discoveries, and an interesting report of his adventures.

In this report he gave to the merchants of Amsterdam such an account of the aborigines and of the products of the country, as induced them to believe that a profitable trade might be prosecuted with the natives. In consequence of these impressions, some of them, as partners in the concern, freighted a ship in 16l0,t and sent her to Manhattan. Finding the adventure profitable and the prospect flattering, they obtained from the Slates-General exclusive authority for four years to trade with the natives, on the North river and in its vicinity. Here they carried on a profitable commerce, leaving agents during the winter to attend to their concerns.

So early as the year 1G13, on the hostile visit of Sir Samuel Argall, afterwards Governor of Virginia, returning from an expedition against the French settlement at Port Royal, he ibund a number of houses, at least four, built on Manhattan island, for the aeomrnodation of the traders. This little group of buildings was in fact the beginning of New York, the nucleus round which has grown up the largest city in the United States, and the great emporium of their extensive commerce.

southern point of the island, and called it Foil Amsterdam. This was in 1614, or, as some writers suppose, 1615. It stood near a spot in Broadway now called the Bowling Green. lis successor, a much stronger fortification, bearing the names successively of Fort Amsterdam, Fort James, Fort William and Mary, Fort Ann, and Fort George, was finally demolished by order of the Legislature of New York in 3790. The public promenade called the Battery, aifording one of the most interesting and delightful prospects in our country, includes part of the land appertaining to the old Fort Amsterdam.

About the same period the Dutch erected another fort on an island near Albany, which they named Aurania or Fort Orange. It was surrounded by a moat, garrisoned by ten or twelve men under the command of Hendrich Christianse. It was armed with two cannons and twelve swivel guns, and intended as a depot for merchandise and place of trade. To it, for many years, the Indians from the interior, along the Hudson and Mohawk, and even from the shores of the St. Lawrence and from Canada, resorted in great numbers to exchange their furs and peltry for the splendid toys, the useful merchandise, and the destructive products of European industry.

But the monopoly of trade, which had been granted as aforesaid, was calculated to discourage individual enterprise, and from this period until the year 1621, little was done to improve the country, or to promote its colonization. Before that year, excepting at a few settlements about Bergen in East Jersey, and up the North river, not many European families were to be found cultivating the soil. The sole object of the Dutch appears to have been trade. The extension of empire by colonization, the advantages to be gained by covering the fertile regions in their possession with an industrious, thriving population, seem not to have entered into their plans, in the acquisition of foreign territory. Even on Long Island, in the near vicinity of their principal settlement, and seat of their government, so late as the year 1625, fifteen years after the institution of the trading company at Manhattan, there was but one European family residing.

Original Settlements On The Delaware

The States of Holland in the year 1621 granted a charter to certain merchants and others, incorporating them as a company, with extensive powers and privileges, and extending its duration to the term of twenty-four years. The States subscribed to the stock of the company half a million of guilders, and made a present to them of half a million more. No specific territory was granted, nor were any of its possessions guarantied to them. They were not permitted to declare war; and if involved in hostilities, they were to defend themselves at their own expense. It was known by the name of the "The Westlndia Company." Although the object of the corporation was exclusively commercial, vet it was perceived that colonization was necessary to carry it into effect, and from this period efforts began to be made to settle the country, not only on the Hudson and in its vicinity, but on the Delaware or South River, as it was then called. In the year 1623 a number of emigrants from Holland, under the guidance of Cornelius May, arrived in the Delaware. Having brought with them a stock of merchandise, as well as the means of defence, they sailed up the river as far as Gloucester Point, about four miles south of the spot where the city of Philadelphia now stands. At a short distance south cast of this point, on a very commanding position, near the mouth of little Timber Creek, May landed his forces and built Fort Nassau.

So far as our information extends, May was the first European who sailed up the river Delaware, and the first adventurer who made a settlement on its shores. Its object was trade with the natives. In the erection of this fort and the establishment of a trading house, May acted as an agent of the company .* It appears that the concern for many years was not sufficiently profitable to induce the company to support it. In ten years after its establishment, De Vries found it in the possession of the Indians t. Acrelius affirms that when the Swedes first arrived [in t In 1G33j Jan. 5th, De Vries was at Fort Nassau. Found it in the possession of tho Indians. In 1643 there were some of the Company s people in the toil. !>ee De Vries, pp. 252, 2r>3, 273.

History Of The

1638,] « the Dutch had no establishment on (lie Delaware." Proud says, that " the commodious situation of New York for the sea and trade, induced most of them [the Dutch] who were settled on the Delaware, soon afterwards to quit it, and fix their settlements on both sides of the North river, before any of the Swedes came to America." Campanius says: " The Dutch also claimed a right to it [the. country] because they had visited it before the Swedes, and had erected three forts there, which had, however, been utterly destroyed by the Indians, and all who were therein murdered or driven away, so that they had abandoned it entirely when the Swedes came."

From all the testimony in the case, it is probable that the settlement at Fort Nassau languished during the administration of Governor Minuit, which continued from 1624, when the 'West India Company was first organized under its new charter, until 1633. Pie was succeeded by Wouter Van Twiller, who came to New Amsterdam in the ship De Zoutberg, in the spring of the year last mentioned. But although the establishment was not a prosperous one, and the fort had not been garrisoned without interruption, there is abundant evidence to prove that the Dutch had not " entirely abandoned it," - nor is it true that it had been " destroyed by the Indians ;" the only fortification they had destroyed, was the one built by De Vries, near Cape Henlopen, in 1631. By a statement yet extant among the Albany Records, it appears that during the administration of Van Twiller which terminated about the time when the first Swedish colonists arrived, there had been erected in Fort Nassau one lame house and that the fort had been put into a state of repair;* which satisfactorily proves that Acrelius was mistaken where he says that, " when the Swedes arrived, the Dutch had no establishment on the Delaware."

* Commissary Hudde, an officer under the Dutch West India Company, in Ids report, yet extant, says, that at the time that Minuit built the fort at Christina, "in the year 1638, the company had then a sufficient garrison on the river, and sufficient fortifications, men, and ammunitions of war, and had been in possession of this country more than 14 years." See New York Hist. Soc. Collections, p. 42(J.

In the year 1629, the West India Company made renewed efforts to promote colonization in the New Netherlands. It is probable they began to feel the weakness of their situation, surrounded by settlements rendered formidable by a well organized, hardy population. This is evident from the various accounts of collision between them and their neighbours, in which the Dutch were generally worsted. The company now held out large and liberal offers to men of capital and influence, in the hope of strengthening their position and increasing their trade. To the founder of a colony, with not less than " fifty souls, upwards of fifteen years old,"* extensive tracts of land were to be granted, "to be holden of the company as an eternal inheritance," with powers of government, as of manors or seigniories, &c. &e. In that year a number of wealthy individuals united in the design of forming settlements, many of whom are noted in the history of our country, and some of whose names being affixed to places, will be transmitted to posterity Rensselaer, Godyn, Bloemart, De Laet, and De Vries, were distinguished adventurers of this period, t

To those who feel curious to inquire into the history of our early settlements on the Delaware, the adventures of De Vries are full of deep though melancholy interest. He left the Texel on the 12th of December, 1G30, bound for the Delaware or "South River." The vessels, a ship and a yacht, wTere laden with cattle, implements of husbandry, grain and seeds for cultivation, with all the necessary apparatus for whaling. They probably arrived in the spring or summer of 1631. The place chosen for settlement was near Cape Henlopcn, on Lewis's Creek, which he named Hoorn-kill,t probably from the place

^Now called " Whorekills." There does not appear sufficient evidence to support the tradition that this place look its name from the conduct of the Indian women, during the short period of DeViies's settlement. There is not the slightest allusion to such a circumstance iu any ancient statement. It is probable that following a very general custom of his residence, Hoorn, a port in North Holland. Here he built a trading house or fort, defended by a palisade, instead of parapets or breastwork ; and wishing that fall to return to Holland, appointed one of his colonists, Giles Osset, director of the establishment, and left him with the care of the new settlement, consisting of more than thirty individuals.

As, at this period, the adventurers who came out with May, had mostly removed into the vicinity of New Amsterdam, the colony of De Vries was now the only European settlement on the Delaware ; excepting perhaps a few families,* the remnants of May's company, scattered along the water, who, from a long and amicable intercourse with the natives, had learned to confide in their friendship.

During the absence of De Vries, his superintendent Osset quarelled with the Indians, and one of their chiefs was killed. "The friends of the murdered chief," says De Vries, " had resolved to be revenged." On the day appointed for the execution of their intentions, the colonists were all at work in the fields, except the officer who had charge of the store, and one of the men, who was sick. These with a large bull-dog, which was chained outside of the house, were the only guard left to defend the property. Three of the boldest Indians, who had been selected for die purpose, approached the house, and finding the officer near the door, came up to him and offered him in exchange for goods, a parcel of beaver skins : upon which they all proceeded into the store-house. The officer then went into an upper room, where their stores were kept. Oncoming down, one of the Indians cleaved his head with an axe, and left him dead on the floor. They then killed the sick man ; and afterwards going to the bull-dog, of whom of calling places in the new world after those in the " fatherlartd," De- Vries named it Hoorn, after the place of his residence. Cape Horn was named by William Cornelius Schouten after the same town where he had also resided.

Original Settlements On Tiik Delaware

they were most in terror, they shot at least twenty-five arrows at him before he expired. This part of their plan being successfully executed, they proceeded to the fields where the rest of the men, thirty in number, were at work, and approaching them under the guise of friendship, put every man of them to death.

" Thus," says Dc Vries, " terminated our first colony, to our great loss," and, we may add, thus failed the first attempt to introduce civilization into the territories now composing the state of Delaware.

The ensuing year, 1632, Dc Vries returned to the Delaware. Before leaving the Texel he had by some means heard o( the melancholy end of his colony. He arrived on our coast in the early part of the winter, and long before they saw the land, knew they were near the coast, " by the odour of the underwood, which at this time of the year is burned by the Indians, in order to be less hindered in their hunting." On the 3d of December, they saw the entrance of the bay ; on the 5th, sailed within the cape, and on the 6th, ran with the boat up the Hoorn-kill, having first put themselves into a proper state of defence, in case of a hostile attack from the Indians. They found their dwelling house and store had been burnt to the ground, and their fortification utterly destroyed. But the most all'ecting scene presented itself when they came to the place where their countrymen had been butchered; " the ground bcslrewed with heads and bones of their murdered men."*' Seeing no Indians, they returned to their ship, and ordered a great gun fired, to try if any of them would come down to the shore, but none ventured in sight that day.

On the next day, being the 7th of the month, they saw two'or three Indians near the spot where their house had stood, but they would not come near the ship. De Vries, anxious to have a personal interview with some of the natives, in order to ascertain both the causes and circumstances of (he destruction of his settlement, resolved to go ashore the next morning in his yacht, that he might have a proper shelter from their arrows in ease of an attack. Accordingly on the morning of the 8th of the month, in company with some of his men, he proceeded in the yacht, up the creek, to the place where their house had stood. The Indians came to the shore, but were very shy, and it was with great difficulty he succeeded in persuading one of them to go on board the ship : but by giving him a suit of clothes, and assuring him that their only object was to make peace with his nation, he finally overcame the scruples of the wary savage.

No sooner had De Vries attained this object, than a number of the Indians came forward in expectation of receiving similar presents, but he put them oil with the gift of a few trinkets, making them to understand that he had given the other a dress, as a mark of his satisfaction fur the confidence reposed in him, and because he was the first to venture on board the boat. De Vries then requested them to come again the next day with their chief, who is called Sakimas, in order to arrange and conclude a satisfactory peace.

One of the Indians was induced to stay on board the ship all night, which gave De Vries an opportunity to inquire into the particulars of the massacre. Upon asking him why they had killed the colonists, he pointed to a place where the Dutch had erected a pillar, to which was attached a piece of tin, on which was figured an emblem of Holland ; [probably the arms of the States General] and said, that one of the chiefs wanted to make of it tobacco pipes, and not knowing that it was improper, he took away the tin, which gave the officers in command much dissatisfaction. In order to appease them the Indians killed the offending chief, and brought to the officers in command some proof of his death. The officers thereupon told them they had done wrong - that they should have brought the culprit to the fort, when they would only have told him to do so no more. The Indian then went on to state, that the friends of the deceased chief, in order to be revenged, had destroyed the buildings and killed the people, as is before related.

Indian under a desire, at the same time to palliate the conduct of his nation, and conciliate the Dutch.* It cannot be believed that the mere expression of dissatisfaction at the conduct of their chief, would induce the Indians to put him to death; and it is equally incredible that, if they had done so, they would have sought such dire vengeance on the Dutch for a voluntary act of their own. No one, conversant with the history of that period, can be ignorant of the wanton acts of cruelty, frequently committed on the defenceless natives, by the roving adventurers of that day; nor can the universal kindness of the aborigines of our country, to their European visitors, when they first met each other, on every part of our vastly extended coasts, have escaped the observation of the attentive reader nf American history. There is hardly an instance of unprovoked hostility on the part of our native population, towards the early adventurers on the shores of the new world. It was not until: the natives had severely suffered by the base and gratuitous atrocities of the Caucassian race, or had by undoubted testimony become acquainted with the dark side of our character, that they committed acts of cruelty, or gratified the natural propensity to revenge an injury. De Vries, who was a worthy man, and greatly abhorred the exercise of inhumanity towards the natives, himself gives us some instances of shocking barbarity, committed by the Dutch at Pavonia, in New Jersey, nearly opposite the city of New York; and also on the Raritaii, which, for their atrocity, may fairly be ranked with the worst acts of Cortes or Pizarro.t He had good

* To those who are well acquainted with the Indian character, this talc will be well understood. Their policy in such cases, is in accordance with the views here given of it.

t " It was in the night," says De Vries, u of the 25th and 2<5th of February, 1643, that they executed these fine deeds. 1 remained that night at the Governor's, and look a seat in the kitchen, near the fire. At midnight I heard loud shrieks. J went out to the parapets of the fort, and looked towards l'avonia. 1 saw nothing but the flash of the guns, and heard nothing more of the yells and clamour of the Indians, who were butchered during their sleep." "About day the soldiers returned to the fort, having murdered eighty Indians. And this was the feat worthy of reason to abhor the unprovoked cruelty of the whites towards the Indians. He afterwards, in 1641, lost a colony on Staten Island, owingto a most unjust massacre of the Indians, under the authority of Kieft. But notwithstanding all his sufferings, and all his losses by Indian retaliation, he lias left on record this excellent testimony to the Indian character, given after a long and intimate acquaintance with it ; " they will do no harm, if no harm is done to them." De Vrics, in a remonstrance with Kieft against his design to murder the Indians at Pavonia, uses the following language, by which it is apparent that lie attributed the massacre at Hoorn-kill to the misconduct of Osset ! " Consider, sir," said he, " what good will it do ? We know that we lost our settlement in the Hoorn-Creek, in 1630, by mere jangling with the Indians, - when thirty-two of our men were murdered ; and now lastly, at Staten Island, where my people were destroyed, occasioned by your petty contrivances in killing the Indians at Raritan, and mangling the brother of their chief, for a mere bagatelle."

With respect to the affair at Hoorn-Creek, there can be little doubt that Osset, the Dutch agent of De Vries, had wantonly, or for some trifling offence, killed an Indian chief; and that he and his companions lost their lives in consequence.

the heroes of old Rome; to massacre a parcel of Indians in their sleep, - to take the children from the breasts of their mothers, - to butcher them in the presence of their parents, and throw their mangled bodies into the fire or Water. Other sucklings had been fastened [by their mothers] to little boards, [according to the Indian mannei of nursing very young infants] and in this position they were cut to pieces ! Some were thrown into the river, and when the parents rushed in to save them, the soldiers prevented their landing, and let the parents and children drown together ! Children of five or six years old were murdered, and some aged, (lecrepid men cut to pieces. Those who had escaped these horrors and found shelter in bushes and reeds, making in the morning their appearance to beg some food or to warm themselves, were killed in cold blood, or tin own into the lire or water. Some came running to us in the country, -having their hands cut off. Some had their arms and legs cut oil. Some who had their legs cut off were supporting their entrails with their arms Others were mangled in other horrid ways, in part too shocking to be conceived. ;: - pp. 208, 2(ifJ.

It is highly honourable to the character of Do Vries, as a humane man, as well as a man of sound judgment, that he took no measures of retaliation, against the .Indians at Hoorn-kill. On the contrary, he used every means in his power to soothe their feelings, and restore harmony and mutual confidence. With some difficulty he induced them to meet him in council, where he made them presents, and concluded with them a treaty of peace and friendship. With enlightened views of the Indian character, and of the true interests of the emigrant, he adopted a conciliating and peaceful policy, which lias never failed, in like cases, of the happiest effect.

After remaining a few weeks in the neighborhood of the Hoorn-kill, Do Vries determined to visit the spot where Cornelius May had settled ten years before. He accordingly, on January 1, 1633, embarked on board his yacht and proceeded up the Delaware. He was four days on the way, having arrived at the fort Nassau on the 5th of the month. Here he found a few Indians who wished to barter some furs for European goods, but De. Vries wanted Indian corn, of which they had but little to sell him. An Indian woman belonging to the Santhicans,* warned them not to go up the Timmerkill, [Timber Creek] lest they should be attacked, as she said they had murdered the crew of an English boat, which he afterwards discovered had been sent there by the Governor of Virginia.

After various adventures, and failing in his main object, which was to obtain provisions for his ship, he sailed for Virginia, and thence to the North river, where he afterwards planted several colonies. He arrived at Manhattan on the 16th of April, 1633. He there found a ship belonging to the West India Company, with Wouter Van Twiller, the new governor, on board, just about to enter on the duties of his appointment. His administration afterwards, for its folly and inefficiency, was well worthy of such an historian as Knickerbocker.

Chapter Ii

From the lime of Hudson's discoveries in 1609, until 1637, a period of twenty-eight years, no successful effort to plant a colony on the Delaware had been made. The first attempt under May had failed by the voluntary removal of the emigrants to the North river and its vicinity. There was the residence of their friends and countrymen, there they could hear more frequently from the "fatherland," and there was, even then, the great emporium of trade. The second attempt, under De Vries, in 1631, failed by the indiscretion of his agent, and the murder of his colonists. From the failure of i)e Vries, until the arrival of the Swedes, in 1638, no effort was made to plant a colony, or form a settlement on the shores of the Delaware.

William Usselinx, a distinguished merchant in Stockholm, was the first to propose to the Swedish government a scheme for planting a colony in America. He was a native of Antwerp, and had resided in Spain, Portugal, and the Azores, at a time when the spirit of foreign adventure pervaded every class of society. He belonged to a nation distinguished for maritime enterprise, and was among the most active and persevering of her citizens, in promoting, by means of trading companies, and colonial establishments, the mercantile interests of his country. Whilst Queen Elizabeth was yet on the throne, as early as the year 1590, in the days of Raleigh, Hackluyt, Drake, and other distinguished and enterprising adventurers, he had proposed to his countrymen the formation of a West India Company, but the dangers and uncertainly of such an undertaking were at that time deemed too great, and he did not succeed.

In the year 1624 he proposed to the Swedish monarch, Gustavus Adolphus, a plan for the organization of a trading company, to extend its operations to Asia, Africa, America and

Terra Magellanica. To an ambitious monarch, yet in the vigour of youth, ami already longing to share the dazzling advantages of trade with newly discovered countries, he represented the profits of such an enterprise in language well adapted to carry his point. lie persuaded the king that such an establishment would be a means of planting among die heathen the Christian religion. That by it, his majesty's dominions would Lie greatly extended, - his treasury enriched, - his people's burdens at home diminished, - and the nation not only relieved, but made prosperous by the establishment of a lucrative trade. He represented the Swedes as skilful merchants and mariners, having good ships, active, hardy seamen, merchandise for trade, and facilities for carrying it on with advantage equal to any of the nations of Europe, and finally, that the prosecution of his scheme "would greatly tend to the honour of God, to man's eternal welfare, to his majesty's service, and the good of the kingdom."

Usselinx knew how to address himself with effect to the feelings and interests of every class of society, and he did not plead in vain. The king heard him with pleasure, and granted him a commission to form a trading company, with ample powers for the attainment of its object. He accordingly drew up a plan and contract to be laid before the government and the nation.

Whether Usselinx had ever been in America is uncertain, but he had, soon after the organization of the Dutch "West India Company" some connexion with it, and by this and other means, was able to give ample information in relation to the country bordering on the Delaware, its soil, climate, and productions. In glowing language he described its beauty, its fertility, its advantages, as a place of trade, and as a residence; "a fine land, in which all the necessaries and comforts of life are to be enjoyed in overflowing abundance." His plan and contract were translated into the Swedish language by Schrader, the royal interpreter, and published to the nation, with an address strongly appealing both to their piety, and their love of gain. The king recommended it to the States, and an edict dated at Stockholm, July 2d, 1G2G, was issued by royal authority, in which people 3* the company. Books were opened lor subscription to the stock, without restriction to the subjects of Sweden, and Gustavus pledged the royal treasure for its support to the amount of four hundred thousand dollars. In the following year, [1627] at a general meeting of the States of the kingdom, the edict was ratified ; and, encouraged by the example of the king, a disposition was universally manifested by the people, effectually to carry out the views of the company.

The historian of the life of Gustavus* says, " it is not to be described how much all these new schemes delighted the senators, particularly that relative to the establishment in the West Indies, [as this country was then called] to which all people subscribed generously and readily, in conformity to the example set them by the king." Campanius tells us the plan was supported by his royal majesty's mother, by his Highness John Cassimir, Prince Palatine of the Rhine, who had married the king's sister, by the members of his majesty's council, by the principal Nobles, General Officers, Bishops, Clergy, Burgomasters, Councillors of the cities, and the greatest part of the commonalty ; - and that a time was appointed for bringing in the amount subscribed in Sweden proper, in Finland, Livonia, and elsewhere. Budman, in his memoirs, says, "ships and all necessaries were provided; an admiral, vice admiral, officers and troops, commissaries, merchants and assistants were appointed. The work was ripe for execution, when the German war, and afterwards the king's death, prevented it, and rendered the fair prospect fruitless."

So far as we have yet discovered, none of the Swedish annalists give any more probable reasons for the failure of a scheme, which had excited so much interest throughout the kingdom, and in every department of society. They give us to understand that the king's engagements in the prosecution of the German war, so absorbed his attention and the feelings of the people, that the concern was suffered quietly to die, and tin

JIarte, in his life of Gustavus, says, "But his majesty, greatly interrupted by affairs nearer home, had not power to give laws to two worlds at once, and the Spaniards contrived dexterously enough to make themselves masters of the little Swedish squadron that* sailed for America." Campanius, who generally is not' very good authority, says, "the designs of Gustavus could not be carried into full effect, because he was engaged in a war with six powerful enemies, and because the sMj)S that were fitted out for that purpose, were stopped and detained by the Spaniards on their voyage [to Jlmerica,] which was done in order to favour the Poles and the Emperor of Germany, then engaged in war against us."

If confidence could be placed in these statements, then the Swedish squadron, that, in pursuance of the plan of Usselinx, had been fitted out by the king's authority, did set sail for Jlmerica, and ivas captured by the Spaniards. But these statements are not supported by other testimony of any kind, and are probably unfounded.

But whatever may be the facts of the case, this attempt to colonize our country wholly failed. Well authenticated accounts of Dutch and Swedish writers give satisfactory evidence that the Swedes did not come to America until more than five years after the death of Gustavus Adolphus, who was killed at the battle of Lutzen, towaid the close of the year 1632. Campanius says, "it was in the reign of Gustavus that America was first visited and settled by the Swedes." This error, published in 1702, has been repeated by subsequent writers ; by Smith, in his history of New Jersey ; Proud, in his history of Pennsylvania ; Holmes, in his annals; Rees, in his Cyclopedia; Duponceau, in his translation of Campanius's "description of New Sweden," and by many others. The official records in the archives at Stockholm had proved that preparations were made in the reign of Gustavus for a settlement in America, but they did not record the failure. This circumstance may probably account for the error of Campanius, and, consequently, for the mistakes of his successors.

Chapter Iii

The next attempt on the part of the Swedes to plant a colony in America was more successful. But there has been much difference among historians in relation to the period when that settlement was made ; - so soon do the most interesting events become involved in obscurity and doubt. It is remarkable that so many circumstances, connected. with the history of that colony, should have come down to us, and yet, that not one date, nor a single fact should be known, that can fix with certainty even the year of its arrival! It is owing to the preservation, among the Dutch records at Albany, of an official protest issued by Kieft, the Governor at New Amsterdam, that we do certainly know the Swedes were here in the spring of 1G3S.

Peter Minuitj who conducted to our shore the first Swedish colony, had been Commercial Agent, and Director General of the Dutch West India Company, and Governor of the New Netherlands. Although the materials relating to his official character and term of service at New Amsterdam, are not such as to satisfy the exact historian, or to gratify a reasonable curiosity respecting so conspicuous an agent in planting the first permanent colony on the banks of the Delaware, yet, sufficient is known of him to show, that he was the first governor, under the company's charter, granted in 1621; that he probably filled that station as early as 1623, or 16:24, and that he was succeeded by Wouter Van Twiller in 1033. About this time, as is evident from the testimony of De Yries, and other writers, there was great want of unity and harmony between the company and its officers, as well as among the directors individually.* The scheme for colonizing their territory, had induced men of wealth to emigrate to the New Netherlands, and large tracts of land were granted them, under the charter to encourage colonization. The emigrants had become feudal lords of the soil, and having seated themselves on the best locations for trade, their interests became opposed to the interests of the grantors/' The monopoly of the company was adverse to the desire of the Patroons, to carry on a trade for their own private interests, and dissentions between them and the company's agents, were the natural result. The position of Minnit, as the guardian of the company's interests, was one in which it was impossible to please both parties. His integrity, as an officer, was calculated to raise up against him a host of powerful enemies. Means were insidiously used to undermine his credit with the company.

Note. - Rudman, on (he authority of Israel Holms, an old Swede. Hays of Minuit, " Quarrelling with the people, he left them and returned to Holland, lie was there impeached, tried, and dismissed horn office." Clay's Annals, page 16.

Acrclius says: "A certain Hollander, Peter Menewe or Mcnuet, had been in the Dutch service in America, got into disputes with the principals of the company, was recalled and displaced/' N. Y. Hist. Society Col. page 408.

It is stated in the same collections, page 450. that in a patent « supposed to have been executed in 1630, Peter Minuit is named as director.-'' But there is another and stronger proof that Minuit was the Director General or Governor at New Amsterdam, even at a later period than 1630. Keift, in his protest, dated May 6th, 1638, directed to Minuit, then erecting a fort at Christina, for the protection of the Swedes, says, " the whole South river of the New Netherlands, both upper and lower, has been our property for many years, occupied with forts and sealed by ow blood, which also was done when thou wast in the service of the New Ketherhnuh, and is therefore well known to thee, &c :" or, as it ought tq have been translated, " during your honour's Direction or Administration at the New Netherlands." See page 4 51 Now the only blood that ever had been shed as a seal to the claim by possession, was shed at the plantation of DeVries, on the Doom-kill, in 1632. Of course Minuit was then Governor at New Amsterdam. And this is in accordance w ith every authentic fact bearing on the case. That he served the company as director fourteen years before the Swedes arrived, is suggested by Hudde. If so, his' administration commenced in 1624. Hudde's Report, page 4-2!'.

Their information, derived through interested channels, was deceptive ; his enemies prevailed, and Minuit was dismissed from his office as Governor of the New Netherlands. Van Twiller, who had been clerk in the company's service at Amsterdam, was much better suited to promote the designs and objects of the patroons. The pliancy of his disposition, or the dulness of his perceptions, while it made him acceptable to the latter, was adverse to the interests of his employers. He arrived at Manhattan in the month of April, 1633, where he was met by De Vries, on his return from the Hoorn-kill, after the destruction of his colony.

At this time Christina, the infant daughter of Gustavus Adolphus, had ascended the throne of Sweden. Her father, a few days before the battle in which he lost his life, had, with much earnestness, recommended to the people his scheme for the planting of a colony in America. Under the direction of Oxenstiern, the celebrated chancellor of Sweden, whose wisdom and virtue have shed a glory on the age in which he lived, the patent which had been granted in the reign of Gustavus, to the company, formed under the iniluence of Usselinx, was renewed, and its privileges extended to the citizens of Germany. Minuit being now out of employment, and probably deeming himself injured by the conduct of the Dutch company, had determined to offer his services to the crown of Sweden. Long a resident in the New Netherlands, and having filled, for so many years, the responsible station of Director General, and Governor of the country, he had obtained ample knowledge of its circumstances, in relation to trade, and other matters connected with the prosperity of a new colony. His experience in the affairs of government, his knowledge of all the locations most favourable to the interests of agriculture and commerce, his skill and enterprise, strongly recommended him to the officers of the queen. The crisis was highly auspicious to the views of Minuit. Oxenstiern had determined to carry out the design of his late master, and was prepared to lend, a favorable car to the representations of the ex-governor. Minuit laid before the chancellor a plan of procedure, urged a settlement on the Delaware, and offered to conduct the enterprise. Oxenstiern represented the case to the queen, who expressed her satisfaction with the project, gave her orders for its execution, and Min»U was commissioned to command and direct the expedition.

But, notwithstanding this favourable result, it was perhaps two or three years before all the necessary arrangements were made to transport the little colony to the new world. At length two vessels were completely equipped for the service: the one an armed ship, named after a city in Sweden, the " Key of Calmar ;" the other a transport ship of smaller size, called the <l Bird Grip," or Griffin. They were stored with provisions for the colony, with arms and ammunition lor defence, with merchandise for trade, and with presents for the Indians. The vessels sailed from Gottenburg, on the west coast of Sweden, probably in the autumn of 1G37, and arrived at Christina early in the spring of 163S.

The time of the departure and arrival of these vessels is not certainly known. It is only from facts and circumstances furnished by the private or public records of that period, relating to other concerns, that we can arrive at a satisfactory conclusion on the subject. At that time the usual route from Europe to America was southerly, and mostly by the way of the West India Islands; where it was customary to tarry some time for refreshment, and probably to take in some provisions, such as sugar, rum, and molasses, for the use of the new settlers. Experience had not yet taught navigators the most expeditious route across the Atlantic ; and it was not uncommon for a good ship to spend five or six months on the passage from Sweden to North America.

When Rudman and Biorck, the Swedish missionaries, were sent to this country under the authority and by order of Charles XL, of Sweden, in 1G97, their ship was nine weeks and six days on her passage from Stockholm to London, and ten weeks on her way from thence to the coast of Virginia : that is, one

Clay, in his "Annals of the Swedes on the Delaware," tells us that when Sandcl,\he Swedish missionary, was appointed to come over and take charge of the church at Wicaco, " he left- Sweden on the 21st of August, 1701, and after some detention in England, and the usual tedious passage of iliosc days across the Atlantic, arrived in the Delaware on the 12th of March following:" - that is, in 29 weeks; in which time a good ship can sail from New York to Calcutta, and back again, with a cargo.

In the very interesting account of his voyage from Sweden to the Delaware, by the elder Campanius, we are informed that he sailed from Stockholm August 16th, 1642, and arrived at Christina February 15, 1643. To explain the nature of such passages as we have alluded to, we will present the reader with a brief review of Campanius's narrative, as given by himself. 1642. Aug. 16. Sailed from Stockholm. 17. Arrived at Dahlehamn. Sept. 3d. Left the same.

coast of Spain.) 21st. Sailing along the coast of Portugal. 26th. Off the Barbary Coast. 28th. South of the Canary Islands. Dec. 20th. Arrived at Antigua.

Jan. 3d. Sailed by St. Christopher's and other small Islands. 24th. Soundings off the Coast of America. 25th. Saw land near the Capes of Delaware. 26th. Off Lewistown. Feb. 15th. Arrived at Christina. Passage just hvemonths or 150 days.

Assuming that the ships under the command of Minuit arrived in (he spring of 1G38, it is easy to harmonize with this position, all the known faets having relation to the case. Clay says, "the building of a fort was no doubt their first undertaking after their arrival." This opinion is rendered very probable from a - consideration of their actual position at that time. The Indians were very numerous in that vicinity, and, under the influence of the Dutch traders, might be opposed to this invasion of the Swedes. The massacre of the colonists under Dc Vrics, only about six years before, must have been fresh in their recollection. They knew the West India Company would consider them as intruders. The officers of the expedition were military men, holding the questionable, but generally received opinion, that " to maintain peace it is necessary to be prepared for war."'* They were provided with troops, arms and ammunition, brought with the express intention of establishing a military post ; and finally, the people, ignorant of the strength of that defence, which kindness, benevolence, and strict justice build round a nation, would naturally feel insecure, without one. Under all these circumstances there can be little doubt that. " the building of a fort was their first undertaking; after their landing:."

That the time of their arrival was in the spring of the year, is rendered probable from a circumstance mentioned by Campanius, who tells us that " when the Swedes came to this country

* The colonies when first planted in Virginia, New York, anil New England, were " prepared fur war ^ and the pages of their history are mournfully stained with blood. No language can adequately describe the suffering, both of the colonists and the natives, that followed this anti-christian course. Wm. Penn and his colony came to Pennsylvania unarmed and deienceless, wholly unprepared fur war; and he and his people lived in harmony and peace with the natives, as long as the government remained in their hands, which was about seventy years. It can hardly be supposed that to cany a dirk and a pair of pistols, is the best way to keep the peace of individuals.

for the first time, they found it so pleasant and agreeable that they could think of no name more proper to he given to the place on which they first landed, than that of Paradise Point, which is near Cape Henlopcn."

If the little squadron left Sweden in the autumn of 1G37, as we suppose it did, and sailed a southerly course by the way of the West India Islands, as was usual at that time, it would probably arrive at the Capes of Delaware about the time of the vernal equinox, or in the early part of the Fourth month, according to the present style. At that period our spring unfolds her early flowers, and the opening buds of our forest and fruit trees exhale their grateful odours ; which, after a long passage, in a crowded ship, would excite the most agreeable sensations, and incline them to give the point a name expressive of their feelings. To them it was a Paradise.

By Acrelius we are informed that at the time the colony arrived, the Dutch, anxious to secure all the lands between Delaware and New Amsterdam to their own use, " kept, therefore, some persons residing on the east side of the river to keep a look out on all that might visit it, and these immediately apprized the Governor General at New Amsterdam, of the arrival of Minuit." Kicft, who had just before arrived at New Amsterdam, under his new commission as governor, kept his eye on Minuit, and watched his motions to discover the object of his expedition. Being informed of the hostile movement of the Swede, in erecting a fort, he immediately issued a protest, dated May the 6th, 1638, against the encroachment, and declaring his determination to protect the rights of the Dutch to the territory invaded.

If the Swedes arrived at the period we have supposed, there was time, more than sufficient, for Keift to receive information, and issue his protest against the proceedings of Minuit, before the 6th day of May, 1G3S. If, Iherefore, the building of a fort was the first undertaking of the colonists, and if their passage across the Atlantic occupied the usual time of such a voyage in those days, then we must conclude that they left Sweden in the

* Clay informs us that Rkorus Torkillus accompanied Peter Minuii. who brought over the first Swedish colony; and Nicholas Collin in his notes on Rudman's Memoirs, preserved in the books of the Swedish Church at Wicaco, says, "several clergymen came from Sweden during the colonial time; the first was Reoiius Torkillus, who died in September, 1643, and in the fourth year after his arrival.'1 This would fix the period of the arrival of the Swedes as late as 1639. But this remark of Collin, for which he gives no authority, cannot be considered of equal value with an official document.

Nicholas Collin, in his Notes on Rudman's Memoirs, says : " The time of this first arrival is not certainly known, but must have been in 1636, or 1637; because the fort on Christina Creek was begun in 1638, as appears by the protest against it by Wilhelm Kieft the Dutch commander at New York."

Chapter Iv

We have the authority of Acrclius for staling that the little squadron, consisting of two ships, the "Key of Calmar," and the " Griffin," having on hoard the first Swedish colony that settled on the Delaware, sailed from Gottenhurg on the west coast of Sweden, and reasons have been given for (he opinion that it arrived at Christina in the spring of 1G38.

Havingpassed the capes, and sailing up the fair bosom of our beautiful bay, they came to a point of hind jutting into the broad expanse of its waters, on which they landed for observation and refreshment. By Lindstrom's map of the Delaware and adjacent country, preserved and published by Campamus, it appears that this promontory was the same which is now called " Mispillion Point." It was probably in that season of the year, when the bursting foilage of our trees and shrubs, and the opening wild flowers ol our meadows and woodlands, load the air with perfume ; and when the feathered community, having commenced their annual employments, fill it with their music. After a long and tedious imprisonment in the narrow confines of a ship, with all the cares and anxieties incident to a new and hazardous enterprise, it must have been unspeakably delightful to land on this beautiful promontory, and enjoy for a moment the freshness and fragrance of the opening year. That it was so, we have the evidence in the fact that they named it " Paradise Point."

We are not informed how long they remained on the point, nor why they did not settle there. It was not far from the spot where the colony of De Vries had been cut oil by the Indians, and was within the limits of the purchase made for Godyn, Bloemart, De Viies, and others ; either of which circumstances might have induced them to remove higher up the countiy.

Embarking again, the little squadron sailed up the Delaware, and passing the point where New Castle now stands, at the distance of four miles above it, they found the land on the left, to trend away towards the west and north-west, forming a cove about three miles long, and varying in width from one furlong to one or two miles.

At high water this cove and the landscape beyond and round it must have presented a scene indescribably beautiful. The distant hills, - the promontories jutting out in various directions into the cove, all crowned with lofty forests, - and all the meadows and marsh lands covered with one broad sheet of water, presented a view, as they sailed up the river on a bright spring morning, unrivalled in loveliness, as well as in variety and extent, by any other on the Delaware.

As they lay at anchor off the mouth of the Minquas river, afterwards named by them Christina, in honour of their young Queen, before them on the left was the point, subsequently known by the name of " Cranehook," on which twenty-nine years afterwards the Swedes erected a house for divine worship. Nearer to thernlay the fast lands now owned by John Piatt, Peter Alrichs, and J. P. Garresche. Beyond these was Long Hook - the property of the late Major Peter Jaquet, and a little towards the east was the Old Ferry Point, then one of the capes of Christeen ; all on the south side of the Minquas, and all presenting fine woodland scenery. On the opposite side was the point of rocks, the northernmost Cape of Christeen, and the beautiful rising ground beyond it, on which they afterwards built their little town of Christinaham, the first town ever erected on the banks of the Delaware. Still further to the east, and over the " Sloor fullet" (great falls,) was Vandever's Point, where the Brandywine, on its way to join the waters of Chrisleen, makes a bold semicircular sweep round to the left. Beyond was Tredie Hook, a point ol high land on the Vandever farm, stretching out towards the south-east, and further to the north and east, on the banks of the Shelpot, were the lands late of Jonathan Beeson and Thomas Hobinson, stretching out their arms into the cove or broad basin 4*

This basin of waters then covered what is now culled Cherry Island Marsh, and also the line meadows of the peninsula, between the Brandywine and Chrisleen, below the old church. On the south side of the Chrisleen they covered all the meadow lands east of the Old Ferry Point, and those on Piatt's and Alrich's farms, as well as those lower down the Delaware toward the town of New Castle. They also covqred all the meadows opposite the city of Wilmington, called " Holland's Creek Marshes," and all those, on the westerly side of the Christeen, now known as the marshes of Mill Creek, Middleborough and Deer Creek.

Beyond this bay with its wooded islands and promontories, were seen the primeval forests of the country crowning the high hills to the cast, north, and west, of the land on which the city of Wilmington now stands. On the north-east were the hills known by mariners as the Highlands of Christeen, and which serve as a land-mark to navigators. On the north were the Brandywine hills, from the summits of which, on lands of the late Gov. John Dickinson, and of the Elliotts and McKees. the Delaware bay may be seen whitened with sails to the distance of thirty miles. On the north-west were seen the high grounds late of Cesar Rodney, Dr. James Tilton and John Way. Westward of these was the high point on which stands the Asylum for the poor of New Castle County, and southward of this the splendid elevations now belonging to Colonel Davis, James Bird, Capt. John Gallagher, and John Latimer, all commanding, in the foreground, line views of the meandering Christeen, and in the distance extensive prospects of the broad Delaware, now bearing on its bosom the riches of all climates to the city of Penn.

It is through the aforesaid meadows which were then extensive tlats, bare at low water, the Minquas winds its course to the Delaware. Passing up it, a serpentine course about two miles, they came to the point long well known by the name of

"The Rocks," which here form a natural wharf of stone; at that time being one of the Capes of Christeen, and so called in the ancient records of the country.

A more favourable spot for the disembarkation of the colonists can liardly be imagined. One might suppose it designed by nature for this especial purpose. High and dry, safe and commodious as a place of deposit, no delay and little labour was necessary to land their stores, and place them under such temporary shelter as might protect them from the weather.

We are not in possession of any direct information relative to the minor operations of the emigrants at this time ; but in the work of Campanius, who was here only live years afterwards, we are told that a smalltown called Christina Harbour, or Christinaham, was erected behind the fort. It is probable that this village was now commenced, and some of the houses occupied by the first colonists. JLindstrom, who came out in 1G52, has left us a plan of this town, and of this fort, which is presented in the work of Campanius, published in 1834, by the Historical Society of Pennsylvania. The fort, which was probably their first undertaking, was built close to the point of rocks, its southern rampart being within a few feet of the creek. On the easterly side of the fort, and immediately under its walls, was a small cove or basin called " the Harbour," in which their vessels might lay, out of the current of the Christeen, and without danger from floating ice on the breaking up of winter. This basin is now filled up, and the cattle are browsing where their ships were once moored, but its original outline and form, arc yet distinctly visible, coinciding precisely with the representation of it made by L'mdstrom, nearly two hundred years ago.

All the meadows in the vicinity were then twice in twentyfour hours, covered to the depth of four or five feet, consequently the body of water to be discharged at each ebbing of the tide into the channels of the Christeen, Brandywine and Shelpot, was immense; and it required that these channels should be broad and deep, to vent the mighty mass of waters. That they were so more than forty years afterwards, appears from the letter of William Perm io the Committee of the Free Society of Traders, in London, dated in Pennsylvania, 6th mo. (August) 16th, 1GS3, 0. S. He says: "The country Lath the advantage of many creeks, or rather rivers, that run into the main river or bay, some navigable for great ships, some for small craft. Those of most eminence are Christina, Brandywine, Slrityot and SculkWl, any one of which have room to lay up the royal navy of England, there being from four to eight fathom of water."* Since that time, by embankments inclosing vast quantities of fine meadow, decreasing the influx and consequently reflux of the waters of the Delaware, these rivers are greatly diminished.

On the aforesaid point of rocks, forming agood natural wharf, the Key of Calmar, and her companion the Griffin, landed their joyful inmates. This beautiful spot, one of the most attractive in the vicinity, connected as it is with events of the deepest interest, deserves more than a mere passing notice. From the north-east, among our loftiest hills, issues a vein of hard blue rocks. This ledge passing across the country in a southerly direction sometimes dipping beneath the surface, sometimes just showing itself above it, at length arrives at the shore of the Brandywine, on land of Edward Bellach, a short distance below the mills. There it presents a high bold front, and then sinks beneath the channel of that river. After passing under it, and a narrow strip of meadow land on its south side, it immediately rises in large naked masses, and proceeding onward, mostly below the soil, at length terminates abruptly on the very margin of the Christeen. At this point it presents a bare perpendicular front, elevated above the highest tides. It served our little family of emigrants with a good wharf, as it has done for every succeeding generation, down to the present day.

The land covering this ledge from the point of rocks towards the north, rises with a gentle continual swell, widening as it recedes from the Christeen, and standing high above the meadows on either side. It extends in that direction about six hun- drcd yard?, and (hen gently declines toward the Brandywine. When the Swedes first landed here, and all the extensive meadows round lay under water, it formed a beautiful promontory, jutting far out into the cove of waters, presenting on all sides extensive scenery, bounded only by the Jersey shore, and the natural forests of the country.

Commissary Hudde, the Dutch commander at Fort Nassau, in a report to the Director General at New Amsterdam, has given a description of the local situation of the fort, and of its state as a place of defence, as seen on die 1st of November, 1645. This document is extremely valuable, both for its antiquity, and the amount of information it contains. It gives more facts in relation to Fort Christina at this period, than can be de-^ rived from all other sources.

" Further up the river," says he, " on the west shore, on a creek, called the Minquas Creek, so named as it runs pretty near the Minquas land, is another fort named Christina. This fort lies about half a mile [two and a quarter English miles] in the creek, and is nearly encircled by a marsh, except on the northwest side, where it can be approached by land. At its southwest side it touches the Kill ; but though it is actually in pretty good order, yet it might be made stronger. This fort has no permanent garrison, but otherwise it is well provided, and is the principal place of trade, in which the commissary holds his residence. And here is a magazine of all sorts of goods.''''

The forts of the colonists at that lime accommodated the people in a variety of ways. They were not only places of defence, round which the emigrants erected their dwellings, and into which they might retreat in case of any hostile attack ; a fort contained the great colonial storehouse or magazine, and was the sole mart or place for the exchange and sale of merchandize. That Fort Christina served all these purposes we have adduced ample evidence. But Collin, in his notes on Rudman, shows that it served another important purpose. He says: " The first colonists lived near together about Christeen Creek, and had their public worship in the, fort there." This was the

Thus we can look back through the long vista of two hundred years, and behold that little area, about one hundred yards square, near the point of rocks; and sec the native Minquas, some in their canoes paddling down the Christeen, others on' land marching in single file, with their packs of beaver, and otter, and deer skins, and their tobacco, and maize, and venison, down to the fort, to exchange them for the cloths and the blankets, the tools and the trinkets of European production. There we can seethe wondering Indian, regardful of all around him, but, according to Indian custom, suppressing every motion of surprise or wonder; and there the trafficking Swede, spreading out his goods, and his toys, his blankets, and his beads, to tempt him to barter. There we can view the matronly squaw, with her pappoose at her bad:, fixed in a basket woven for the purpose, and ornamented with porcupine quills and other finery ; and there the tawny maiden, just ripening into womanhood, gazing with intense interest on the beads and the mirrors, and the shawls and the ribbons ; hardly able to suppress the workings of desire to see her person glittering in the splendid, treasure.

But the facts we have brought forward, from authentic history, enable us to take another view, not less important and scarcely less interesting. The Swedes were a religious people. Gustavus Adolphus was considered the champion of Protestantism, and in all their plans of colonization, they proposed to themselves the extension of Christianity, and provided themselves with the means of religious instruction. In the squadron commanded by Minuit, was a clergymen named Torkillus, who officiated at Christina till his death in 1C43, so that, the church being within the fort, on that spot the emigrants gathered themselves together for divine worship, and there united in vocal prayer and thanksgiving to the universal Father of mankind.

aware of the jealousy with which the West India Company would regard any attempt to settle on their territory, and deemed it prudent, as soon as possible, to put himself into an attitude of defence. Kieft, who had instituted a watch, to look out for intruders, was early apprized of this movement of the Swedes. No sooner was he informed of the warlike preparations on the shores of the Christeen, than he issued the following protest:

* « Thursday Glh of .May, 1G3S. "I, William Kieft, Director General of the New Netherlands, residing in the Island of Manhattan, in the Fort Amsterdam, under the Government which appertains to the High and Mighty States General of the United Netherlands, and lo the West India Company, privileged by the Senate Chamber in Amsterdam, make known to thee, Peter Minuit, whostylest thyself Commander in the service of her Majesty the Queen of Sweden, that the whole South Paver of the New Netherlands, both the upper and the lower, has been our property for many years, occupied by forts,t and sealed by our blood ; which also was done during

* This translation of Kieft's protest differs from the one translated Dy the authority of the State of New York, and now among the records at Albany : not so much as to the sense of it, as to its language, and particularly the date. It closes with these words, to wit:

By which it appears that there is a difference in the dates, of eleven days. The copy transcribed into this work is taken from the '' History of New Sweden." by Acrelius, published in the '-' N. V. Historical Society Collections," with only one change made in conformity with the suggestion of the editor of those Collections, page 451, "during thy directorship, instead of " when thou wast in the service." This change makes it conformable to the Albany translation which says, " during your direction/-* f '-'Occupied by forts." Alluding to Fort Nassau near Philadelphia, erected 1623, and indicated by the term "upper," and to the fort built by De Vries, in 1631, at the Hoorn-kill, called i: lower South River." - The only ': blood" that was shed as a u seaP of occupancy was that of the colony of De Vries in J632.

thy Directorship of the New Netherlands, and is therefore well known (o thee. But thou art come between our forts, to erect a fort to our damage and injury, which we never will permit, as we believe her Swedish Majesty has not empowered thee to erect, fortifications on our coasts and rivers, or to settle people on the lands adjoining, or to trade in peltry, or to undertake any other thing to our prejudice. Now therefore we protest against all such encroachments, and all the evil consequences from the same, as bloodshed, sedition, and whatever injury our tradiim company may sutler; and declare that we shall protect our rights in a manner that shall appear most advisable."*

Minuit wisely abstained from taking any notice of the protest. He must have perceived in this document, the evidences of weakness and hesitation on the part of Kieft, illy concealed under a boastful, threatening manner. To forbid the erection of a fort on the Dutch territory, because he did not believe her Swedish Majesty had granted such a power, was tantamount to saying, that if she had granted it, the present ground of complaint would not exist ! lie would have acted with more dignity, as well as sound policy, by adhering to his first position, claiming a right hy prior occupancy, and insisting on its validity.

Notwithstanding his threatening protest, Kieft quietly submitted to this intrusion of the Swedes, upon a territory to which they had no claim, under any acknowledged principle of national law. The country on the Delaware, had in fact, been first discovered by the Dutch, and at least two settlements had actually been made upon it, one on each of its shores. The purchases afterwards made of the natives, by Minuit and his successors, on the part of the Swedes, however necessary to complete a title to lands, in fact wholly the property of the Indians, could in no degree affect the right of the Dutch, which was a right of pre-emption, founded on discovery and a partial occupation of

* This document is valuable on many accounts, it fixes the date of the building of Fort Christina, and consequently the time of the arrival of the Swedes in this country: and from its tone throws great light on the relative standing of the parties at the time of its issue.