McLean County, Illinois - The whole text, 1900 (part 3 of 4)

^Ir. Douglas afterward offered an amendment to the bill * which referred to the Missouri Compromise, and declared ^Svhich being inconsistent with the principle of non-intervention by congress with slavery in the states and territories as recognized by the legislation of 1850, commonly called the compromise measures, is hereby declared inoperative and void, it being the true intent and meaning of this act not to legislate slavery into any state or territory nor exclude it therefrom, but to leave the people thereof perfectly free to frame and regulate their domestic institutions in their own way subject only to the constitution of the United States."

The proposition to repeal the ^Missouri Compromise, or declare it void, because of its opposition to the compromise measures of 1850. was received with reluctance: the people yielded to the Fu.^^itive Slave law, only to discharge their obligations under the constitution, but when it was proposed to repeal the compromise of 1820. or to declare it inoperative because of its supposed err. ' :'ct with the compromise of 1850. they were astounded. T' ' c}" had accepted the compromise measures of 1850 as a supp" ^-'rient to that provision of the compromise of 1820, which e::" v.ded slavery from the territories of the United States north c : 36 degrees, 30 seconds. Xo one can doubt that ^Mr. Doug! a ~ in his action upon the Kansas- Nebraska bill, committed the t:.. ;:ical mistake of his life time. He relied upon the strength of merely partisan organization. He did not understand what ht afterwards found to be true, that the questions he had raiser: vere of the most dangerous character and would destroy tr.-': Democratic party.

The language of his ar' endment to the Nebraska bill presented a conundrum of a!r:-^-0st impossible solution. It declared that it was not the intention of the act to introduce slavery into any state or territory or to exclude it therefrom, but to leave the people ther^rof perfectly free to regulate their own institution in their o\\ n way, subject only to the constitution of the United States.

There is no doubt but that the Dred-Scott decision, and the assertion that congres-, ;iad no right or authority to prohibit slavery in the territories of Nebraska and Kansas, gave birth to the Republican party.

It may be as well to give a few words, in explanation of the position of the Anti-.N'ebraska-Democrats at that time, especially as to their presence and action in the convention of

I was elected to the state senate in 1851, and attended a called session in June 1852, and voted in caucus, as well as in joint session of the two houses in 1853 for Stephen A. Douglas, as senator of the United States.

In 1853 ^ct was introduced by John A. Logan, of Williamson county, ''to ])rvvent the immigration of negroes into the state." See, acts of 1853, p. 57.

from the counties of ]Monroe and St. Clair. At the special session of 1854, the governor had made no allusion to the subject in his message, which was devoted exclusively to state affairs. The legislature had, in the early days of the republic instructed the senators of the Unittrd States as to their votes and duties, and though Mr. Douglas had acted independently of Illinois it was thought best by his friends that he should be endorsed by the legislature of his own state; accordingly Mr. O'^Ielveny introduced on the 9th day of February, 1854, the following resolutions :

Resolved, By the senate of Illinois, ''that the bill to form the Nebraska and Kansas territories, as presented and advocated by our distinguished Senator Douglas at the present session of congress, meets with our approbation.

Resolved, That we will sustain Judge Douglas against all Abolitionists and Free-Soilers in this state so far as the provisions of his bill are concerned."

Resolved, That the Missouri Compromise, and the compromise measures of 1850, provide for a satisfactory and final settlement of the subject of slavery, and the people of Illinois in common with the citizens of all the states are pledged to maintain the same and resist and discountenance all further agitation of the question as tending to weaken the bonds of the Union, and as threatening its perpetuity and peace.

Resolved, That the compromise measures of 1850 were not intended by the framers, nor understood by the people of the United States in any manner, in letter or spirit, to weaken the prohibition of sla^'e^y in that portion of the territory of tlie United States from which it was excluded by the terms of the ^Missouri Compromise.

Resolved, That the provisions of the 1)i]l for the org-anization of tlie Kansas and Xebraska territories, now ])en(h"n«;' in the congress oi the United States, so far as the same yYoposes to tolerate the introduction or existence of slavery in said territory, or weakens or impairs the restrictions impo-ed thereon by the Missouri Compromise, meets the unquahhed condemnation and opposition of this general assembly, as directly exciting the elements of agitation and strife, so happily allayed by the compromise aforesaid." My resolutions were defeated.

I was at that time sincerely in favor of the ^lissouri Compromise, which excluded slavery from the territory west of the state of ]\Iissouri, north of the latitude of 36 degrees, 30 minutes, and I was ec[ually sincere in my support of the compromise measure of 1850, and I felt indignant that an Illinois senator should, from the committee on territories, make a report and declare the ^^lissouri act of 1820, void, on account of its conflict with the measures of 1850. The house was in favor of the Xebraska bill, and passed resolutions which were introduced into the senate by Mr. Davis, of Hancock county, committing the entire Democratic party to the passage of the X^ebraska bill. After the adjournment of the special session of 1854, I was conscious that I had differed from my party upon the subject of the Kansas-X'ebraska bill, and the repeal of the ]^Iissouri Compromise, and had from that cause alienated many of the ultra pro-slavery men of the Democratic party, and I knew that I had given that class of men some evidence which they used unsparingly - to convict me of the political offense called "Abolitionism" - but I did not see, wdiat I afterwards discovered to be true, that the slavery question would not cease to disturb the country, as long as that institution existed. I supposed that the Democratic party would again unite upon other issues, and I was mainly anxious to preserve my personal independence and the right inside the party lines, to act according to the dictates of my own sense of personal duty. Major Burke, who opposed me for a seat in the state senate in 1854 was renominated in the summer of

1854, for a seat in the house, but he preferred to make a canvass for the senate. He was a popular man and after his nomination for the senate, his course toward me was so personal, that I determined to l^ecome an independent I)en"iocr'itic candidate.

In a discussion at Stanton, he claimed that the states of the Union were equal and that the citizens of states, in wliich slavery existed, had a right to remove into the territories with their slaves and hold them, as slaves until the people, with the sanction of cong-ress, formed a state government, when slavery might be tolerated, or excluded from the new state.

He attacked the ''Popular Sovereignty" doctrine of Douglas as "illogical and absurd,'' which it was. I had trouble in defending myself for opposing the Nebraska bill: At that time the prejudice against "Abolitionists" was bitter and affected the minds of three-fourths of the voters. I was only remotely influenced in my course by hostility to slavery, although I avowed my opposition to the institution : I was chiefly concerned by the fact that the repeal of the Missouri Compromise re-opened the slavery question. In February, 1854, at the special session of the legislature, I had oft'ered the resolutions heretofore copied, which at once expressed my opinions as well as my apprehensions. I reiterated the substances of these resolutions in all the speeches I made in the district and assailed .'Major Burke for his opposition to the compromise of 1850 and the result was, that I was elected by about two hundred majority.

I have already expressed my great regard for ^Ir. Douglas, and up to the time to which I refer, I regarded him as my friend - two or three weeks before the election, he came into the district and addressed the people of Greene county at Carrollton, and from that place came to Carlinville, my home. I came into Carlinville from Jerseyville, where I had attended court after sundown on the same day and hearing that Jndge Douglas was at the hotel, I called upon him and we spent two hours or more, in earnest conversation of the purport, that Judge Douglas was anxious that the legislature would elect

,a United States senator to succeed Gen. James Shields,! should agree to attend the legislative caucus and vote for whoever might be nominated as a candidate for senator.

On the other hand, I insisted that as I was an independent Democratic candidate for state senator, in opposition to - the Nebraska bill, and especially opposed to that measure as a test of party orthodoxy, he ought to agree that the Democratic caucus should pass no resolutions favoring that measure. Our discussion was somewhat heated, both of us obstinate, and he finally said to me "You may join the Abolitionists if you choose to do so, but if you do, there are enough patriotic Whigs to take your place and elect Shields," I answered, ''I will beat Burke in spite of all you can do against me. You will fix the imputation of Abolitionism upon me and by that means try to beat me. We have fought the Whigs together, you now promise yourself that they will take my place and help elect Shields, I will fight you until you are defeated and have learned to value your friends." I kept my word. I think Judge Douglas had no more active, or earnest political enemy than I was from that time until I met him in W^ashington in February, 1861.

After the November election in 1854. I saw Mr. Lincoln frequently and told him that I was elected as an Anti-Xebraska Democrat and could not vote for him but would be compelled to vote for a Democrat.

When the legislature met in 1855, the Anti-Nebraska Dernocrats were represented by Judd, Cook, Baker, Allen and myself; we held a separate caucus. Among the names considered by us for United States senator were those of Underw^ood, Judd, Cook, Ogden, A\'illiams and Trumbull, but we finally selected Trumbull, and I placed him in nomination in the joint session. He received but five votes on the first ballot. After several ballots ^Ir. Lincoln came into the hall and insisted that his name should be dropped and his friends . -' should vote for Trumbull.

All but fifteen did so. and the ballot stood. Lincoln 15 - Trumbull 36 - and ]\Iatteson, (who had taken the place of Shields on the balloting,) 47.

As the next ballot was called. Judge Stephen T. Logan. Lincoln's close friend, arose and announced the purpose of the remaining Whigs to vote for Trumbull, which they did, he receiving fifty-one votes, just enough to elect him. General Henderson did vote for ]\Ir. Lincoln, "nine times" but at the suggestion of Judge Logan, voted for Trumbull.

We kept our faith with Mr. Lincoln three years afterwards, for when Elihu B. Washburn came to Springfield in 1858, as a messenger from Horace Greeley and proposed to drop Mr. Lincoln and take up }vlr. Douglas for senator, we, the Anti-Nebraska Democrats opposed him and in June, 1858, we concurred in the declaration that Mr. Lincoln was the nominee of the Republican convention as its "first and only candidate for senator."

There is no doubt that the Dred-Scott decision, and the assertion that congress had no right to prohibit slavery in the territories of Nebraska and Kansas, gave birth to the Republican party.

The men who attended the convention of 1856 were sincere and earnest in their opposition to the extension of slavery into free territories. They were "anti-slavery men" but they conceded the right to the states where slavery existed by law, to maintain it. And such were the opinions of the Republican party until Mr. Lincoln, in the exercise of the war power proclaimed the Emancipation of the slaves in all but the excepted states. And I had the satisfaction of "driving the last nail into the coffin of slavery" while commanding the Department of Kentucky in 1865-66.

The convention passed resolutions that, "Congress possessed the power to abolish slavery in the territories, and should exercise that power to prevent its extension into territories heretofore free ;"

]\Ir. Lincohi, who was a member of the committee to report nominations to be ratified by the convention, made a speech before the convention, which was of marvelous power and force and fully vindicated the new movement in opposition to the repeal of the }^Iissouri Compromise, and then the convention adjourned.

In securing Mr. Lincoln's nomination in i860, three of your fellow citizens. Judge David Davis. Jesse \V. Fell and Leonard Swett. were the recognized leaders of the Lincoln forces , Judge Davis, by common consent, being the commander-in-chief.

Col. Bissell, the nominee for governor at this convention, died a few weeks before the expiration of his term of office. The great event of the war of the rebellion and the great names of Lincoln, Grant, Palmer. Yates, Logan and the other Illinois heroes of the war of the rebellion have overshadowed the fame of one of the best and noblest of our Illinois governors of whom we have only very meagre accounts. At the request of the Historical Society ^Ir. Frank Elliott, of Evanston. Illinois, lias prepared for this book the following sketch of Gov. Bissell.

William H. Bissell Frank M. Elliott, Of Evaxstox, Ill

The name of Governor Bissell is not a familiar one to the politician of today, but if an\' young student wishes to place before him the conditions existing in the period jusr 1)efore our Civil War; if he wishes to know of the intense hatred and the political de\'otion to parties of those days, he will nowhere find them more dramatically set forth than in the life of Governor Bissell. Within this brief sketch there can only be an outline of the principal events of the lite: a life in which were mingled thrilling deeds arid the pathos of a long continued illness.

In the days when he played his part in the political campaigns of this state, there were few great newspapers and stenographic reports of speeches were rarely made. Only the briefest mention is found of current events.

There are no biographies of Governor Bissell and all the sketches of his life are short and fragmentary. A few facts only are dwelt upon and nothing like a full and careful review of his life has been written. The information concerning him is scattered and is mostly hidden away in the files of old newspapers. There is a wealth of material in connection with him that is worthy of attention.

It is hoped there may be a renewed interest in the life of this gifted man and that the fugitive information wherever it may be found will be collected and form the basis of a biography worthy of so distinguished a citizen and official of Illinois. . XV

William H. Bissell was born at Hartwick near Cooperstown, New York, on April 25, 181 1. His parents were poor and he experienced many of the hardships and deprivations which slender means imposed. Thus it was that he was denied the usual educational advantages, except an occasional attendance of a summer school. As soon as he was able he himself became a teacher taking schools during the winter seasons. His habits were ever studious and thoughtful from his youth and every spare moment he utilized in reading and studying such books as he could lay hands on. His education was largely self-imposed and acquired. The experience of these early years laid the foundation and prepared him for the success and trials w hich were in store for him in later life. His industrious self-culture and life-long endeavor to enrich his mind and improve his natural powers prepared him for every opportunity that crossed his pathway.

In selecting a profession he found that of a physician most inviting, accordingly he bent his energies to the study of medicine, soon tinding it possible with what he had earned in teaching to attend the Philadelphia ^Medical College. In 1835 he received a diploma from that institution. Returning to that part of the countrv most familiar to him he commenced the practice of medicine at Southport in Chemung county, New York. After two years he removed to Painted Post in Steuben county of the same state. But the desire to go west came to him as it had come to many of the young men of the east, and not having the money for such an extended journey, he managed through a friend to borrow enough to undertake it. Times must have been hard with him for not until fifteen years later did he seek out his accommodating friend and return the money together with the interest. This debt of honor he gladly and voluntarily paid out of the first money which he received from the government after his election to congress.

In 1838 he came to Jeft'erson county, Illinois, but was prostrated with illness shortly after his arrival and soon exhausted his scanty means. Becoming discouraged he was onlysaved from enlisting in the United States army as a private soldier by his inability to pass the physical examination. Going on to Monroe county, he found an influential friend in Colonel James, who secured him a position as school teacher. He finally landed in W^aterloo. where he commenced the practice of medicine. While he was attentive to his duties as a physician he had time for the political questions of the day. He displayed marked ability in this direction and was elected to the legislature as a Democrat in 1840. Here he found an opportunity to exerci>^e his talents as a speaker and it was not long before he was considered the most eloquent and forcil)le debater in the house. While still a physician tlie desire to be something more led him to attend the courts and to consider the profession of law. Then he commenced legal studies and attended lectures at law school at Lexington. Kentucky. In a remarkable short time he was admitted to the bar. He formnr.Wih-nlq e to - .tioI dff ' r- ' ""^ ed a partnership with General Shields and moved to Belle\'ille, Illinois. This was to be the scene of h.is future work and the making of a reputation that was to carry him forward to places of honor. He remained a resident of Belleville until his removal to Springfield to assume the duties of governor.

Being appointed prosecuting attorney, he filled the office with great satisfaction to his constituents and with much perturbation to the criminals who were tried under his direction. As if by magic he leaped into fame as a prosecutor. "He seldom failed to convict." The Hon. Joe Gillespie said of Bissell after hearing him in an impassioned speech at the close of a murder trial : *T realized then to its fullest extent, the povv cr of language in the mouth of a master over the feelings of mankind. If that effort had been taken down and could be read by us, - of itself, - it would have made the name of William H. Bissell immortal."

1846, and arrived at Mexico early in August. The first and second regiments. Cols. John J. Hardin and Wm, H. Bissell wxre attached to the army of the center under General Taylor and participated in the battle of Buena \^ista, February 23,

1847. It lasted all day. The Mexican army of 20,000 under Santa Anna being opposed by only 4,500 Americans. General Taylor in his report of the battle bears willing testimony to the excellent conduct and the spirit and gallantry with which the two Illinois and Kentucky regiments engaged the enemy and restored confidence in that part of the field, adding: "Colonel Bissell, the only surviving colonel of the three regiments merits notice for his coolness and bravery on this occasion." The second regiment lost 62 kill and 69 wounded in this battle.

Colonel Bisseirs address to his regiment on dress parade a few days after was most pathetic and affecting. His talents were highly appreciated by his fellow officers, both regular and volunteer, and especially by General W^ool, ^lajor Washington

Upon his return home Colonel TMssell became an idolizec hero. His engaging manner, his ennnence as a speaker and his excellent war record combined to make him exceedingly popular. He was immediately elected to the thirty-first congress and took his seat in the house of representatives on December 3, 1849.

With the same facility with, which he had earlier in life mastered the subjects of medicine, law and military tactics, he soon acquired the knowledge of the rules and customs that governed the line of action in the house of representatives and before the end of his first term in congress was regarded as an authority on parliamentary proceedings. His first business was to familiarize himself with his new^ position and prepare for whatever conflict might arise in the future. This conflict came sooner than was expected to a new member. Before he had been in the house three months the opportunity was presented, and Colonel Bissell was prepared.

When Calhoun promulgated the doctrine that slavery must henceforth be the paramount issue and that the tariff W'hich had caused the defeat of his party should be subordinated, there were few persons, not even Calhoun himself, who fully realized the strain that would be put upon our constitution, and the tragic events that would follow before that issue should be determined. It was a question how best to acquire and maintain political ascendency. The leaders of the south said it must come through slavery and this was the shibboleth emblazoned on their banner. The history of this contest, the greatest which this nation has undergone, is full of interest and admonition, and one in which all theories and schemes of peaceful adjustment were exploded and cast aside by the stern discipline of experience. It was the contest whose decision finally rested on the force of arms, arraying one section against another - the south ever the aggressor, the north the defender.

which appeared in a leachnj^- South CaroHna paper. '"When the future historian shall address himself to the task of portraying the rise, progress, and decline of the American Union, the year 1850 will arrest his attention as denoting and presenting the first marshaling and arraying of those hostile forces and opposing elements, which resulted in dissolution ; and the world will have another illustration of the great truth that forms and modes of government, however correct in theory, are only valuahle as they conduce to the great ends of all government - the peace, quiet and conscious security of the governed/'

It is not our purpose to enter this subject farther than to offer a sufficient back-ground for the central figure of our sketch. Colonel Bissell, was at this time in the prime of life and in perfect health. He was about 39 years of age, tall and of delicate appearance, and carried himself with a military air. He had a clear, dark complexion, coal black hair and a modest moustache. He had keen black eyes which seemed to penetrate with deadly accurac}', and in animated conversation, or in a heated debate his whole face would assume the expression best fitted to his theme. He was not a talkative man, but when he did speak his remarks were always pertinent. He was exceedingly modest. His taciturn hal)it5 which were acquired when a country doctor, seemed always to have remained with him. He possessed to a remarkable degree coolness and selfpossession, the characteristics of a man not easily intimidated. Colonel Bissell was a gifted extemporaneous speaker, full of honest common sense, who never spoke for effect, but always from conviction. His speeches are said to have been most effective in delivery. He possessed the magnetic gift of swayinc: his audience and of being able to carry it with him. He had a keen appreciation of facts and an unusually strong poetical imagination. He was largely dependent tipon his audience for inspiration, and when this was sectired he spoke with a fluency and passion that was truely wonderful.

When Colonel Bissell entered congress, he found tlie slave-holding element in power, and all legislation was being directed for its perpetuation. He sat in his seat and listened to the speeches which were niade to fire the chivalry of the south and which with innuendo and sarcasm taunted the north with "injustice and aggression." He listened to the southerns' threat to abandon the Union and establish a separate confederacy, and was amazed. He had subscribed to the same oath of office they had taken, to support and defend the constitution and all the laws of the Union and it was incomprehensible to him, a conscientious man, one who loved his country and his flag, how these things could be. He resolved to make a reply. On February 2i, 1850, he delivered his speech on the slavery question and it was regarded at the time as one of the ablest given in congress.

In the introduction he expressed his reluctance to add to the public anxiety which this discussion had already produced. It was his "settled conviction that unless the representatives who had assumed to speak for the slave-holding states have greatly mistaken the purposes and intentions of the people of those states, war and bloodshed conseciuent upon an attempt to overthrow this government was inevitable." This declaration he desired should go forth to the country and with it the reasons upon which his opinion was based. He repelled the charge that the north had been constantly aggressive on the slavery question.

It was to Air. Seddon, of Virginia, however, that Colonel Bissell, stung by his utterances, paid particular attention in the closing part of his speech.

Chittenden, in his "Recollections" has given a sketch of Mr. Seddon as he saw him in the peace conference in i860, ten years after this del;)ate with Colonel Bissell. "His personal appearance was extraordinary. His frame was fleshless as that of John Randolph and he was equally with that statesman, intense in his hatred of all forms of northern life. The pallor of his face, his narrow chest, sunken eyes and attenuated frame indicated the last stages of consumption. His voice, husky at first, cleared with the excitement of debate in which he became eloquent. Notwithstanding his spectral appearance he survived to become secretary of war in the confederacy. lie was the most powerful debater of the conference; skillful, adroit, cunning, the soul of the plot which the conference was mtended to execute."

This picture of Seddon will aid us in understanding him as he spoke on the subject that aroused Colonel Bissell. General Taylor, although a Virginian and a slave-holder, proposed to be president of the country, rather than of his party, and he had determined to conduct his administration free from the influence of pro-slavery advocates. ]Mr. Seddon was making an appeal, calling upon him to remember "the trials and triumphs he had shared with the gallant sons of the south, his fellow soldiers and compatriots in the conflicts which so largely won these acquisitions." Continuing, ]^Ir. Seddon, said :

'Tn the bloody trenches of Monterey, in the midst of the din and smoke of battle, again should he see valiant soldiers of the south rush on to the cannon's mouth, and mount 'the imminent deadly breach,' with their mangled bodies piling high the pedestal of his fame. And on that memorable field of Buena Vista, at that most critical juncture when all seemed lost save honor, again should his heart bound with hope as he hailed the approach of the noble regiment of ]\Iississippians. and beheld them steady, .undismayed, ( through the very midst of the brave but unfortunate troops of the north, then, through a mistaken order discomfited and in rout ) with souls untouched by panic and nerved to do or die, march onward - right onward on the countless foe and with invincible prowess snatch from the very jaws of death rescue and victory.

''By such proud memories - by the fame they have won and the meed of gratitude and honor they conferred, I would invoke him to cast now the weight of his deserved influence and high position on the side of the south, - in the scale of right and justice. Let him openly rebuke the mad fanaticism and grasping lust of power in the north. Let liim, as when marching to the relief of his comrades at Fort Brown, determine, let foes

Colonel Bissell in conchiding- his speech said : '*I must now refer to a subject which I would gladly have avoided. I allude to the claim put forth for a southern regiment, by the gentleman from Virginia (Seddon,) of having met and repulsed the enemy on the field of Buena Vista, at that most critical moment when the second Indiana regiment, through an unfortunate order of their colonel gave way. Justice to the living, as well as to those who fell on that occasion, demand of me a prompt correction of this most erroneous statement. And I affirm distinctly sir, and such is the fact, that at the time the second Indiana regiment gave way, the ^lississippi regiment, for wdiom this claim is thus gratuitously set up, was not within a mile and a half of the scene of action, nor had it as yet fired a gun or drawn a trigger. I affirm further, sir, that the troops which at that time met and resisted the enemy, and thus to use the gentleman's own language, 'snatched victory from the jaws of defeat,' were the second Kentucky, the second Illinois and a portion of the first Illinois regiments. It gives me no pleasure sir. to be compelled to allude to this subject, nor can I perceive the necessity or propriety of its introduction into this debate. It having been introduced, however, I could not sit in silence and witness the infliction of such cruel injustice upon men. living and dead, whose well earned fame I were a monster not to protect. The true and brave hearts of many of them, alas, have already mingled with a soil of a foreign country; but their claims upon the justice of their countrymen can never cease, nor can my obligations to them be ever forgotten or disregarded. Xo, sir, - the voice of Hardin, - that voice which has so often been heard in this hall as mine now is. though far more eloquently, - the voice of Hardin, aye, and of McKee, and the accomplished Clay, - each wrapped now in his bloody shroud, - their voices would reproach me from the grave, had I failed in this act of justice to them and the others who fought and fell by my side.

"You will suspect nie, Mr. Chairman of having- warm feelings on this subject. So I have; and I have given them utterance as a matter of duty. In all this, however, I by no means detract from the gallant conduct and bearing of the Mississippi regiment. At other times and places on that bloody field, they did all that their warmest admirers could have desired. But, let me ask again, why was this subject introduced into this debate? Why does the gentleman say 'the troops of the north' gave way, when he means only a single regiment? Why is all this but for the purpose of disparaging the north for the benefit of the south? ^\lly, but for the purpose of furnishing materials for that ceaseless, never-ending eternal theme of 'Southern chivalry?'

"We are ready to meet you now on any fair grounds and fight with you side by side for your rights and for ours ; and defend those rights under the constitution from encroachment in any quarter. But, sir, we want to hear no more about dis- ^ union. We are attached to the Union, - aye, devotedly are we attached to it. We regard it as the ark of safety for the American people. W^e know that the realization of the hopes for human freedom throughout the world, depend upon its perpetuity. And shall we ruthlessly crush these hopes forever? Shall that beacon light which our fathers raised to cheer and guide the friends of freedom be extinguished by us? Extinguish it if } 0u will, but know, that when you do it, the world is enshrouded in darkness more frightful than Egyptian night.

"I know the people of my state. I know the people of the great west and northwest; and I know their devotion to the American Union. And, I feel warranted in saying in my place here, that when you talk to them of destroying this Union, there is not a man throughout that vast region who will not raise his hand and swear by the Eternal God. as I now do. it shall never be done if our arms can save it. Illinois proffererl to the countr\' nine regiments to aid in the vindication of her rights in the war with ^Mexico. And should danger threaten the Union from any source or in any quarter in the north or in the south, she wiH Ije ready to furnish twice, thrice, yes, four times that number, to march where that danger may be, to return when it is passed, or return no more."

Every phase of Colonel Bissell's genius in this speech was in evidence. He was keen, satirical, fer\'id and filled witli indignation at the injustice put upon his comrades and the people of the north ; his voice rang out with no uncertain tone commanding attention and the deepest interest of the entire house. The effect was something unparalleled. Colonel Bissell, before its delivery, was unknown beyond the confines of his own state: now he was known throughout the nation. Those from the north rejoicing, and extolling his virtues ; those from the south denouncing him and giving vent to their anger in banal epithets.

Not since the time of Adams had any one in the house of representatives chosen to take up the gauntlet and with reasoning, ridicule and sarcasm, such as Colonel Bissell employed bid defiance to the cause of slavery and secession. It not be permitted. The south had been insulted. The north must be crushed. Its brilliant spokesman must be humiliated. Every sentence of his speech was a lire-brand to the minds of the leaders of the south. Its effect must be extinguished and that speedily. The reference to the ^^lississippi regiment was particularly offensive. Jefferson Davis, a member of the senate and colonel of that regiment during the ]Mexican War, took umbrage at what he considered an insult cast upon his soldiers, and he forthwith sent a challenge to Colonel Bissell, which was promptly accepted. The preliminaries Avere left to be arranged by his friends, but under the laws of the code. Colonel Bissell had the choice of weapons. He designated the "common army musket to be loaded with a ball and three buck-shot ; the combatants to be stationed forty paces apart with liberty to advance to ten paces." This deterniination of Colonel Bissell to fight to the death was more than was expected by the champions of southern chivalry.

Those who had not known Gjloncl liissell pressed forward to congratuhite him and speak a word of encouragement; Imt he did not need encouragement, lie was 1)y nature a brave man and when honor was at stake his best blood was at the service of his country.

The story is told, that Daniel Webster hearing of the proposed duel, desired to meet Colonel Bisseil and as he expressed it, *TIe wanted to look him in the eye.'' He went to the hall of the house, and was introduced. The two grasped hands heartily: the one ''caught the tiash from under the thunderous brow and saw^ a genial glow upon the face." \Miat passed between these two great men, one the champion of freedom in the senate, and the other in the house, no one knows; but shortly afterwards Webster returned to the senate chamber and observed to one of the government officials, who knew the object of his visit, - "He will do, the south has mistaken its man."

The time for the duel was set for the 28th, and as the law prohibited dueling in the District of Columbia, arrangements were made to have it elsewhere. But, this was not to be : for the friends of Davis being alarmed at the seriousness of the affair were making strenuous efforts to patch up a peace. Tate in the evening before the day set for the duel, Colonel Bisseil was called upon at his rooms by President Taylor. The colonel was composed and in his usual good spirits. The president was fortunately situated to interpose in this matter, for Jefferson Davis was his son-in-law and Colonel Bisseil had been under his command in the Mexican War. The president made known the object of his visit and asked Colonel Bisseil if it was not possible for him to modify the language used by him at which Davis had taken offense. Colonel Bisseil replied, - ''that he had but done his duty in defending the Illinois regiment from the aspersions with which Seddon had assailed it, and had used only such language as expressed his honest indignation thereat. He could not and would not m(~»dify one word that he had spoken." The president sat witli him in conversation till 3 o'clock in the morning and then bade him a solemn and affectionate farewell.

An amicable understanding was afterwrrds reached by which all of the original correspondence between the parties was withdrawn, and letters of a more conciliatory nature with modified statements were substituted. The letter of Colonel Bissell, however, conformed strictly to the facts as stated in his speech he neither retracted nor regretted what he had said, btit again emphasized his object to disprove the false statements and to show the injustice done to his comrades in arms by :Mr. Seddon.

The spirit of this letter must have given cold comfort to the redoubtable "Champion of Slavery.'' Senator Douglas said, "There certainly would have been a fight, and one or both of them killed, had it not been for General Taylor.'' Thus was closed one of the scenes in that great political drama in which was subsequently enacted with more fury and effect, the villainous attack of Brooks on Charles Sumner in the senate, felling him to the floor by repeated blows on the head with a cane; and in which later on, were to come the direful tragedy of the war between the north and south, which culminated in the assassination of Abraham Lincoln. As we recall the scenes and events which took place in that stupendous drama, the men who dared in the early days to plead for the Union and the freedom of its people, rise above their contemporaries and will ever be regarded as the true patriots and heroes of our country.

Extracts of Colonel Bissell's speech w^ere printed in the newspapers of the time, and its influence was felt throughout the nation. In 1856, the same speech was printed entire and used as a campaign document in this state. The Republicans of Xew York during the convass of 1858 printed large editions of Colonel Bissell's speech and scattered them broad-cast over the state. Althouo^h it had been delivered eight years before, it was still considered the best exposition of the subject and the best answer that had been made to the doctrine of secession.

had not been stricken by paralysis attecting- the lower half of his body he would have Ijeen the recipient of still g-reater honors from the hands of a grateful people.

During the canvassing of names for the hrst Republican candidate for president that of Colonel Bissell was frequently mentioned. He was in hearty sympathy with the Republican party from the first, and was a tirm believer in the principles upon which it was founded. His reputation as a speaker, his war record, his bravery, his commanding presence were all by recent events brought into full view of the Northern people, and his exploits for campaign purposes would have been as effective as those of Fremont, who became the nominee.

This Ymt of thought is not introduced for the purpose of speculating on what changes would have been made in the history of those stirring or subsequent times, had Colonel Bissell been nominated, but as evidence of the high esteem in which he was held by many of his countrymen. Three times he was sent to congress and during: his second congressional campaign, which followed the delivery of his speech on slavery, he recei\'ed what is seldom known to have occurred before or since in this country, - the unanimous vote of his district something over fifteen thousand votes.

When someone suggested to Lincoln that there was a movement to have him nominated for governor, he replied. 'T wish to say why I should not be a candidate. If I should be chosen the Democrats would say, 'it was nothing more than an attempt to resurrect the dead body of the old Whig party.' I would secure the \'Ote of that party and no more and our defeat would follow as a matter of course. But. I can suggest a name that will secure not only the old Whig vote, but enough Anti-Nebraska Democrats to give us the victory. That name is Col. William H. Bissell." This was before the convention of editors held at Decatur, Illinois, February 22, 1S56. The political sagacity of Lincoln was never better illustrated than in this selection of Colonel Bissell. The state had been. in the hands of tlie Democratic party since the time when Ed- Avards made his independent and successful campaign for gov- ernor, nearly tliirty years previous. The ])itter rivalry existing between tlie W hig and Democratic parties would prevent any accession of votes to the new party from the Dem-jcrats unless a reformed Democrat, a Republican was nominated.

This suggestion of Lincoln's seems to have been accepted by e\ery one, for when the Republican con\'ention met ir. Bloomington on ]\Iay 29. 1856, by unanimous consent Colonel Bissell was nominated for governor.

Colonel Bissell had been an invalid for three years, although from the nature of his disease no one had supposed he would be unable to perform the duties of governor, if elected. He was paralyzed in the lower portion of his body and was obliged to move about with crutches or in a chair. At tlie time of the notification of his nomination he frankly stated to the committee that his health was such that he could not promise to take an active part in the campaign.

The Democrats seized upon the report of his physical condition as an objection to his election. Their newspapers and public speakers emphasized and multiplied the rumors of his malady. Exaggerated reports were made that his mind as well as his body was seriously affected and that he had no .less trotible than softening of the brain. One can imagine the prejudicial deductions which could be formed on information of this kind. How could he perform the executive duties of this high office? He would be a tool in the hands of unscrupulous politicians. Certainly a sorry person to occupy the gubernatorial chair. The campaign was one of the most exciting that had ever taken place in this state, for in addition to the local interests there was above all the Kansas-Xebraska question, the key note of the uafional campaign.

The Republican managers became alarmed at these assertions of the Democrats and they realized that there was great danger of Bis^ell's defeat and of the defeat with him of the Republican ticket in this state. If he could only be brought bef-jre the people, it could be shi^wn that liis mind was as active and as clear as in his palmiest days. It was remembered that two years before he had stuiiipecl his district deli\'ering his speeches seated in a chair or carria2;e and was elected to con^^-ress bv a large majority. But now he was tO') ill even to be present at any of the political meetings. Time ancl time again it had been advertised that he would be at the meetings and in every instance he had been unable to attend. The Democrats took advantage of these failures and emphasized the danger of electing a man who could not be depended upon. Something had to be done.

There were long and anxious meetings of the Republican managers. It was finally decided to have him make a speech. This speech should then be dwelt upon by all the Republican speakers through the state. This speech would treat of the issues of the campaign in a lucid and commanding style, showing that Colonel Bissell had lost none of his eloquence or his ability to form stately periods. This, it was conjectured, would be proof positive that though unable to perambulate he was still in possession of his mental faculties, and that his voice could ring out as clear and commanding as on the plains of Mexico. The meeting was held at his home in Belleville. There were speakers from other parts of the country. Colonel Bissell reclined in a chair on a plaform surrounded by friends and neighbors. There was much enthusiasm as he com-I menced and this enthusiasm continued in one form or another throughout the entire speech. There was so much of it. together with other noise and confusion that not many of the audience could distinguish a word that was said. The Republican speakers then went through the state and at every opportunity spoke of this wonderful speech of Colonel Bissell's: that it took an hour to deliver, etc. Then followed the significant and unanswerable argument that a man who could make such a speech was certainly not afflicted with s<3ftening of the brain, - that the stories of his mental unbalance were untrue and were maliciously circulated. In view of the statements, made in his speech, logicallv and coherently put together, there was no doubt of Colonel Bis-ell's ability to perform the duties of governor should he be elected. This stratah- gem had the desired effect and completely silenced the attacks of the Democrats on thi^ point. It was the only speech made by him during the campai<^n.

It was during this campaign that his. n(3t altogether fortunate experience with Jeft'erson Davis in congress, was revived and assumed an entirely dift'erent aspect. Under the constitution of 184S. in addition to the customary oath the following oath was required from all persons elected or appointed before entering upon their official duties : "I do solemnly swear ( or affirm as the case may be ) that I have not fought a duel, nor sent or accepted a challenge to fight a duel, the probable issue of which might have been the death of either party, nor been a second to either party, nor in any manner aided or assisted in such duel, nor been knowingly the bearer of such challenge or acceptance since the adoption of the constitution, and that I will not be so engaged or concerned directly or indirectly in or about any such duel during my continuance in office, so help me God." Another section of the constitution makes any person inelio"ible to any office of honor or profit in this state who have fought a duel or who shall have sent or accepted a challenge.

The pro-slavery prpers made a terrible out-cry against Bissell for having accepted a challenge from Davis. They claimed that if he should be elected and took this oath of office he would become a perjurer. He could not deny accepting the challenge: he could not omit or modify the oath of office, and it seemed as if the Democrats had made out a good case. But. it was soon discovered that Colonel Richardson, who was running against Bissell on the Democratic ticket had been engaged in a number of "aff'airs of honor" at Washington, acting as second and in other ways was openly violating the prescribed oath. Should he be elected, he too would become a perjurer after subscribing to the oath. Xotwithstan»,iing this fact, the attacks on Colonel Bissell were viciously and outrageously continued. Papers like the "Cliicdi^o l^iiiics." "Spi'uigficld Rci^istcr." and the "Oiiiiicy Herald" were relentless. Instigated by Douglas. Don Morrison. Richards' -n and other Democratic leaders, they employed every sort of political mud-slinging to besmirch, it possible, the character of Bissell. When we read the accounts of that canvass in the newspapers we shudder at the thought that such methods of personal attack and villainy were ever permitted. It expressed to a pitiful degree the intensity of party feeling and strife in that campaign. However, with all this abuse the people for the Union and for freedom remained firm and loyal to their cause and carried Colonel Bissell with the state ticket in office by nearly 5,000 majority.

Xow. that Colonel Bissell was duly installed and had taken the oath of oitice as governor another event occurred which brought this duel again to notice. It seemed to pursue him like an evil demon.

In the closing part of his inaugural message to the general assembly he refers to the subject then uppermost in the minds of the people as follows :

"The Cjuestion of the extension of slavery into oiu* nev/ national territory, although not forming any part of state politics, was nevertheless so prominent a feature in the late canvass as to create the expectation perhaps, that I should on this occasion say something concerning it.

**Up to the time of th(' repeal of the ]\Iissouri Compromise I had ever considered the existence of slavery with the United States as an anomaly in our Republican system, tolerated by necessity springing from the actual presence of the institution amiong us when our constitution was adopted.

"The provisions in the constitution for a slave basis of representation and for the reclamation of fugitives from labor. I had supposed, and still suppose, were admitted there upon the necessity and that such were also the views of a vast majority of the American people both north and south, I had until the introduction of the Kansas-Xebraska bill, never doubted.

"But the introduction, progress and passage of that measure, together with the course of argument made to sustain it, forced me reluctantly to the c<:»nclusion that if finally successful slavery is no longer to be considered or treated as anouialoiis in our system, but is rather thenceforward to be a leading and

"This conclusion is strengthened not a little by the subsequent administration of the measure in the same hands which originated and matured it. Considering that we are an intelligent people living in an enlightened age and professing the peaceful doctrines of Christianity, and a love of liberty above all things earthly, it may be well doubted whether when the world's history shall have been written to its close, it will contain a more extraordinary page than that which shall record the history of Kansas in 1855 and 1856. i:'>ai

"Forced to the conclusion stated a large portion of our fellow-citizens, myself among them, have resisted the consummation as we best could: and believing that not the fate of the negro alone, but the liberties of the white man, - of all men, are involved in the issue, we shall continue to resist according to our best ability.

"In doing this we shall ever be careful neither to forget or disregard the value of the Union, the obligations of the constitution, nor even the courtesies due our brethren of the south."'

This extract from the message precipitated an acrimonious debate in the house, which continued for nearly seven days. Following the usual precedents a motion was made to print 20,000 copies, the same number voted for the message of Governor Mattison. Governor Bissell's immediate predecessor. The young man who was responsible for provoking this discussion was known as the ''Ajax of the Democracy.'' He was earnest, honest, patriotic, unpolished, audacious, plucky and ambitious. This was the fresh period of his political life. He had a certain kind of coarse, angular ability (often misdirected,) which only the rough usages of experience could, and did develop and refine. John A. Logan was a member from Franklin county: he moved an amendment to print 10.000 copies of the inaugural message. He occupied much of the time in a fruitless and vain-glorious effort to prove Governor Bissell's ineligibility to office and liis quasi or real perjury or perfidy in taking the necessary oath.

Mr. Arnold made the principal speech in defence of Governor Bissell. Rising above the personalities in which Logan attempted to entangle him, - in a dispassionate, dignified and logical manner, he reviewed the arguments of the opposition. He disposed of ^Ir. Logan in a brief sentence, he said, "Governor ]\Iattison shows that a man may be a party man without ceasing to be a gentleman. Sir, I commend the example of Governor Mattison to the consideration of the member from Franklin."

Governor Bissell could not be iustlv charo:ed with having violated the spirit or strict interpretation of the constitution. His adventure with Jefferson Davis had taken place outside of the state.

This fierce and long debate was finally terminated and the Democrats being in the majorit}'. the motion by ^Ir. Logan by a strict party vote was carried. It was done for political effect and Governor Bissell was duly installed in office and could not be ousted : about the only gratification the Democrats derived from the debate was the irritation and ill-feeling engendered by it. Governor Bissell lost none of his popularity by the calumnious assault, but on the contrary gained the sympathy and esteem of many persons who believed he had been unfairly and unjustly treated.

It has been said that the legislature met as a mob and ended in a rout. The Democrats were in the majority and everything that could be done, was done to humiliate the executive, to deny to him the usual rights and privileges of his office. An apportionment bill had been introduced by the Republicans based on the census of 1855. The population of Illinois had increased 447,781, nearly one-third of her entire population in five years. This increase was largely in the northern part of tiie state, where the Republicans were the dominant party. This bill was most stubbornly resisted by the Democrats who ottered a substitute. The latter practically disfranchised 70.000 voters of the state. The Democratic bill was passed near the end of the session and was sent to the governor for his signature. At the same time there were many other bills sent to the executive for approval, among which was the appropriation bill. It was the intention of Governor Bissell to approve the latter and veto the apportionment bill, but by an oversight the reverse took place. When it is known how larg-ewas the number of bills to be passed upon toward the close of the session, no one will be surprised that this accident should have occurred.

As soon as the mistake was discovered the governor recalled the Apportionment bill and attempted to correct the error by erasing his name : this led to a determined fight which continued till the final adjournment of the legislature late in tlie night. The Democrats carried this question by mandamus to the supreme court to determine its validity. That tribunal gave them an adverse opinion. The court held that while a bill is in the possession and control of the executive within the period limited by the constitution it has not the force of law, and he mav exercise a veto power and so return to the house where it originated with his name erased, notwithstanding he had once announced his approval of it. Governor Bissell v.-as thus vindicated althouorh the result was accomplished bv tremendous anxietv and effort.

Lincoln once said, "that honest statesmanship was the emplovment of individual meannesses for the public or-ood." It was Governor Bissell's misfortune to demonstrate, that he was according to this definition, an honest statesman: for of all the le.s:islatures that an executive in this state has had to cope with, those of 1857 ^^"^^ 1859 were the meanest and most exasperating.

*Tn the annals of this state no public man was ever subjected to contumely so gross, abuse more harrowing, or pursued with malice more vindictive; and that these cruelties caused Governor Bissell manv a heart pan.o', casting: a shadow over his exalted position, is not a foreign inference." It was his fate to be ever lighting with large odds against him. His mind seemed to clear and to act with unerring judgment and brilliancy in the midst of danger or exciting debate. A less able or courageous person in like circumstances would become disconcerted. Such situations, however, acted as a stimulant to his mind and brought out the very best in him. In this particular, more than in any other, reposed the elements of his greatness.

He would not knowingly provoke a controversy except to establish a principle An impartial and just consideration of his life cannot fail to ascribe to him those superior virtues, patience and kindness. '*He forebore long ere he raised his liand to parrv an assault." Although sufferino; from a long and incurable disease,, he was never known to murmur or complain. Heinrich Heine was paralyzed in much the same way as Governor Bissell but the cause in his case lay in his own excess and e\'il habits. He, alwavs despondent and complaining : full of remorse cried out in his despair; "That man was no longer a two-legged god ; that he was no more a divine biped." Governor Bissell on the contrarv, conscious onlyof hisahliction the result of an accident when a boy, had none of that torture of mind. AMth the same fortitude which characterized General Grant in his last memorable illness he worked on, performing the duties of his office with a composure and a grandeur of character that was heroic.

''The man that makes character makes foes" and like all statesmen Governor Bissell made enemies and created opposition by reason of his superior talents and the fearlessness which brooked no shallowness or injustice. He was a politician and a statesman with enlarged views. Elevated on such a plane he despised demagogism. In whatever occupation he engaged he aspired by all honorable and just means to succeed, and it is not recorded in any page of our history that he failed.

In March, iS6o, Governor Bissell contracted a severe cold which soon developed into pneumonia. His constitution already weakened by illness since 1853, was unable to withstand the assault of this new enemv, and in a few days, with his mind unclouded to the last, his noble spirit passed away. He was in his forty-ei.2:hth vear and had he lived nine months lono^er his term of ottice would have expired. He is the only governor of Illinois who has died while in office.

He died at a time when people were busy preparing for the political canvass which was to make Abraham Lincoln president, and which was soon to lead to the marshaling: of <^Teat armies for the impendino: conflict which he had so clearly foreseen and foretold. The distin2:uished services which it v»as Governor Bissell's privile^^e to render in behalf of his beloved state Avere not for^-otten. In 1867. the .jjeneral assembly of Illinois in reco^-nition of these services and as an expression of the honor and esteem which the people of this o:reat state desired to bestow on his memory ( a distinction unlike that accorded to any other man in this state except Lincoln and Lojo^an) voted the sum of S^.ooo for his monument.

In accordance with the wish of his family and the act of the le.o^islature the remains of Governor Bissell and those of his wife were to be transferred from the Hutchinson cemetery to Oak Ridge cemetery at Springfield. In Tune, 1871, the monimient was completed and its dedication, and the removal of the honored dead, was made the occasion of an imposing ceremony in which all the officers and members of the state and military departments participated.

Governor John iNI. Palmer who had known Governor Bissell for many years and who had been intimately associated with him in the political campaigns of the state, was the orator. He paid a high tribute to the character and great ability of Govenor Bissell. He reviewed many of his political achievements and accorded to him superior gifts as an orator, a patriot and a statesman. Within the span of sixteen brief years he had -emerged from the obscure life of a country school teacher. STaduallv advancinir and masterino^ the subjects of medicine, law, army codes and politics. In this time he had been honored by his state as prosecuting attorney, legislator, congressman and governor. Considering that all these things were acf[uired amid trials and much sickness: considering his hon- orable and blameless character: that he should have risen from a position so humble by the unaided influence of his own power to the conspicuous ones which he occupied, is at (nice a jj:ratifvinof tribute to his genius and a worthv example full of encouragement to American youth.

Speaking briefly of the Davis-Bissell episode Governor Palmer said. "Whether the acceptance of the challenge was justifiable, depends upon all the attending circumstances. The challenge was not addressed alone to Bissell but to his state and the whole north."

The Jourxai The Convextiox

(Editorial) . "The state Anti-Xebraska Convention closed its labors last evening, its deliberations having been characterized by the greatest harmony. We surrender a large portion of our space today to an official report of the proceedings which may be found elsewhere, and will claim the attention of the reader. The ticket presented by the convention is one that combines great strength, and which it will only require an active and united effort to elect. The enthusiasm of those in attendance at the convention, and the joy with which the result of its labors has been received, gives good asstirance that this effort will be put forth. We shall take early occasion to refer to the ticket more at length, and in the meantime we cordially commend it to all men opposed to the advancement of the pro-slavery party now in power."

The Nebraska State Convention'

1856, and was called to order by George T. Brown, of Madison county, on whose motion Hon. Archibald Williams, of Adams county, was chosen temporary chairman and Henry S. Baker, of Madison county was appointed secretary.

On motion of }vlr. Judd.of Cook county, George T. Brown, of Madison county, was requested to assist the secretary in the organization of the convention.

On motion the secretary was instructed to call the several counties of the state, in their alphabetical order, which being done, the following delegates appeared and presented their credentials, viz :

Adams, 8 delegates - A. Williams, W. B. Powers, E. A. Dudley, Jno. Tillson. A. G. Pearson, George W. Burns. James E. Furness and O. H. Browning.

McLean, 3. - James Gilmore. Sr., Dr. Harrison X'oble. Wm. W. Orme, delegates, and A. T. Briscoe. Green B. Larrison, David Cheney, alternates.

*Wi!liani C. Flage. the son of Gershom Flagg. also attended the convention, and from the proceedings seems to have acted as a membt^r or it - Skc t Hist. Soc.

Rcsolz'cd, That a committee of nine, consisting of one from each congressional district be appointed to report officers for the permanent organization of the convention.

Resolved, That all the delegates in attendance be permitted to take their seats and act as meml^ers of this convention, casting however one vote of their respective counties.

For President For Vice-Presidext

Resolved, That a committee of nine, consisting of one from each congressional district, be appointed to report resolutions for the action of this convention.

Born in Kentucky January 18. 1818: died November 27. 1S73; moved to Illinois in ISSI. admitted to the bar, member legislature l?42 to 1S49; 1850 elected to congress. Governor c f Illinois 1861 to 1S65 and U. S. Senator 1865 to 1871.

^Ir. Rutherford moved that no nomination be made, but that this convention confirm the nomination of Colonel Bissell, which the people have already made.

G. T. Brown, of ]\Iadison, desired before any action was taken, to read to the convention a letter he had received from Colonel Bissell, which he read as follows ;

Dear Sir ; Having reason to apprehend that my name may be presented to the convention as a candidate for governor, I deem it proper to place in your hands, to be used there, shou-d occasion arise, a simple statement of the condition of my health.

The ihness from which I have suffered for the last three years has left me with impaired \'igor in my lower limbs, so that in walking I still require the use of a cane, and the aid of a friendly arm. From tliis intirmity, however, I am slowly recovering, and ha\-e every reason to expect final and complete restoration. 'My general health is perfectly good - never was better: and my capacity for business not requiringmuch locomotion, precisely wdiat it ever was. But I cannot promise, in the event of becoming a candidate, to take the stump, or address the people of the state generally - and this is a matter which I trust you will consider. If I continue to improve, as I have every reason to expect. I shall unquestionably make some speeches, if desirable, but I cannot promise to perambulate the state as some might wish.

If, in view of these facts, the convention deem it proper to nominate me. I shall not decline the honor, though I say. in all candor, I prefer that the nomination should fall on another individual; and should that happen, you can rely upon my most zealous and cheerful efforts in his behalf. Yours truly,

Whereupon the entire convention rose, and with nine long, loud, and hearty cheers, declared that the nomination of Col. Wm. H. Bissell. of St. Clair county, by the people of Illinois, as their candidate for governor, was then and there unanimously confirmed.

''Resok'cd, That Francis A. Hoffman, of DuPage county, be declared the Anti-Xebraska candidate for the office of lieutenant-governor of the state of Illinois, at the coming election in Xovember."

'^Resolved , That a committee of nine, including one from each congressional (Hstrict, be ap[)ointe(i by the chair, to report to the convention suitable candidates for the other state offices."

On motion of John Wentworth. of Cook, it was ''Resolved, That the delegates in attendance from the several congressional districts be requested to suggest the name of one person from each congressional district for presidential elector, and three persons for delegates to the national convention to be held at Philadelphia on the 17th proximo ; and that a committee of nine, consisting of one from each congressional district, be appointed by the chair to recommend two such electors and six such delegates for the state at large."

The districts were then called, and the delegates suggested names as requested, which reports were referred to the last above named committee.

The committee appointed to recommend the names of suitable persons for candidates for the several state offices yet \'acant. submitted the following report:

Born November 23. 1793. Virginia: died September 23. 1S72. merchant, land owner. State Treasurer I'^.'io to l^^i^j: .see Good Oid Times McLean County Sos and Volume II. Tran.sactions McLean County Historical Societv.

With this report the committee also laid before the convention a letter from James Miller, Esq., of McLean county, stating that he had not nor did he intend to accept the nomination recently tendered him for the othce of state treasurer, by the American party of Illinois; that he never had, nor did he now belong to that order.

The committee appointed to recommend the names of suitable persons as presidential electors and delegates to the national convention submitted the following report, which was unanimously adopted

Delegates To The Philadelphia Coxvextiox

For the State at Large. George Schneider, oi Cook; Thomas J. Turner, of Stephenson; J. O. Norton, of Will; J. 13. Arnold, of Peoria; G. T. Brown, of }^Iadison; J. B. Tenny, of Logan.

^I. T. Sweet, of Stephenson; S. Church, of Winnebago; A. Little,, of To Daviess; alternates - X. C. Geer, of Lake; A. C. Fuller, of Boone; A. J. Joslyn. of ]\IcHenry.

Foi'.rtJi District. T. J. Pickett, of Peoria; A. C. Harding, of Warren; W. P. flyers, of ]\Iercer; alternates - Daniel Cheever, of Tazewell; Silas Ramsey, of ^Marshall; T. H. Howe, of Henry; W. P. Kellogg, of Fulton; T. J. Henderson, of Stark; J. D. Arnold, of Peoria.

Sez-cjith District. A. C.Johns, of ^lacon; Leander Munsell. of Edgar; A. B. Archer, of Clark; alternates - Anderson ]\IcPheeters. of r^Ioultrie; T. A. ^larshall. of Coles; J. W. Clemens, of ^Lacon.

Eighili District. ]\L G. Atwood, of ]^Iadison ; Francis Grunim, of St. Clair; D. K. Green, of r^^Iarion; alternates - J. C. Holbrook, of Randolph, Dr. Carpenter, of St. Clair, ]^Iiller,of Washington.

The committee appointed to prepare and report resolutions expressive of the sense of this convention, submit the follownig report, which was unanimously adopted.

Whereas. The present administration has prostituted its powers, and devoted all its energies to the propagation of slavery, and to its extension into territories heretofore dedicated to freedom, against the known wishes of the people of such territories, to the suppression of the freedom of speech, and of the press ; and to the revival of the odious doctrine of constructive treason, which has always been the resort of tyrants, and their most powerful engine of injustice and oppression; and.

Whereas, \\'e are convinced that an effort is making to subvert the principles, and ultimately to change the form of our government, and which it becomes all patriots, all who love their country, and the cause of human freedom to resist; therefore

Resolved, That foregoing all former dift'erences of opinion upon other questions, we pledge ourseh es to unite in opposition to the present administration, and to the party which upholds and supports it, and to use all honorable and constitutional means to wrest the go\-ernment from the unworth}' hands which now control it, and bring it back in its administration to the principles and practices of Washington, Jeff'erson and their great and good compatriots of the revolution.

Resoh'cd, That we hold, in accordance with the opinions and practices of all the great statesmen of all parties, for the first sixty years of the administration of the government, that, under the constitution, congress possesses full power to pro- hibit slavery m the territories : and that whilst we will maintain all constitutional rights of the south, we also hold that justice, luunanit}', the i)rinciples of freedom as expressed in our Declaration of Independence, and our national c* >nstitution and the purity and perpetuity or our government, recpiire that power should be exerted to prevent the extension of slavery into territories heretofore free.

Rcsolz'cd. That the repeal of tlie ^^lissouri Compromise was unwise, unjust and injurious: an open and aggravated violation of the plighted faith of the states, and that the attempt of the present administration to force sla\-ery into Kansas against the known wishes of the legal voters of that territory, is an arbitrary and tyrannous violation of the rights of the people to govern themselves, and that we will strive by all constitutional means, to secure to Kansas and Nebraska the legal guarantee against slavery of which they were deprived at the cost of the violation of the plighted faith of the nation.

Rcsolz'cd. That we are devoted to the Union, and will to che last extremity, defend it against the efforts now being made by the disunionists of the administration to compass its dissolution, and that v.-e will su])port the constitution of the United States in all its provisions : regarding it as the sacred bond of our Union, and the only safeguard for the preservation of the rights of ourselves and our posterity.

Rr^^oJz'cd. That we are in favor of the immediate admission of Kansas as a member of this confederacy, under the constitution adopted by the people of said territory.

Rcsohcd. That the spirit of our institutions, as well as the constitution of our country grtiarantee the liberty of conscience as well as political freedom, and that we will proscribe no one, by legislation or (Otherwise, on acc«>unt of religious opinions, or in consequence of place of birth.

Rcsoli'td, That in Lyman Trumbull, our distinguished senator, the people of Illinois ha\-e an able and consisteiu ex- ])onent of their princii)les. and that his cour-e in th.e senate meets with onr unqualified a])i)robation.

Resolved , That we are in favor of the strictest economy in the administration of our state government and a faithful application of all its revenues to the liquidation of' our state debt. And that the practice of using our state funds for the purpose of private speculations, whereby a very large defalcation has occurred in our state treasury, cannot be too severely censured; and we therefore take issue with the resolution of the recent convention at Springfield which endorsed the course of our present governor.

Resolved, That a committee of five be appointed to act as a central committee for the purpose of calling future conventions, and to fill vacancies in our nomination ( in cases where the nominations may become vacant, and it may be too late to call a convention to fill the same. ) and do such other business as usually devolves upon central committees : and also to act as a disbursing committee of such funds as n"iay come to their hands. Whereupon the foMowing committee was appointed:

Central Committee

Resolved, That this convention recommend every town in every county in the state to form Anti-Xebraska clubs, for the purpose of eft'ecting a thorough organization of the party prior to the ensuing election.

George T. Brown, of ^^Tadison, submitted the following resolution, which was unanimously adopted, amid deafening shouts, cheers and other manifestations of excited approbation.

Resolved, That Step hex A. Douglas, having hiid his ''ruthless hand" upon a sacred compact, which had "an origin akin to that of the constitution, " and which had "become canonized in the hearts of the American people," has given the lie to his past history, pro\ed himself recreant to the free principles of this government, violated the confidence of the people of Illinois, and now holds his seat in the senate while he misrepresents them.

Rcsoh'cd, That the thanks of this convention are hereby tendered to the citizens of Bloomington for their kind hospitalities, and also to the committee of arrangements for the satisfactory manner in which they have discharged their self-imposed duties towards this body.

Resolved, That the thanks of this convention be tendered to the presiding officers for the able and impartial manner in which they have discharged their duties.

Vice-presidents - J. A. Davis, Wm. Ross, James McKie. J. H. Bryant, A. C. Harding, Richard Yates, H. C. Johns, D. L. Phillips, George Smith, T. A. Marshall, J. M. Ruggles. G. D. A. Parks, John Clark.

The convention of Mav -J't. IsV). althoueh called as a delegate convention, did not strictly preserve that character" hut rather resolve<l Itself into a mass convention, as in <-iveral instanccN parties acted as < .ihi'ers of the convention whose names do not appear on the othciai roll as deleeate-^ at all.

In several counties the cfticmio I'r-ss and also (-'/(/"f/o O-^inocrat give additional delegates to those given ;n the official list. We give below the delegates in these counties as they appear in these papers:

La Salle Countv - Washington Bushnell was one of the secretaries of the convention although he does not appear on the official list of delegates.

In the official li-^t of Mason county J. M. Rugsles does not appear as a delegate but he acted as one of the vice-presidents of the convention and we have added his name to the l;st.

In McLean county the official list gives the alternates as the attending delegates. Are have given the delegates and alternates as elected. The delegates evidently attended, as Gen. W. \Y. Orme. one of them, was one of the officers of the convention.

Elisha Harkness of Champaign county was also elected and attended as a delegate from that county and we have added his name to the official list.

We have taken great pains to obtain a correct roll of the delegates attending the convention but in many instances it has been impossible to verif v the list and there doubtless still remains many errors in it.

Average American vote for governor, lieutenant-eovernor. secretary of state, auditor and superintendent of schools, was \^,h^\). - 1 rihune A///tuu"-: l>o7.

Note. - The Pa/f^ar/rfl/iA of Bloominpton. Illinois, of May 14. lfS6, published the call for the convention or Mav -J'.) and bentrath it T/Uhlibhed a cull ^.mned bv John M. Scott. W. C. Hobbs. J. H. " Wickizer. L. (jraves. J. E McCiun. L. Lawrence. James VaiuloLah and Leon.ira Swtrct T<>r a ma^^s mtetinir of tne v(.)iers of .McL<ran county, favorable to the Anti-Xebra>-ka movement, to assemble in Blooniinirt* >n. on .Saturday, the 17th inst. to select three delegates to the convention. At tnU mass meeting Dr. W. (;. Hobbs was elected chairman and \V. W. Orme secretary. James Gilmore. sr.. Dr. Harrison Noble and William W. Orme. delegates to trie State convention and Green B. Larrison. David ("henev and A. T. Briscoe, alternates. Resolutions were adopted demanding that the' friends of the Union forget old part_v associations in opposition to the extension of Slavery over tree territory, declaring slave labor and free labor are incomi)ati ble with each other, that our constitution does not carrv nor pr(>tect slavery, except in the ?itates. that its framers did not intend to extend this institution, that the passage of the Kansas- Nebraska act was a wiiful violation of the plighted laith of the nation, an act insulting to the Free States, and s name less ly in defiance of the public opinion of this age and of all enliiihtened. unprejudicial people, that slavery is a creation of municipal law and cann')t exist one nioment without it. that outride State jurisdiction the constitutional i>ower of the Federal govc-rniiien t shoukl be exerted: - secure life, liberty and the happiness of all men. that there should be neither slaver.v nor involuntary servitude excejit for the punishment of crimes, in an.v of the territories of the' United Stdiles. - Fantagrajy/i . May "Jl. 1^56.

The Ohio RepnlDhcan Convention was also in session May 29. The late Jesse W. Fell and Judge Owen T. Reeves, then a young lawyer recently from Ohio, prepared a telegram to tlie Ohio convention, submitted it to General Palmer who signed it and it was wired to Columbus. A return telegram was received and read amid great applause. The ^[rs. Robinson alluded to in the Bloomineton telegram was the wife of the first state governor of Kansas. We are indebted to the Ohio Archaeological and Historical Society for a copy of these telegrams. - Sec'v Historical Society.

The delegates of the free men of Illinois in convention assembled send greeting to the free men of Ohio. William H. Bissell is nominated for governor with the enthusiastic acclaim by the most enthusiastic delegate convention ever assembled in Illinois. Governor Reeder and Mrs. Robinson are here. They have appeared before the public and been greeted by the wildest api)lause. The exdtement conse-, quent upon the latest outrages at Lawrence, Kansas, is sweeping like v/ildfire o\'er the land.

Ohio and Illinois respond. The announcement of the gallant Bissell's nomination was received with tumultuous cheers. The names of Governor Reeder and Mrs. Robinson were greeted with three cheers from the thousands assembled here. Judge Hunt and Cieneral Lane, of Kansas, are here and speak this e\ ening. All is enthusiasm.

The convention was then addressed at length by ^lessrs. Browning, Lovejoy. Lincoln and Cook, and adjourned with nine cheers for the ticket and as many more for the nominees.

Axti-Nebraska State Coxvextiox

A state convention of the Anti-Xebraska party in Blinois will be held in the city of Bloomington. on Thursday the 29th day of ^lay, 1856, f()r the purpose of choosing candidates for state officers, appointing delegates to the national convention, transacting such other business as may properly come before the body. The committee have adopted as the basis of representation the ratio of one delegate to every 6,000 inhabitants, and an additional delegate for every fractional number of 2,- 000 and over; but counties that contain less than 6,000 inhabitants are entitled to one delegate.

We never met a more determined and encourag-ed body of men than at the late Anti-Slavery Extension State Convention. It is a remarkable fact, that a majority of the delegates voted for General Pierce, as also did a majority of the nominees.

Imitating the example of the slavery extension convention, the old party lines did not come up, and Mr. Lincoln, a talented old line Whig, was placed upon the ticket as an offset

Born in Kentucky l^'ZA. admitted to the bar IS45, served in Mexican War. three years mining in California, elected State Senator in 1S60. Colonel >th. Illinois Volunteers l""-'!. promoted Brieradier and afterwards Major General, elected Governor of Illinois in 1872 and 1884.

Mr. Hecker, of St. Clair, one of the electors at large, is one of the most talented men in the L^nited States. He was a leader in the last German revolution, and was for many years the radical leader in the German parliament.

The southern delegates gave the lie to the story so often repeated by the slavery extensionists, viz., that all the old Henry Clay Whigs were intending to vote the slavery extension ticket. The Henry Clay Whigs are divided at the south exactly as they are every where else. Those who have an interest in slavery, remote or direct, favor making Kansas a slave state, and will vote for Richardson. The others will vote for Bissell.

Several young- men in southern Illinnis liave been to Kansas. Some have lieen massacred, and some have come home to tell the story of their wrongs. The people there have Ijcen much aroused by recent exents, and will gi\ e a gijod acc(Aint of themselves in Xo\'eml)er.

Colonel Bissell is favorably known all throu<,^h southern Illinois, an.d his friends are confident that he will get a very large vote there.

The train arrived here an Ikhu* ago. We found the city full of people. The \'erandahs, halls and doorways of the Pike House are crowded with a dense mass of delegates. ^Nlen are here from all parts of the state. Egypt is in council with us. It is a spontaneous outpouring of the people.

While I am writing speakers are addressing the people from the portico of the Pike House. The feeling is intense, and in every bosom beats the stern resolve to relieve our noble state from the stigma under which it now rests. Illinois furnished the "ruthless hand" which broke down the barrier erected by our patriot fathers against the spread of slavery. Her people must repudiate the act. They will do it. ^lark that.

Last evening. I am informed, speaking was kept up in front of the hotel until a late hour. The venerable Colonel Dixon, of Lee C(^unty. led off in a speech that produced a powerful impression. He was followed by ^Tessrs. Lincoln. Palmer, Washburn. Doctor ."^chrocder. and otliers.

Born September 2-*. ISl 1. Baden. German_v; died 1881. General Revolutionarv Army. Germany \^it-^: Colonel -Jita Illinois Volunteers. War of Rebellion. Nominated Elector a't large convention Mav 29. IS.36.

12. m. - The convention was called to order at lo o'clock, and organized temporarily by the appointment of Archibald Williams, chairman. H. S. Baker and George F. Brown, secretaries.

A committee of nine was appointed to nominate permanent officers of the convention. While the committee were out a stirring address was delivered by ^Lr. Em<)ry. of Kansas. ;Mr. Emory went to Kansas a Pierce man. but when the leaders of The Pierce Democracy made the admission of slavery a test of party fealty he left the party. ^Ir. Emory detailed the past difficulties and present perils of the Free State party in Kansas in a most graphic manner, eliciting feeling responses from the audience.

In taking the chair the president delivered a neat and appropriate address, thanking the convention for the honor conferred, and expressing his readiness to co-operate with all good men in meeting the issues that have been forced upon the free north.

^Ir. ^lunsell, of Edgar county, moved the nomination of Colonel Bissell, for governor, by acclamation, wdiich was received with tremendous cheering. George T. Brown, Escp, of Alton, asked permission to lay before the convention the following letter from Colonel Bissell, before acting upon ^Ir. MunselTs motion.

The reading of this letter was received with the unbounded enthusiasm, and when the motion was put, the entire convention rose to their feet, and ratified the nomination by cheer after cheer.

When silence was again restored. Judge Xiles, of St. Clair, moved the nom.ination of Francis A. Hoffman, of DuPage county for lieutenant-governor, which motion was carried unanimously by acclamation, amidst enthusiastic cheering.

A motion to adjourn was voted down, and Hon. Richard Yates responded to a call of the audience in a stirring speech, after which the convention adjourned till 2 p.m.

Committees were appointed <>n resolutions and nominations, which will report at the afternoon session, .\bout one thousand people were present at the sitting- of the convention.

This evening- G'jxernor Reeder will address the people in the court house square. Greater enthusiasm I have never witnessed, and the most cheering accounts are brought in by the delegates from the different portions of the state. Illinois must be true to herself. The ticket put in nomination here today must be elected.

The Bloomixgtox Coxvextiox

The afternoon session of the convention was lull of interest. The reports of committees on nominations for remainder of state ticket, electors, delegates, etc., were promptly made and cordially accepted

The commmitte on resolutions reported about 4 o'clock. Each resolution was received with applause. They appeared to meet the expectation and fill the desires of every delegate. A single amendment was oftered to the second resolution, but it was withdrawn after a brief discussion, and the resolutions were adopted without a dissenting voice.

Then commenced the speaking. O. H. Browning, of Quincy, was first called to the stand. His remarks were addressed mainly to the old Clay-W'higs. He read extracts from the speeches of Henry Clay from his first entrance upon public life down to the close of his career, all of which proved him to have been steadfastly and unifornily opposed to the spread of slavery into free territory, and that had he still been upon the stage of action when his great measures of pacification - tlie jNIissouri Compromise - was ruthlessly violated, his voice and vote w. aild have l)een the <^ame in 1854. that they were in 1820. yiv. Browning's vindication of the character of Henry Clay from the imputations cast upon it by the slavery extensionists of the present day, who profess to find in his political life evirioitfi'jvrroj 'j/h lo ^^fn ,

Born in Kentucky ISlO.died at Quinc.v, Illinois. August 10.1J?81 -.admitted to the bar and remo-i-ed to Quincy. Illinois 1831 : served in Black Hawk War. State Senator 1836 to 1^40 and House 1840 to 1843. Delegate to Republican National Convention 18<30. U. S. Senator 1,-61 to IS'53. Secretary Interior 1^66 to 18»3i>.

clence that, if living, he would now be ranged side by side with them, was conclusive and triumphant. There were numbers of the admirers and political adherents of the great Kentucky statesman present, some of them southerners like himself, others of northern origin, and not one of them but felt that the truth of history had been successfully vindicated, and the character of their former chief placed beyond the aspersions of those who are seeking to sanctifv with his name a great crime from which he should have shrimk as from dishonor.

!Mr. Browning was followed by Owen Lovejoy, of Princeton, in an eloquent and telling speech of half an hour. ^Ir. Lovejoy stated that he had never proposed and never would propose any political action by congress with respect to slavery in the states where it now exists. - He opposed its extension - that was all. He referred to the fact that his political opponents had always misrepresented him on this subject. Individually he did not care for that, but he was determined that the cause with which he was identified should not be injured through these misrepresentations. ]Many who heard ^Ir. Lovejoy for the first time were agreeably disappointed by his declaration of sentiments on the political aspect of the slavery question, and his eloquent appeal in favor of the cause m which they were embarked, as defined in the resolutions just adopted by the convention, will not soon be forgotten by them.

Abraham Lincoln, of Springfield, was next called out, and made the speech of the occasion. Never has it been our fortune to listen to a more eloquent and masterly presentation of a subject. I shall not mar any of its fine proportions or brilliant passages by attempting even a synopsis of it . ]^Ir. Lincoln must write it out and let it go before all the people. For an hour and a half he held the assemblage spell bound by the power of liis argument, the intense irony of his invective, and the deep earnestness and fervid brilliancy of his eloquence. When he concluded, the audience sprang to their feet and cheer after clieer told how deeply tlieir hearts had been touched, and their souls warmed up to a generous enthusiasm.

It was now 7 o'clock, and the large hall was still densely packed and the people refused to go. Burton C. Cook, of Ottawa, was called to the stand. Hi'^ speech was pointecl and effective. He alluded to the fact that not only the admirers of the Sage of Ashland were called upon to repel attempts to link the name of their departed chieftain with the great American crime of extending slavery into free territory. His own political idol had also been invoked in aid of the same base purpose. The Sage of ^Nlonticello, the author of the Declaration of Independence, and of the ordinances of 1787 - the immortal Jefferson - his name. too. had been desecrated by the conspirators. But these attempts to falsifv history, and to couple a heinous crime with our illustrious dead, would yet react upon those who, by such means, endeavor to shield themselves from the indignation of an outraged people. ^Ir. Cook m a very humorous way, illustrated the vacillating course of the leaders of the Democratic party in Illinois, and concluded with a glowing tribute to Colonel Bissell, and an appeal to those who had enlisted under so gallant a leader to see to it that his l)anner is not permitted now for the first tim.e to be trailed in the dust.

Born at Albion. Maine. January t3. 1811; died March -Jo. ISW; moved to Alton, niinois. and was present when his brother Elijah was murdered: in 1S3^S he became minister of the Congregational church at Princeton. III., but devoted most of his time to anti-slavery meetings: 18.54 elected to the Legislature. 1J«.V5 to his death a member of congress. A peerless, fearless antislavery agitator.

After supper from six to eight thousand persons assembled in the court house sciuare to hear ( jin ernijr Reeder. I regret my inability to report his s[)eech. It occupied more than three hours in the delivery, and was listended to with the most intense interest by that vast multitude. Governor Reeder recounted in a plain, unvarnished manner, the series of outrages to which the settlers in Kansas had lieen exposed, and made evident the complicity of the federal government in those ouirages. He showed how Kansas had been subjugated by the slave power of this country, partly through the connivance, and partly through the direct agency <:>f the general government. The points made were clear and unanswerable. That speech if delivered throughout the nation, would leave it with but a single party, and a single purpose in it, so far as the masses are concerned. It showed the existence of a despotism with which there is nothing in the old world that will bear the slightest comparison, - a disregard of life and of property, and of all the rights of individuals, the like of wliich. e\ en in the feeblest governments of the world, can nowhere else be found. - Occasionally, when describing the results of what now predominates on our frontier, or when contrasting the differences between what Kansas and the whole national domain east of the Pacific would be if consecrated to freedom, and what it must become sliould the great conspiracy to make a slave state of Kansas, prove successful. Governor Reeder's eloquence assumed a high character, but he avoided everything like declamation throughout his speech. There was deep feeling and strong passion aroused, and an irrepressible sympathy for our fellow-citizens in Kansas who were the victims of the wrongs and outrages recounted, but they were feelings and passions and s}mpathies awakened by the simple statement of facts as they had occurred within the knowledge and under the immediate observation of the speaker.

close it up. I am satisfied, let me say however, before closing, that tliis clay's deliberation have made an impress upon the public mind and heart that will not fade out during the present generation. The tire kindled here will spread throughout tlie state, and when the ides of November shall have passed away. Illinois will have entered a most emphatic protest against her recreant senator, and against her other representatives whose action has l)een instrumental in bringing the present perils upon the country.