McLean County, Illinois - The whole text, 1900 (part 1 of 4)

Bloomimotom, 1Lum0I5 Edited By Ezra M. Prince

BRAHAM LINCOLN has become the civic ideal of his native land, and is fast becoming* the ideal of the self-g"overning-, the democracy of all lands, the incarnation in the political world of the highest ideals of our common Christianity. The most momentous event in his life was the convention at Major's hall, Bloomington, 111., May 29, 1856. There he formally, definitely broke with the old order of things, and became the master spirit in a new orgfanization w^hich was destined not only to destroy slavery and remove that great obstacle to our national progress, but, in other respects, to make a most profound and lasting impress upon our state and national life.

The McLean County Historical Society is composed of members of different political parties who naturally differ as to the wisdom of the policies of the Republican party, but their importance is questioned by no one. It is, therefore, a proper subject for historical research, and it is eminently fit that the historical societ}^ of the count}^ where that convention was held, where its master spirit was so well known and so loved, and whose citizens were so potent a factor in his nomination for the presidenc3\ should commemorate an event of such supreme public importance.

Mr. Lincoln was the inspirer, the soul of this convention. On that occasion he delivered the g'reat speech of his life, not only rising to the loftiest heights of ira})assioned eloquence, but with the prophetic insight of the seer

In the arrang'ement of the program of the meeting the speakers, as far as possible, were selected from the members of the convention, and on account of their identification with and special knowledge of the subject treated by them.

The society is indebted to the S. S. ]\IcClure Company and to the Century Company for the permission to use several pictures of the participants in the convention, to the New York Evening Post for copy of letter of John H. Bryant, to the Ohio Archaeological and Historical Societ}^ for cop3^ of teleg'-rams, to the Chicago Historical Society for the use of their newspaper files: also to Mr. D wight E. Frink for a drawing of Major's hall, and to the committee of arrangements for the means with which to publish this book.

Table Of Contents Republican State Convention

Back through the changing years, delving in the records of many decades, the ^TcLean County Historical Society has secured data of one of the most interesting events in the early political history of Illinois. After months of research and tireless endeavor, the results are seen in an anniversary celebration today of the first state con\'ention of the Republican party m Illinois. Out of the agitation against slavery the Republican partv was born, o^atherinij to its ranks men from all parties who were moved by the single imptilse, the freedom of the black man.

It is the story of the events that led up to the first convention of the new party in Illinois and a recital of the proceedings of that famous gathering held in ]\Iay, 1856. in Major's hall of this city. Then it was that the famous *'Lost Speech" of Abraham Lincoln was delivered, the speech which was so enthralling in its elocfuence that the reporters sat with pencils in hand, forgetful of their duties, and failing to take notes.

But the speakers of the celebration can best tell the story of that gathering. They met this afternoon in the Unitarian church a little band of gray headed men, and an audience that filled every seat, listened with the most intense interest to their story of the days before the war. Passion ran high in th(^se days, and friends became enemies in arguing the momentous question of slavery. Parties crumbled to dust in the mighty crucible of public opinion. Neighbors became antagf^nized and many \\'ere martyred on the anti-sla\'erv cross. The feeling grew hotter until cooled by the l)lood of the thousands in the great Civil War that followed. Every speaker told a tale of thrilling- interest and the student of early politics found a mine rich in information. The pages of history could not be made more attractive. - Bulletin (Bloomington. 111.), I\Iay 29. 1900.

Founding Of A Party

The Major Hall Convention - The Birth of the Republican Organization in This Cit}- is Commemorated in a twitting Manner - Social Reunion of Delegates - Associates of Abraham Lincoln Review the Work of a Political Gathering Held Forty-Four Years Ago.

Fortv-four vears aic:o vesterdav was held in Bloomington a convention that is not only historic, but which helped to make the United States what it is todav. At that time was born the g-reat Republican partv in Illinois, the partv that has «:iven a Lincoln, a Grant, a Loo-an, and a hundred other o^reat names to liistorvand to theworld: a partvwhich has caused the curse of slavery to he wiped off the face of our country and which has scored its triumphs on e\'ery page of history for nearly half a century.

It was in commemoration of this event that the [Mc- Lean County Historical Society decided to hold a special meeting. Preparations have been going on for the past month and the result was yesterday made public at a meeting at the Lmitarian church, which was attended l)v manv of the delegates to this old time convention. The attendance was quite large, the majority being gray haired men and women, as was natural considering that the event to be celebrated took place forty- four years ago.

The building was well filled with people from abroad, with Bloomingtonians and with those from the more immediate vicinity. Outside the rain fell, the lightning flashed and the thunder's reverberations were often heard, but inside the church the people sat with bated breath and noiseless attention, while they hstened to the aged speakers as they tf^ld of the trials and trouble of the beginning of the Republican party. - Pantograph (Bloomington. 111.), May 30. 1900.

Social Reunion

Perhaps the niDSt interesting featin-e of the day was the reunion held this morning in tlie lobby of the Windsor hotel. Here tlie convention of i8=i6 was conrlucted ag-ain. Gen. John. Palmer who was the chairman of that body sat chattinowith George Schneider, Paul Selby, Benjamin F. Shaw, Gen. Jas. M. Ruggles, Col. William \'ocke, Gen. Thomas J. Henderson, David ]\IcAVilliams. and other gray beards who are survivors of the convention of fortv-four vears ag:o todav. In that group were several who occupied chairs just across the street in front of the old Pike House, now the Phoenix hotel. May 29, 1856, and discussed the business of the ^vlajor's hall convention. Little ditl the}' imagine what momentous conse- Cjuences were to result from the proceedings of Major's hall. Lincoln, Oglesby, W'entworth, Yates and others who were there have gone, l)ut hallowed in grateful and tender remembrance, their memory lives on till time shall be no more.

Reverently the name of the martyred president was recalled today. Licidents of his presence were told on every hand. A treasured relic brought from Chicago by Mr. Geo. Schneider was the picture of Lincoln taken in a Chicago restaurant in 1854. He was taking dinner with ]Mr. Schneider and while he was reading a copy of the Chicago Dcjuocrat, a photographer stepped in and asked permission to take Lincoln's picture and he consented. A copy of the photo was retained by ^Ir. Schneider and was \'!ewed with deei.^est interest todav.

Another interesting relic was a picture of the Lnion defense committee organized in Chicago just before the war to equip Illinois regiments for the held. This picture shows each member of the committee and was presented to the Historical Societv bv ]\Ir. Schneider. There are but three members of the original committee surviving. Mr. Schneider, Thomas B. Bryan and A. H. Burley. all of Chicago.

It developed by comparing notes that the delegates selected by the Blm imingt<:)n C" )n\-ention of 1856 to the national convention of Philadelphia. l>ut two are living - Cieneral Palmei and (^eorge Schneider. B()th were here todav and the latter had in his possession the orig-inal ticket of admission. He also had the ticket of admission to the natir)nal convention of i860. These relics were also viewed with great attention and appealed strongly to the group of old gentlemen.

Of the group of Anti-Xe])raska editors who met in convention in Decatur in February, 1856. to issue the call for the convention which met in Blooming ton, the three survivors. Paul Selby and George Schneider, of Chicago and Benjamin F. Shaw, of Dixon, were here todav. Selbv at that time represented the lacksoiiz-illc Joiinial, Schneider the Cliicag'^ Staats- Zcitiing and Shaw the Dixon Telegraph , with which he is still connected.

The oldest man in attendance at the anniversary is General Palmer. He is 82. He has been in poor health of late and his paper will be read bv another.* He came verv near dying during the winter and looks far from well. His eyes lit up with the old fire, however, as he recalled the old days and there was enthusiasm in his voice as he told incidents of Lincoln and the great men of the early days. - Bulletin, ^lay 29, 1900.

The Rise Of The Slavery Question

March i6, 1818, thtere was presented to the house of representatives a petition from ^Missouri for permission to form a state constitution. P'ebruary 13, 18 19, when the question came up before the house, an amendment was oftered to the enabhng act prohibiting the further introduction of slavery and providing that all children of slaves, born within the state after its admission shotild be free but might be held to service until the age of 25 years. March 6, 1820, a compromise havmg been affected under the leadership of ]^Ir. Clay, the enabling act was passed without the anti-slavery restriction, but with the following amendment : "That in all the territory ceded by France to the United States imder the name of Louisiana which lies north of 36 degrees and 30 minutes, north latitude, excepting only such part thereof as is included within the limits of the state contemplated by this act, slavery and involuntary servitude otherwise than in the punishment of crime whereof the party shall have been duly convicted shall be and is hereby forever prohibited." This was known as the "^lissouri compromise." The principle of this compromise, the supreme control of congress over the territory even in the regulation or abolition of slavery remained unquestioned for nearly thirty years and in popular estimation was held little less sacred than the constitution itself.

June 3, 1849. California formed a state constitution expressly prohibiting slaver}- but the senate ' 'f the United States refused to concur in the house bill providing for its admission into the Uni(jn. ]^lr. Clay again came forward with a

In 1853 a bill was introduced in congress to organize the territory of Nebraska. January 16, 1854, Senator Dixon, of Kentucky, having given notice of an amendment abolishing the Missouri compromise in the case of X'ebraska, the bill was recommitted to the committee on territories and Stephen A. Douglas, senator from Illinois, immediately reported a bill dividing the territory into two territories, the southern, adjoining Missouri on the west, called Kansas and the northern, ad joining Iowa on the west, called Nebraska and repealing the ^^lissouri compromise in regard to slavery. This precipitated the inevitable conflict between slavery and freedom. It practically destroyed the Wdiig party. The anti-slavery sentiment of the north had grown gradually and the conviction had became general that there could be no lasting compromise with slavery. In the south tlie more aggressive and radical proslavery leaders gained control of the Democratic party and through it the complete domination of the south. In the north the repeal of the ^Missouri compromise caused great excitement. In 1854 when Senator Douglas returned to Chicago and attempted to justify his acts the people refused to hear him but for four hours yelled and hissed him until he retired from the meeting. In the condition of affairs here briefly outlined the ^Major's Hall convention met.

The ^'.fajor's Hall onivention was >ubstantially the flrst state convention in Illinois in opposition to the repeal of the Missouri compromise. In 1854 an attempt was made by the more advanced anti-slavery men of tlie state to organize a new ])arty to resist the encroachment of tlie sla\e ])o\ver. "Septeml)er 9, 1854, a Re])ul)hcan county C(jn\'ention of the \-oters of McLean county was held at iiloomington to appoint delegates to a state convention to be held at Springheld at which the following were elected delegates to the state convention: Dr. R. O. W'arinner, Dr. J. R. Freeze, Oliver Graves, A. B. ives, X. X. Jones and W. F. ^1. Amy."

!'The state convention to which these delegates were appointed, met at Springfield October 5, 1854. It was attended by only twenty-six delegates who were mostly abolitionists, Owen Lovejoy, Ichabod Codding and Erastus WVight having been the moving spirits. On the 5th of October it nominated John E. McClun, of McLean county, as candidate for state treasurer. In a short time the name of James Miller, of Bloomington, was substituted forthatof Judge McClun." Burnham s History of Bloomington and Normal, p. i 10.

The times were not yet ripe for a thorough organization of the anti-slavery sentiment of the state. In 1855 there was no state election in Illinois and of course no organization of the state. It was left for the Major's Flail convention to do that work.

The Eighth Judicial Circuit Of Illinois Circuit

This circuit, organized in 1847, consisted of fourteen counties in the east half of the central portion of the state, Sangamon, Tazewell, \\'oodford, AIcLean, Logan. DeWitt, Piatt, Champaign, \^ermilion, Edgar, Shelby, ]\Ioultrie, Macon, and Christian. Session laws 1847, P- 3^ The above is the eighth circuit as known to ]Mr. Lincoln's friends. In 1853 the circuit was reduced to Sangamon, Logan, ]\IcLean. \\'oodford. Tazewell, DeW'itt, Champaign, and Vermilion. Session laws 1853, p. 63, and in 1857 it was still further reduced to DeWItt, Logan, McLean, Champaign, and Vermilion. Session laws 1857, p. 12. In this central l)elt of the state the waves of emigration from tlie Uf^rth and south met and mingled. It was the debatable ground between the friends of freedom and those who were the friends of slavery or indifferent to its aggres- sions. The northern ])art of the state was overwlielmincj^lxanti-slaver}', the southern as 1)itterly opposed to them. Which ever party won the center won the hght.

From its earliest history the bar of this circuit was exceptionally strong, in its earlier days including Edwin D. Baker, afterwards senator from Oregon, James A. ]\IcDougal, senator from California, Stephen A. Douglas, senator from Illinois, General Asahel Gridley of Blooniini^ton, and Judge Stephen T. Logan of Springfield, whom Judge David Davis after a service of ten years as circuit judge, fifteen years justice of the supreme court of the United States and six years as United States senator pronounced the ablest lawyer he had ever met. Many able lawyers from outside the circuit attended the courts, includin^^ Norman H. Purple of Peoria, formerly jucige of the supreme court, T. L. Dickey of Ottawa, afterwards judge of the supreme court, Voorhees, afterwards senator from Indiana, and Usher, afterwards Secretary of the Interior, trom Indiana. In every county were able, energetic young lawyers who had "gone west" to make their fortunes, such men as Adlai E. Stevenson, Richard J. Oglesby, Judges Lawrence Weldon, Anthony Thornton, Oliver L. Davis and John ]\I. Scott. In each county of this large circuit two terms of court were held each year which Mr. Lincoln and the other leading lawyers of the circuit. Baker, ^.IcDougal, John T. Stuart, Logan, Leonard Swett and others regularly attended. Lincoln spent substantially half of each year on the circuit.

After Sangamon, Air. Lincoln's home county, was attached to a new circuit, he continued to attend the eighth circuit up to the time of his nomination. He attended the spring term, i860, of the AIcLean circuit only a few weeks before his nomination.

The relations between the court, lawyers, jurors and senators of the eighth circuit was peculiar, one that has long since passed away. The court was rather a big family consultation presided over by the judge than a modern court. Judge Davis personally knew a large portion of the people in the circuit. The jurors were then selected by the sheriff. In McLean and probably in the other counties, substantially the same jurors appeared from term to term, personal friends of Judge Davis, men of intelligence, sound judgment and integrity whose verdicts rarely had to be set aside. Court week was a holiday for the people of the county, political years there was always speaking at the court house, the parties using it on alternate nights. The people attended court to get the news, hear the speeches, listen to the exciting trials and do their trading. The lawyers and many of the jurors, witnesses and suitors stopped at the same tavern. There was a singular comrad-

Born in Maryland, March 9, 1815; died June 26. 1886, jurist. U. S. Senator. See Volume I. Transactions McLean County Historical Society 320. By permission and courtesy- of the Century Co.

ship of these atteiulants upon the court. Without the court at all losing its dignity, there was a freedom and familiarity as of old friends and acquaintances meeting upon a pul)lic occasion rather than the formality and dignity associated with the idea of a modern court. Often the judge's room, which sometimes was the onl}' decent one in the tavern, was used evenings by the lawyers in their consultations without regard to the presence of the judge.

In several, perhaps all these counties, young lawyers who desired to avail themselves of ^^Ir. Lincoln's popularity and who perhaps distrusted their own ability to prepare and try cases in the circuit court, arranged with ^Ir. Lincoln to allow them to advertise him as their partn.er. So there was Lincoln & Jones in this cotuity and Lincoln tS: Smith in that ; but the partnership was limited simply to Lincoln trying Smith & Jones cases, if they had any, and dividing fees with them, only this and nothing more. The only law partners, in the proper acceptance of that term. Mr. Lincoln ever had, were his Spring, field partners. Col. John T. Stuart early in his legal career, and later William H. Herndon. Stuart was a very accomplished gentleman and lawyer, the chancery lawyer of the circuit, whose courts he always attended. ]\Ir. Herndon never traveled the circuit.

Mr. Lincoln was always a great favorite with the court, lawyers and all attendants upon the court. The young and inexperienced lawyers received from him wise and timely advice and aid in their cases. The trial of cases was conducted almost entirely by these leaders of the circuit, ^Ir. Lincoln being on one side or the other of nearly every case tried, .a crowd always gathered around him whether in court or elsewhere, expecting the never failing "story." The evenings were a contest of wits, for the pioneer lawyer always had a good story ready. These customs of the circuit made its leaders v.- arm friends.

Swett and David Davis, all Whigs by previous party affiliation. Mr. Fell first seriously proposed ]\Ir. Lincoln for president. Born in Chester county, Pennsylvania, of Quaker parentage, anti-slavery to the core, coming to McLean county in 1832, a young lawyer, he early abandoned the law and engaged in dealing in lands, entering 160 acres in Chicago and 320 in Milw^aukee, one of the founders of the first newspaper and of the first public library in Bloomington, a horticulturist and arborculturist, planting 13,000 trees in Normal alone before a house was built there, an unrivaled politician, but always refusing office for himself. A lover of his fellow men, with a certain disinterestedness that always made him friends and withal possessing a remarkable organizing capacity. By his skill and unrivaled management he procured the location of the Normal University and the Soldiers* Orphans" Home at Normal. An idealist, yet a man of the greatest practical common sense. He and Lincoln were kindred spirits. He was secretary of the state Republican committee in 1858 during the memorable campaign between Lincoln and Douglas. In 1856 when Mr. Lincoln was obliged to decline the appointment of Illinois member of the Kansas national committee he recommended Mr. Fell to fill his place. He early conceived of Mr. Lincoln as the proper candidate for the presidency in i860 and entered upon the accomplishment of that design with his usual energy and persistence. To him Mr. Lincoln addressed in December. 1859, his brief autobiography. By personal address, by correspondence and though the press at home and in other states he was unceasing in his advocacy of Mr. Lincoln. Leonard Swett, a native of the state of Elaine, was the advocate of the west, tall, swarthy, handsome, with the most melodious voice man ever possessed. Mr. Fell by reason of his intelligence, earnestness, persistence and disinterestedness was singularly persuasive. Mr. Swett by the clearness of his mental conceptions, the melody of his voice, his geniality and eloquence was equally influential. Last but not least was David Davis, judge of the circuit court, a large and portly man of singular physical and mental quickness and energy, a native of Mary-

Jand and by temperament and education a conservative, he was profoundly attached to Mr. Lincoln and resisted all attempts to detach him from the political fortunes of his friend. As soon as he saw there was a possibility of Mr. Lincoln's nomination he threw himself into the movement with the whole force and weight of a strong personality. Each of these three men read their fellow men as they would read a book, instinctively perceiving their character, the motives and influences that would affect them. In the Chicago convention that nominated

Born at Turner. Maine in ISCS, studied law. / ,.^^/ - -"'.^ '^'li came -west, served in Mexican War. Whig 'I I ^( "S^X elector 1848, settled in Bloomington 1849 and

Mr. Lincoln in i860 their influence was most potent. Judge Davis by common consent took charge of the Lincoln forces. Davis, Fell and Swett were incessant in their labors, addressing delegations, laboring with individual delegates and caucusing and directing the contest and with the aid of Palmer, Yates and other earnest friends, won the victory.

The bar of the eighth circuit were hardworking men of the highest integrity, character and al)ility. Their influence upon Lincoln's career has never been properly recognized. W'e hope some one may write a paper fully treating of this subject.

Program

The iMcLean County Historical Society, knowing from their own experience how fatal delay is to historical accuracy, felt it proper to lay aside for the time being- their labors on local affairs and brint^- tog^ether the surviving' members of the most momentous convention ever held in this state, hoping", from the papers read and remarks of the delegates, much of interest to the state and nation mig-ht be rescued from the memory- of individuals and put in enduring form for our descendants. The papers have all been prepared by men familiar with the branch of the subject treated by them.

A state convention of the Anti-Nebraska part\- of Illinois will be held in the city of Bloomington on Thursday, the 29th day of May. 1856. for the purpose of choosing- candidates for state officers, appointing deleg-ates to the national convention and transacting such other business as ma}* properly come before the body. The committee have adopted as the basis of representation the ratio of one delegate to ever}' 6,000 inhabitants and one additional deleg-ate for every fractional number of 2.000 and over but counties that have less than 6,000 inhabitants are entitled to one delegate. W. B. Ogden, S. M. Church, E. A. Dudley, Thomas J. Pickett. R. .J. Oglesby. G. D. A. Parks, Ira O. Wilkinson, W. H. Herndon. Joseph Gillespie, State Central Committee. .t> ill L.t

Fellow Citizens : It is generally understood, I believe, that this celebration is held under the auspices of the McLean County Historical Society. Through the courtesy of the officers of that association, it becomes my gracious privilege to say a few words of welcome upon this most interesting occasion.

Friends, we are here to celebrate one of the most important events in history. Here in this city forty-four years ago today, was held our first republican state convention. It was the first organized opposition within the limits of our state to the further spread of human slavery, and the cause of liberty found here many of its ablest advocates, among whom were David Davis, Jesse W . Fell and Isaac Funk.

In a short address of welcome I cannot of course, enter upon any full discussion of the causes which led to that convention; nor will the proprieties of this occasion permit me to speak at length of the historic events that soon followed.

In that assembly were gathered our ablest and most conscientious statesmen. They came from all political parties, and were united in the single purpose to resist at any cost the further aggressions of slavery. It was not a time for the success of busy little men, and therefore not a demagogue was to be found in their midst. They were men of noble purpose and high courage; men who believed that right makes might, and consequently were not afraid to shake their fists in the face of majorities.

Shaw and others, was not destined tohave an easyor a bloodle>s victory. In its cause we piled up a natirtnal del)t of nearly 83,000,000.000. In the 1)loo(ly c^nllict that ensued five hundred thousand American citizens laid down their lives c<junting thoseon both sides. After thisunparalleledsacrificeof blood and treasure, the doctrines here proclaimed finally triumphed with Grant at Appomattox. The chains were all broken, the auction block for the sale of human beings, was forever banished from the land, and today, thank God, the foot of no slave presses the soil of the continents discovered by Columl)us.

No human sagacity could see the end from the beginning. A movement undertaken for the purpose of enforcing wise restrictions against the spread of slavery, finally, through the irresistible logic of events, resulted in the total removal of that foul blot from our national escutcheon.

It is only just to say that this happy result was achieved, not by the efforts of any single political party, for slavery was abolished anrl the union preserved by the common patriotism of the great American people: and men of all shades of p(^litical belief now applaud the wisdom and courage of the convention held here near a half century ago. Instead of sectional strife and discord, we now behold a nation of 70,000.000 of people, with happy homes, and with a trade and commerce that covers all the seas: a people, too, that are forever united in the bonds of friendship under a single dag. And so the prophecy oi 1 86 1 has been fulfilled. 'A\> are not enemies, but friends. We must not be enemies. Though passion may have strained, it must not break our bonds of affection. The mystic chords of memory stretching from e\-er\' [battlefield and patriot gra\ e to every living heart and hearth-stone all over this broad land, will yet swell the chorus of the L'ni(^n when again touched, as surely they will be by the better angels of our nature."

Possibly most of the men who stood with Lincoln in that historic convention, are now in their grax es. Some are still living, and some we have with us here today. We thank them all, both the living and the dead for their patriotism, and for their noble example of unselfish dex-otion to the cause of truth and justice. One of their numl^.er w as afterwards elected president of the United States, and as he lay upon his bloody bier, Secretary Stanton could point to him and truthfully say "there lies the greatest leader of men that ever h\ e(l." Many others hecame distinguished, both in civic and in military life, and rendered honorable and conspicuous service to the nation.

The distinguished chairman of the con\'ention, we are glad to know, is present with us here today. Of his patriotic services to his country in the darkest hour this nation ever saw, time ^vill not allow me to speak. In the cause of libertv he was no laggard; he early heard the call of duty and noljly risked his life for the integrity of the L'nion and the glory and honor of his country. The memory of his sacrifices will remain fresh so long as patriotism and courage are appreciated and admired by a grateful people. -^^-'^ ^ - ^v.-,;;. r-- ^'v:.

My friends, the event you celebrate today is very close to the hearts of our people. We appreciate your presence here, and with the hope that your meeting may prove both pleasant and profital)le. I take great pleasure in extending to you on behalf of the people of Bloomington and of ^McLean county, a most sincere and cordial welcome.

One of the most important factors in establishing- the Republican party was the Anti-Nebraska press. The convention which we celebrate was called by a meeting- of Anti-Nebraska editors held at Decatur. February 22, I80H, presided over by Paul Selby, of the JLonidu Journal, of Jacksonville. He was also a member of the Anti-Nebraska State Convention held in October. 18.54, at Spring-field. He has been connected with many of the papers of this state, but mainly with the State Journal of Springfield, for eighteen years.

He has held many offices of trust and profit, and for the past ten years has lived in Chicago and been eng-aged in literary and historical work.

The task assigned me today is the presentation before your society of the "inside history" of the Convention of Anti- Nebraska Editors held at Decatur, IlHnois, February 22, 1856. and this duty I shall endeavor to discharge with as much brevity as circumstances will allow. The theme being strictly historical, you will expect no displays of either rhetoric or oratory, but I shall confine myself to a narrative of facts, which I hope may prove of value to your society and of interest to the investigators of history generally.

It is a fact well known to all familiar with the political liistory of the time, that the decade following the year 1846 was one of intense political excitement and constantly increasing agitation. Beginning with the annexation of Texas.

Paul Selby. editor, was born in Pickawav countv, Otaio, Julv -JO, 1825. In 1S.5J he became the editoroflhe J/o/'v-m ./o'//'na/. of Jacksonville. Illinois, with which he remained until the fall of ISns. covering the peri(jd of the ore^anization of the Republican party in which the ./Ofi/vic/; took an active part. He was a member of the republican Illinois State convention of isM. was chairman of the Anti-Xebraska Editorial c<->nven:ion of Februarv 2-,'. is"it;. Was associate editcjr of ./vv/ .'h.V at Sprincfield, Illin')is. from .Julv ihtj-j to November \^(Sh. .A.fterwards on the starf of the Chicarjo Jo'trnal, also on the nfpuhlican irom May to Januarv lj^74. Was editor of the V'^'^'^-y ir/t/^/ ana in ls?4 fiecame editor of the -Sprd'fjriei'l Journal. Was postmaster at Sprint; held from 1 8^0 to 1886. With Newton Bateman as editor of the Historical Encyclopedia of Illinois.

which marked an immense expansion in tlie area of slave territory, tlie growth of this excitement was temporarily checked l)y the di\-ersion of the popular mind from the great issue, by the ad\ ent of the [Mexican War on the one hand, and the admission of California as a free state (,)n the otlier, with the virtual exclusion of slavery from the territory acquired from [Mexico under operation of the com])romise measures of 1850. But even these were not sut^cient to counterbalance the intense feeling produced by the harsh features of the fugitive slave law, which constituted a leading feature of that celebrated series of acts - the last compromise with which the name of Henry Clay was associated. The hostility to this act, wdiich manifested itself in many sections of the north in open resistance to the return of fugitive slaves to their southern masters, and systematic efforts made in certain northern states to neutralize the law and thwart its enforcement by the enactment of state laws, gave evidence of tlie constantly rising tide of public sentiment on this subject at this time.

The very climax of conditions tending to promote agitation of the slavery question was reached in the approval, b}- the president, on May 30, 1854, of the Kansas-Nebraska bill repealing the [Missouri Compromise and thereby removing the restriction against the introduction of slavery into territory north of the parallel of 36 degrees and 30 minutes. There is a curious coincidence in the fact that, while one Illinois senator (Jesse B. Thomas) was accredited with the introduction, in 1820, of the measure wdiich took the name of the "[Missouri Compromise, " as was then believed in the interest of slavery, another Illinois senator (Stephen A. Douglas), thirty-four years later, in compliance with the demands of the friends of slavery, introduced, and pushed to a successful issue, the act which accomplished the repeal of that measure. Yet this was not accomplished until five years after the author of the repealing measure had spoken of the act which he was about to destroy, as having "an origin akin to that of the constitution," and as having become "canonized in the hearts of the American people as a sacred thing which no ruthless hand

Avould ever be reckless enough to disturlx" And it fell to tb.e lot of another lihnoisan (Al)raham Lincoln; not only to lead the forces which put an effectual check upon the further spread of slavery, but to give vitality to the act which was to wipe the institution out of existence.

The condition of political affairs existing throughout the nation between 1S54 and 1856 was one of practical chaos. It was a period of unrest and commotion such as the country had not seen since the adoption of the constitution, and which was only surpassed by the agitation which attended the outbreak of the Civil War seven years later, of which it was the precursor. Parties were disintegrating and their mutually repellant elements were seeking new associations. Anti-slavery Democrats and anti-slavery Whigs were found in sympathy and alliance with each other, wdiile the pro-slavery factions of both parties were drifting in a similar manner towards a common center. By "anti-slavery" in this connection I do not mean those who had espoused the cause of practical "abolition, "or even those who were known as "Free Soilers, " but those wdio objected to the repeal of the Missouri Compromise and were opposed to the introduction of slavery in territory already free, or which had been dedicated to freedom by that most solemn of compacts.

In nearly every community during this period, especially in the more densely populated portions of the northern states and among the more intelligent classes, were groups of men gathered from both of the old parties, as well as avowed Abolitionists and Free-Soilers, who were accustomed to meet and anxiously confer together over the political situation. This was especially the case in the citv of Jacksonville, my home at that time - a college town which embraced among its population many families of eastern origin, or those from education, association or natural impulse, in sympathy with the spirit of freedom. Among those who held advanced views on the subject of slavery, I may mention the names of the late Prof. Jonathan B. Turner, President Julian Sturtevant. of Illinois college. Dr. Samuel Adams, of the same instituti(~)n. Elihu

Wolcott, Hon. Richard Yates, Drs. David Prince and Hiram K. Jones (the latter still surviving and now a professor in Illinois college), and among business men or those not engaged in the professions. John IMathers, J. W. and J. O. King, J. H. Bancroft, J. \V. Lathrop, Peter ^lelendy, Anderson Foreman, and many others. There was a widespread, an almost universal, demand among this class and their sympathizers throughout the nation, for the organization of a new party based upon resistance to the further extension of slavery, a chief incentive being found in the wrongs and outrages perpetrated in the effort to plant that institution in Kansas, following immediately upon the congressional legislation of 1854.

It was my fortune at this time to be the editor of ''The Morgan (now Jacksonville) Journal;' originally a Whig paper, but which, on taking charge of it early in 1852 - foreseeing, as I believed, the impending disruption of parties - had been made '^independent." On the enactment of the Nebraska bill, however, it promptly took ground in opposition to that measure. As the result of a conference with my partner, Mr. Alvah C. Clayton - for many years past the proprietor of a printing house in St. Louis and now a resident of A\'ebster Groves, near that city - about the holidays in December, 1855, ''The JoiirnaF' published an editorial suggesting a meeting of the Anti-Nebraska Editors of the state for the purpose of agreeing upon a line of policy to be pursued in the campaign of the year then just opening. Owing to the destruction of the files of ''TJie Journal" of that period by lire, I am unable to quote the article referred to, or even give its exact date. The following cjuotation from the Chicago Tribune, published a few weeks before the date of the convention, will indicate the tenor of the article, as well as its origin :

'Tt was moved by The Morgan Journal and seconded by The iriuchesfer Chronicle, that there be held a convention of Free State Editors at Decatur on the 22(1 of February. The question has met the approval of the Pike County Free Press, Decatur Chronicle and other papers. The Morgan Journal calls on TJic Alton Courier. Dcinocrat (of Chicai^o). Democratic Press, Tribune, Journal and Staats Zeitujig, of Chicago; the Springfield Journal and the Belleville Advocate, and the Anti-Xehraska press generally, from one end of the prairie state to the other, to ex])ress their sentiments on the propriety of the proposed convention."

Then follow qnotations npon the suhject from The Pike County Free Press and The }Jorgan Journal, after w hich the Tribune concludes its indorsement of the proposition as follows :

"The reasons set forth by The Journal so clearly and well, are sufficient. If it be th.e will of the Free State Editors of Illinois to hold such a convention, the Tribune will be represented. V\'e need only add that the proposition meets our cordial appro])ation. and we hope a ready response will be heard from every section of the great prairie state on the part of the editorial corps not bound to swear in the words of Douglas and slavery."

The JVinchester Chronicle, which was the first to second the proposition of The Morgan Journal, was, as I think, then under the editorial charge of the late Judge John Moses, who later was secretary for a number of years of the Chicago Historical Society and author of ]*vIoses' History of Illinois. The Decatur Chronicle, then edited by J. Usrey. was an early indorser of the movement, and, at its suggestion, Decatur was named as the place of meeting, and accepted by common consent. A call in the following form was printed in the papers

''All editors in Illinois opposed to the Nebraska bill are requested to meet in convention at Decatur, Illinois, on the 226. of February next, for the purpose of making arrangements for the organization of the Anti-Xe1:>raska forces in this state for the coming contest. All editors favoring the movement will please forward a copy of their paper containing their approval to the office of The Illinois State Chronicle, Decatur."

According to my l)est information, obtained hv consulting the files of papers which took part in the mo\-ement, it received the formal indorsement of twenty-five, representing nearly the entire strength of the Anti-Xehraska pre^s of the state at that time. Th.ose w hose names were appended to the call as avow ed supporters of the proposition were:

Others may have indorsed the movement, but tlieir names were not appended to the call as published up to the date of the convention. The proposition was ignored by the Chicago Democrat and the Democratic Press, though thev afterwards indorsed the call for the Bloomington convention and supported its nominees.

The con\-ention met at the time and place indicated in the call, convening in the parlor of what was then the "Cassell House" - afterwards the "Oglesby House," but now known as the "St. Nicholas Hotel." Of those who had indicated their purpose to participate in the movement, a round dozen put in an appearance and took part in the proceedings, while two or three others arrived later in the day. A severe snow storm, which fell the night before, blockaded many of the railroads, especially in the northern part of the state, and prevented the arri\-al of a number who had intended to be present. The early arrivals included Dr. Charles H. Ray of the Tribune, and George Schneider of the Staats Zeituiig, Chicago: Y. Ralston, of the Oiiincy Uliig: O. P. Wharton, of the Rock Islojul Adz'crtiser T. J. F^ickett. of the Pdvia Republican : E. C. Daugherty. of the Register and E. W. Blaisdell, of the Republican, Rockford: Charles Eaxon. of the

The Gazette, Lacon. The Trihune. Chicago. Tlie Staats Z' Hung, Chicago. llie Itepublican, Oquavvka. Tlie Bepuhlican, Peoria. The Prairie State, Danville.

Princeton Post; A. N.Ford, of the Lacon Gazette; B. F. Shaw, of the Dixon J^elegraph: \\\ J. Usrey, of the Decatur Chronicle and Paul Selby of the Morgan Journal. An organization was effected witli Paul Selby as chairman and ^fr. Usrey as secretary, while, according to the official report, Messrs. Kay, Schneider, Ralston, Wharton, Daugherty and Pickett were appointed a committee on resolutions, and ^Messrs. Faxon, Ford and Shaw on credentials.

The most important work of the convention was transacted through the medium of the committee on resolutions. I\Ir. Lincoln came up from Springfield and was in conference with the committee during the day, and there is reason to believe that the platform, reported by them through Dr. Ray as their chairman, and adopted by the convention, bears the stamp of his peculiar intellect. A copy of this document, embraced in the official report of the proceedings of the convention, I shall deposit with this paper for such use as your association may see proper to make of it.

The platform, while disavowing any intention to interfere in the internal affairs of any state in reference to slavery, reduced to its first elements, amounted to an emphatic protest against the introduction of slavery into territory already free, or its further extension; demanded the restoration of the Missouri Compromise; insisted upon the maintenance of the doctrine of the Declaration of Independence as essential to freedom of speech and of the ])ress, and that, under it. ''Freedom" should be regarded "as the rule and slavery the exception, made and provided for as such - and that it nowhere recognizes property in man as one of its principles ;'" declared in favor of the widest toleration in matters of religion and for the protection of the common school system - which was a protest against "Know-Xothingism" \vhich had swept over the country within the preceding two years - and concluded with a demand for "reform in the administration of the state government" as second only in importance to the sla\ er\'- extension itself. This last declaration had an impressive significance given to it, just three years later, in the expcx^ure of the ''canal scrip fraud" which furnished a scandalous sequel to the administration of Gov. ]\[atteson, then occu])ying the j^ubernatorial chair. The platform, as a whole, amounted to a declaration of the most conservative Republicanism, and the foresight of its authors was indicated by the reiteration of every feature of it, in subsequent years, in the utterances of state and national conventions of the party. Without disparagement to any, it is safe to say that Dr. Charles H. Ray and Mr. George Schneider were controlling factors in framing the platform - the former in conjunction with ]\Ir. Lincoln in the clear enunciation of the principles of the new party on the subject of slavery, and the latter as the faithful representative of the German Anti- Nebraska element in his championship of religious tolerance and the maintenance of the naturalization laws as they were, as against the demand for the exclusion of persons of foreign-birth from the rights of American citizenship.

Not less important than the platform, and possibly even more far-reaching in its effects, was the following, which was adopted as an independent resolution :

''Resolved, That this con\'ention recommend a state delegate convention to be held on Thursday, the 29th day of ^lay next, in the city of Bloomington, and that the state central committee be requested to fix the ratio of representation for that convention, and take such steps as may seem desirable to bring about a full representation from the whole state.""

The day's proceedings ended with a banquet given in the evening to the editors in attendance on the convention and a number of invited guests, by the citizens of Decatur at the Cassell House. By this time there had been two or three arrivals of belated editors. Those whom I remember distinctly were SimeonWhitely, of the Atirora Gucu'dian, and Edward L. Baker, of the State Journal, Springfield. The local committee having the matter of the banquet in charge consisted of Capt. Isaac C. Pugh, during the Civil War colonel of the Forty-first Illinois volunteers ; Dr. H. C. Johns, who died at Decatur a fewweeks ago, and jNTajor. E. O. Smith. Richard J. Oglesby, then a young lawyer, presided and made the welcoming address. Several of the editors made speeches, but, of course, the principal speech of the evening was made by Mr. Lincoln. In response to a suggestion, by one of the editors present, of his name as a candidate for governor. ]Mr. Lincoln illustrated his characteristic unselfishness and sagacity by advocating the nomination of an Anti-Xebraska Democrat, on the ground that such a nomination would be more available than that of an old-line Whig like himself, finally naming Col. William H. Bissell for the place - a suggestion that was carried into effect at Bloomington in May. with the very result in November following that he then predicted.

The men named upon the central committee all acted in that capacity with three exceptions. These were W. B. Og- <len, who declined on account of the demands of business requiring his absence from the state, his place being filled by Dr. John Evans, who afterwards became the territorial governor of Colorado by appointment of Mr. Lincoln : R. J. Oglesby left the state for a tour through Europe and the Holy Land, his place being filled by Col. I. C. Pugh, of Decatur, and Governor Koerner (then serving as lieutenant governor under the Democratic administration of Go\-ernor ^vlatteson) doubted whether the time had arrived for the organization of a newpar ly, and so declined, his place being left vacant. Thus changed, the committee issued its call for a ''State Convention of the Anti-Xebraska party of Illinois," naming May 29, as the date and Bloomington as the place, as designated by the convention at Decatur.

Thus it was that, on the 124th anniversary of the "Father of His Country," with the aid and counsel of the man who was to become its Preserver amid the greatest perils that had ever assailed it from the foundation of the government, this little band of x\nti-Xebraska editors enunciated the doctrines which were to be accepted as the foundation principles of the new party, organized and manned the machinery, and set it in motion in the direction of victory. And yet there was not a man of them who felt he was doinp- more than any other member of the incipient party was ready to do. The time was ripe for the movement ; its spirit was in the minds of thousands, and if that little gathering at Decatur had not taken the initiative, others would have done so and the same result would have been achieved at last. In the language of one of the naval heroes of the Spanish-American War, there was "honor enough for all."

A brief word as to the personal historv of the members of the Decatur convention : Ralston, of the Qiiincy Whig, after serving as captain in an Illinois regiment and, later, in an Iowa regiment, died in a hospital in St. Louis in 1864; Dr. Charles H. Ray spent the last three years of his life as editor of the Chicago Evening Post, dying in that city in 1870; T. J. Pickett was engaged in newspaper work in X'ebraska for a number of years, dying at Ashland in that state in 1891: A. N. Ford died at an advanced age at Lacon in 1892; W. J. Usrey's life career was ended at Decatur in 1894; Daugherty retired from business on account of declining health in 1865. and died not long after - the exact date I am unable to give : Faxon spent some time after the war in government employment in Washington City, dying, as I think, in that city, date unknown; Whitely, after being emnloyed in some government position among the Indians, turned his attention to insurance business at Racine, Wisconsin, where he died about

1890; E. L. Baker served nearly twenty-four years as United States consul at Buenos Ayres, dying there in 1897 as the result of injuries received in a railroad accident. So far as known the following still survive : (jeorge Schneider, Chicago; E. W. Blaisdell, Rockford ; B. F. Shaw, of The Telegraph, Dixon; O. P. Wharton, editor of TJic Daily Journal and Local, of Sandusky, Ohio, and the author of this record.

There is a coincidence of no small interest in the fact that, on the same day the conference of Anti-Nebraska editors of Illinois was in progress at Decatur, a similar body of representatives from the \'arious states was in session at Pittsburg, Pennsylvania, called together in a similar manner, '*for the purpose of perfecting the national organization and providing - for a national delegate convention of the Republican party to nominate candidates for the presidency and vice-presidency.''

Among thosepresent at the Pittsburg meeting we find such names as Francis P. Blair, of Maryland, ( its permanent president) : Gov, Edwin D. Morgan. Preston King and Horace Greeley, of New York; Judge E. R. Hoar, of ^lassachusetts ; Oliver P. ^lorton and George \Y. Julian, of Indiana; Zachariah Chandler, K. S. Bingham and Jacob M. Howard, of Michigan; Joshua R. Giddings, of Ohio: David Wilmot, of Pennsylvania; Owen Lovejoy and J. C. Vaughan, of Illinois, and many more of national reputation. Out of this latter meeting came the call for the national convention at Philadelphia on the 17th of June, 1856, which put in nomination John C. Fremont for the presidency. It will thus be seen that the new party, which perfected its organization in this city of Bloomington on the 29th day of ^lay. 1856, started out in its career abreast of the national organization itself.

The call for the Bloomington convention, as issued by the state central committee a])pointed at Decatur, provided for a total representation of 226 delegates, ranging from one for each of the smaller counties, to seventeen from Cook. When the convention came together, however, owing to the deep interest manifested in some of the counties of the state resulting in a large attendance of outsiders, and the unanimity which prevented the introduction of controversial issues, it seems to have resolved itself into something like a ''mass meeting," and, although some thirty counties, chiefly in the southern part of the state, were wholly unrepresented, the number of delegates whose names got upon the roll, as published in the papers at the time, amounted to about 270. Of these Lee county furnished 25, while the little county of ^Morgan came next with 20. I was not present in the convention, although appointed a delegate and entitled to be there. It will be remembered that the popular argument of some of tlie most zealous opponents of our new party organization, at that time, was comprised in the bludgeon and the pistol. On the !Monday preceding the meeting of the convention, while on the way from my office to the hotel at which I boarded, I was assaulted upon the street by a bevy of political enemies - one of them, whom I had no reason to suspect of personal hostility, stealing behind to pinion my arms while his confederates closed around me. The injuries which they were thus able to inflict prevented my attendance upon the convention, but made no converts for their cause. The country was even then ringing with the report of the ruffianly assault upon Charles Sumner in the senate chamber at Washington, which had occurred just four days previous ; but the name of Sumner lives in history while that of his assailant has passed into practical oblivion.

And now, having, in compliance with the request made of me, presented before you this plain unvarnished record; having traced the genealogy of the Bloomington convention of i8s6, and proved its legitimacy of descent from that little editorial conference at Decatur on February 22, previous - having led you, so to speak, to the doors of the historic convocation in this city - I leave to others to admit you to its deliberations, to report upon its acts and portray the personal characteristics of the men whose presence here marked an era in your history and that of the state and the nation, and to describe those great events which, through the agency of a Lincoln, a Yates, a Lovejoy, a Grant and other Illinoisans, many of whom participated in the deliberations of that assem- blage and, acting in harmony and association with the patriots and heroes of the whole Union, changed the destiny of the Republic and made it the home of freemen instead of "half slave and half free." In this result we see not only the verification of the marvelous prediction of Abraham Lincoln on the evening of June 17, 1858, but a vindication of the principles enunciated and the policy indorsed in that little convocation at Decatur, and incorporated in positive action by its successor at Bloomington, on ]\Iay 29, 1856.

By Paul Selby, Chicago, Illinois. '

At the risk of going outside the record and digressing from the strict purpose of this reunion, I ask your indulgence while I make mention of the earliest attempt to organize a party in this state on the basis which finally became the foundation of the Republican party. I do this in no spirit of partisanship, however, and with less compiuiction because it is a part of the history of the times which we are here to commemorate, and citizens of Bloomington were prominent figures in the movement. This undertaking took the form of a "mass convention," so-called, announced to be held in the city of Springfield, October 4, 1854, a few months after the passage of the Nebraska bill by congress. The date and place were chosen because the second annual fair of the Illinois State Agricultural Society was to occur there during the same week, and the occasion was deemed most favorable for securing a respectable attendance.

It fell to my lot to be one of five delegates (I think) from Morgan county, one of the others being Dr. Hiram K. Jones, now a memlicr of the faculty of Illinois Colle.i^e at Jacksonville. When we came together we found that not only had no arrangement been made for a place of meeting, but that the hall of representatives was occupied by Senator Douglas and others in that memorable debate in which he first met Abraham Lincoln in the discussion of the principles of the Nebraska l)ill. Among those who espoused Douglas' side of the question were James \\\ Singleton and John Calhoun, the latter afterwards known as ''John Candle-box Calhoun," on account of his connection with the alleged frauds in the attempt to impose the Lecompton Constitution upon the people of Kansas. Lyman Trumbull and Abraham Lincoln were Douglas' principal antagonists, altliough Judge Sidney Breese and the late Col. E. D. Taylor, of Chicago, took the same side, though later found in cooperation with the Democratic party. This debate marked the beginning of both Trumbull's and Lincoln's careers as leaders of the new party, and ante-dated only a few months the contest for United States senatorship, which resulted in favor of the former.

Between the debates of the afternoon, when Douglas and Trumbull spoke, and the evening when Lincoln replied to the former, we managed to get together long enough to effect a temporary organization and appoint a committee on res ^liitions when an adjournment was taken to the following day. The late A. G. Throop. then of Chicago, but who died a few years. since at Pasadena, California, was chosen chairman, while Owen Lovejoy, Ichabod Codding and the late Gen. John F. Farnsworth were leading spirits upon the floor. The committee on resolutions consisted of X. C. Geer, of Lake county ; John T. Morse, of Woodford; Erastus Wright, of Sangamon; Dr. H. K. Jones, of Morgan; Bronson ^Murray, of LaSalle (for many years past a resident of Xew York City ) ; S. ]vL Coe, of Whiteside; T. B. Hurlbut, of Madison; William Butler, of Lee; Jesse Penrose, of \\'hiteside, and Dr. Henry ^^'ing, of Madison. They met in the evening in the dingy office of Erastus Wright, one of their number and a leading anti-slavery man of Springfield, and transacted their business by the light of one or two ial]«j\v candles.

bers had been increased somewhat by new arrivals, the space was ample. The committee reported a conservative platform, one of its chief features being em])raced in the two following resolutions :

''Resolved, That, as freedom is national and slavery sectional and local, the absence of all law upon the subject of slavery presumes the existence of a state of freedom alone, wdiile slavery exists only by virtue of positive law."

"4. That slavery can exist in a Territory only by usurpation and in violation of law, and we believe that congress has the right and should prohibit its extension into such Territory, so long as it remains under the guardianship of the general government."

The platform was adopted and the Hon. John E. McClun, of Bloomington, was nominated for state treasurer, - the only office to be filled by election that year. Later ^Ir. AlcClun gave place to James 3»Iiller, also of Bloomington, who had received a nomination for the same office from a Whig convention, and who came within less than 3.000 votes of election. His successful opponent was Hon. John ]Moore. also a citizen of Bloomington. Two years later ]\Iiller was the nominee of both the Republican and the American parties and was elected by over 20.000 majority.

The remaining principal business transacted by this convention was the appointment oi a state central committee, consisting of David J. Baker, of Madison county, ( father of the late Justice D. J. Baker, of the supreme court ) : X. D. Coy. of Knox; X. C. Geer, of Lake; A. G. Throop, of Cook; E. S. Leland, of LaSalle; ^L L. Dunlap, of Cook; Abraham Lincoln, of Sangamon ; H. M. Sheets, of Stephenson; Zebina Eastman, of Cook; John F. Farnsworth, of Kane; J. B. Fairbanks, of Morgan, and Ichabod Codding, of Cook. This committee never formally organized and faded out of existence. ^Ir. Lincoln took no part in the convention and. according to Herndon, absented himself from the citv on the second dav. o^oins: to Tazev;ell count}- m order that he might not be identified with it. He still had hope that the Clay-Whigs - the party of his first love - would take ground against the Xebraska bill, and.

when notified by Codding of his appointment on the state central committee, dechned to recognize the right of the convention to use his name in that connection.

The attempt has been made in some quarters to depreciate the importance of this convention 1)y minimizing the numbers in attendance and representing that it was "called and managed by extremists." Wdiile it is true that such men as Owen Lovejoy and Ichabod Codding - known as uncompromising antislavery men - were leading" spirits in the convention, the conservative character of the platform adopted is a conclusive answer to the charge of fanaticism. This went no farther than a distinct declaration of opposition to extension of slavery into free territory, which l:)ecame the essence of Republicanism two years later. When, on the proposition to place the name of Mr. Lincoln on the list of members of the state central committee, the question was raised whether he was in sympathy with the views maintained by the convention, I have a distinct recollection that Owen Lovejoy, in emphatic terms, vouched for his fidelity to the principles enunciated in our platform. And, while Mr. Lincoln then cherished the hope that his beloved Whig party would finally range itself in opposition to the repeal of the Missouri Compromise and the principles of the Nebraska bill,. he and Lovejoy were found contending for the same principle before the convention in this city in 1856, and, in the presidential chair, he had no more zealous champion and loyal supporter than the brother of the Alton martyr.

The Chicago Daily Democrat, edited by the late John Wentworth, in its issue of Xovember 2, i860, four days before the election of Lincoln to the presidency, after giving the history of this convention substantially as I have given it here, says :

'*Such was the birth of the Republican party in Illinois. Such were the men who set the ball in motion which is now rolling forward with irresistible force. Almost without exception they are men who loved liberty for itself and not for office. They were the founders, and they have been the pioneers and fighting men of the party. They have fought its battles, won its victories and have brought it to the threshold of a great triumph."

Although the con\ ention of 1854 failed of its object, so far as perfecting the new party organization was concerned, the platform there adopted not only enunciated the principles accepted by the party two years later, but played a curious and interesting part in the Lincoln-D-:niglas debates in 1858. This grew out of the production by Senator Douglas before the audience at the first debate held at Ottawa on August 21, of that year, of a series of extremely radical resolutions, which he said had been adopted at the Springfield meeting, of which he represented that ^Ir. Lincoln had been a member, and of which he became a representative by virtue of his appointment to a membership on the state central committee. As to the last it has already been shown that Mr. Douglas was in error, as he also was in regard to the genuineness of the resolutions themselves. These had, in fact, been adopted by a local convention in the northern part of the state, - in Aurora, I think, - but, whether innocently or intentionally, I will not presume to say, - had been incorrectly published by the State Register, a few days after the Springfield convention of October 4 and 5, 1854, as the platform adopted there. At the next debate, which occurred at Freeport, a week later, Air. Lincoln was in a position not only to vindicate himself from responsibility for the Springfield meeting, but to expose Mr. Douglas' blunder. Douglas excused himself on the ground that the resolutions had been used in debate by Thomas L. Harris, then a member of congress from the Springfield district, as those adopted at the Springfield meeting, and that he had been assured by the editor of the Register that this was correct. That 'Mr. Douglas was unconsciously led into an error by the misrepresentation of his own organ there is no doubt, but its eltect was to produce a recoil from his argument at Ottawa, which caused him no little chagrin and mortification at the time, and from which he did not fully escape during the remainder of the debates.

I reiterate what I said at the beginning of this digression » that I do not alhule to this incident in any spirit of partisansliip. but simply as a part of the history of the times we are commemorating today.

After the suppression of the Revolution of 1848, larg^e numbers of the liberty loving" Germans came to this country. On the formation of the Republican party the most of them came into its ranks, because they considered it the only party of liberty.

Our speaker tonight is a native of Germany, an eminent lawyer, an author of legal works, and a German poet, who will address us on -'The Germans and the German Press."

Ladies and Gcntlcuicn : The last week of the month of May, 1854, marks a most momentous epoch in the poHtical history of our country. After weeks of unparalleled excitement reflected in the debates of congress, as well as in all other agencies of public utterance throughout the country, the federal house of representatives, on the 22d day of said month, passed the Kansas-Nebraska bill by which the time-honored ^Missouri Compromise between the free states of the north and the southern slave states was repealed. Three days later the senate concurred in the measure; on the 30th of May it received the signature of the president, whereby it became a law, and thus all tlie territories lying north of 36 degrees, 30 minutes north latitude were exposed to the inroads of the southern slave power. To the better element of the northern people, recognizing as they did that slavery was a frightful blot upon the civilization of the nineteenth century, it was hardly conceivable that the grandchildren of the patriots of the War of Independence could so far forget themselves as to tear down the last bulwark which the wisdom of their freedom-loving fathers had

States in iSoH, and came to Chicaeo: studied law, captaia in e^th 111. Vols.: l?ro, elected representat' ve to (General Assembly: attorney for the German consulate at Chicago; a leading^ lawyer of Chicaero and of hii^h literary taste: member of the Republican National Convention of IHT-J.

established against the curse, and while all the political organizations of the countr\', the Democrats, Whigs. Free- Soilers and Know-Nothings, were alike thrown into a state of disintegration, everywhere the germs sprang up for the formation of a new party which should, upon strictly constitutional grounds, distinctly mark the limits of the slavepower.

Two months before the passage of the Kansas-Nebraska bill a number of Whigs. Free-Soilers and Democrats met on several days in an humble school house of the modest little town of Ripon, \Msconsin, to discuss the formation of a new party, and on the 30th of March. 1854, it was suggested that it be called the "Republican party" and a resolution was carried that its object should be to secure the confinement of slavery within its present limits. It does not seem to be definitely established, whether or not to this obscure spot in the then far west belongs the glory of having given the first impetus to the organization that brought about the memorable events to which our nation owes its deliverance from the relic of crudest barbarism.

The day after the adoption of the Kansas-Nebraska bill about thirty members of the federal house of representatives met in conference to take the formation of the newparty in hand, because there was no longer any hope that the old ones could successfully oppose the encroachments of the slave-power. Here too the name "Republican party" was proposed for the new organization. From that moment the agitation proceeded throughout the northern states until the organization received definite shape at a convention of delegates from various northern states held on Washington's birthday in 1856 at Pittsburg, where it was resolved to call a national convention for the nomination of candidates for the presidency and vice-presidency. This convention was held on the 17th of June, the anniversary of the battle of Bunker Hill, at Philadelphia. Meanwhile the people were thoroughly aroused, permanent organizations were formed everywhere, nominating conventions were held in all the states throughout the north, thus in this state the Bloomington convention on the day we now celehrate. and the Republican i)arty, having been successfully launched, entered upon a career of triumph and glory which has shed the greatest lustre upon the history of our country. In sympathy with the widely expressed sentiments of the north the Philadelphia convention did not stop with the demand that the former barriers against the extension of slavery should merely be restored, but it declared:

"We demand and shall attempt to secure the repeal of all laws which allow the introduction of slavery into territories once consecrated to freedom, and will resist by every constitutional means the existence of slavery in any of the territories of the United States."

I have been invited to show on this occasion what part the German element of the country took in the mighty movement which led to the overthrow of the southern slave power and the regeneration and securer establishment of our national Union.

The immigrants from Germany, who had become naturalized here, had, before the attitude of the two great parties toward slavery became clearly defined, instinctively drifted -toward the Democratic party, not only because there was a natural charm in the word "Democratic," but also because they found that the Know-Nothing party, which had for a few years achieved phenomenal successes principally in the northern states, had been most extensively recruited from the old Whigs. But when the issue between free labor and negro slavery was once squarely presented, their education and great good sense prompted them at once to take a firm stand on the side of freedom. They had never been able to perceive, why under a free government persons should be held in slavery, the subject of barter and sale like cattle, because their skin was black and their hair woolly. They keenly recognized that labor was degraded by the slave holder at the expense of the free man. As citizens of this republic. Avhich had become their and their children's fatherland, they appreciated that they, with all the rest of the people, were responsible for its good government ; but they did not busy themselves with the niceties of the question of states' rights or state sovereignty, because, in abjuring the allegiance they formerly owed to another sovereign, they had not become citizens of the particular state alone in which they had taken up their abode, but Americans enjoying the protection of that flag which waved o^-er the entire country. It was also clear to them that in the fundamental law of the Union no guarantees were expressed either for the protection or extension of slavery, and hence they solved all doubts in their minds as to the law of the case in favor of the inalienable rights of man. Then again the Missouri Compromise had for more than thirty years served as a bulwark against the spread of slavery into the northern territories, and why should this barrier now be ruthlessly brokeridown in order to admit a hideous institution which made every right-minded man in the country blush with shame? From this mode of reasoning the Germans neither took kindly to the notion of squatter sovereignty, because they could not see why the black blotch of slavery should be permitted to disfigure the fair western domain, simply because it might be imported through the back door by the border ruffians. The arguments were few and simple, our German-American citizens, acting independently everywhere, planted themselves firmly on the side of freedom, and swelled the ranks of the Republican party immensely, for it should not be forgotten that in our western states in particular their number was great enough to make them a powerful factor, when the destinies of our country were finally decided at the ballot box. ne

The southern slaveholders viewed the position of the Germans with the utmost bitterness and alarm, which came to the surface not only in the bloody Know-Xothing riots at Baltimore, Louisville and other southern cities, but also m most violent public utterances of many of the foremost men of the south. The Know-Xothings of the north were, in their secret and mysterious eft'orts to disfranchise the foreign element of our people, prompted chiefly by their hatred of the CathoHc churcli ; the slaveholders' party, however, announced its ill-will against the Germans of the north only for the stand they took against slavery and on that account they were pronounced to he the most un-American element in the Union. The Kansas-Nebraska bill was first introduced by Senator Douglas on the 23d of January, 1854. Six days later a mass meeting of Germans was held in Chicago under the leadership of I\Ir. George Schneider, the editor of the Illinois Staats-Zcitiing and an honored member of your convention, protesting against the passage of the bill, and so far as I have been able to find, this was the first indignation meeting directed against the repeal of the Missouri Compromise in the country. Shortly after the passage of the bill the Germans of Chicago held another rally called by Edward Schlaeger, editor of a weekly German paper entitled the GerDian-Aincrican, Fritz Baumann and others, expressing their abhorrence at the measure. At this meeting its author, Stephen A. Douglas, was burnt in effigy. This was the signal for an outburst of bitter hatred against the German element on the part of the southern oligarchs in congress. Shortly after the convening of that body in December, 1854, Adams, of ^Mississippi, introduced a naturalization bill under which foreigners should not be admitted to citizenship until after a residence of twenty-one years, giving, as he did, as a reason for this measure the fact that the wicked Germans had sent in so many petitions against the Kansas-Nebraska bill and declaring further : ' AVhen I learned the indignity offered to Senator Douglas by a German mob, I determined to introduce this bill." In their perverseness other southern representatives boldly insisted that the attitude of the Germans on the slavery question showed them to be incapable of entering into the spirit of American life and of assimilating with our people, and that hence the safest and only way to bring about assimilation was to deprive them of the right of suffrage.

was from their view-point perfectly reasonable, it will nevertheless be seen that the arguments by which they sought to carry it out were wholly worthless, and that nothing in the whole range of political agitation could have afforded a more striking proof of the fact, that the Germans were in the best sense of the expression thoroughly Americanized, than their opposition to slavery.

In that great movement the Germans were so resolute and so united that from the very start they left no one in doubt as to their position. At the second annual meeting of the American and Foreign Anti-Slavery Society held on the loth of ^lay, 1854. at the New York Tabernacle, the "'^r-' following resolution was adopted: tni»?. )»ti:

''Resolved. That we rejoice in the great unanimity' manifested by the German presses, and our German fellow- - tiicitizens throughout the country, in opposition to the Ne- i-r^' braska scheme, so inimical to their Democratic principles, to their cherished hopes and to the renown of their adopted country." ^_ . ^,

Shortly after the enactment of the infamous Nebraska bill it was shown by the Cincinnati Gazette that in its pub- ^ ^ lished list of eighty-eight German newspapers in this coun- ' try there were eighty that had declared their firm opposition to the measure, while only eight remained which were de-.

Thus from the very beginning the Germans proved to be true not only to the noblest traditions of their race, which ^ has been the natural friend of an enlightened freedom the world over, but also to the most vital interests of the new country, in which they had found hospitable homes. Their noble and God-fearing countryman Francis Daniel Pastorius, ' who was at the head of the little band brought into Pennsylvania by William Penn in 1683, had been the first man in this land who issued a public protest against the crime of slavery in which he warningly exclaimed to the American colonists : ''Have not these negroes as much right to fight for their freedom as you have to keep them slaves?" This same sentiment was theirs, because it was the true Ger- man instinct, and with it they marched shoulder to shoulder with their fellow-citizens of other nationalities, in order to achieve for our country that universal freedom which our revolutionary forefathers had in truth and in fact intended to establish.

During the trying years which followed the repeal of the Missouri Compromise our fellow-citizens of German extraction never faltered in their attachment to the cause of freedom. In i860, their votes decided the election of Abraham Lincoln, and hence the pure-minded Charles Sumner might well say as he did on the 25th day of February, 1862: "Our German fellow-citizens, throughout the long contest with slavery, have not only been earnest and true, but have always seen the great question in its just character and importance. Without them our cause would not have triumphed at the last presidential election. It is only natural, therefore, that they should continue to guard and advance this cause." And a little later the same illustrious champion of freedom spoke the following words on the floor of the senate : ''The brave and pure German stock, which, even from that early day, when first revealed to history in the sharp and clean-cut style of Tacitus, has preserved its original peculiarities untouched by change, showing that, though the individual is mortal, the race is immortal. ^ - We cannot forget the fatherland which out of its abundance has given to our republic so many good heads, so many strong arms, with so much virtue and intelligence, rejoicing in freedom and calling no man master."

It would be like an attempt to brighten the lustre of the sun were w^e to cumulate further evidence showing the position of the Germans and the German press on the slavery issue. The facts stand out boldly on the pages of our history. Throughout the political contest, as well as in all the gloomy hours of the Civil War. in which the blood of the best men of the nation washed out the foul stain of slavery, the position of our German-American citizens was consistent and patriotic. But for the steadfast loyalty which the Ger- mans of St. Louis evinced at the outbreak of the war, Missouri would have been taken out of the Union and the task of our government to suppress the slaveholders' rebellion would have been infinitely harder to accomplish. The archives of the war department at Washington show, that upon the basis of the population of the loyal states, as ascertained by the census of i860, the German element of the country furnished 60,000 more soldiers than, with reference to the whole number of enlistments during the war, it would have been obliged to furnish, had all the people of every other nativity at that time represented here enlisted in the same ratio. On every battlefield of the Union the loyalty and devotion of that element for the country and the flag was most nobly demonstrated. ^h*-- luwr

But it should not be forgotten that the noble bearing of our German- American citizens in the most sacred cause of the country found at all times grateful recognition at the hands of m the Republican party in this state, and that the invaluable m services of the men who led them in the holy crusade against 1 slavery were always duly appreciated and honored. Thus the patriotic Frederick Hecker, famous for his warm devotion to the cause of human freedom in the Fatherland as well as here, was as early as 1856 accorded the high honor of being placed on the Republican ticket as a presidential elector at large by the side of the immortal Lincoln. In i860, the distinguished Francis A. Hoffmann, now a venerable patriarch, devoting his life to most useful literary labors, was elected by the Republican party lieutenant governor of the state. At the same time the Republicans of Cook county elected A. C. . Hesing, another German leader of great strength, as sheriff of Cook county. In 1861 the learned and accomplished Gustav Koerner, of Belleville, was appointed by president Lincoln - minister at the Court of Spain, George Schneider, of Chicago, who was an honored member of your convention, was intrusted with an important consulate in Europe, and Herman Kreissmann of the same place was made secretary of legation .eat Berlin.

On the whole it must be conceded that no man in the nation vahied the inestimable services of the Germans in the cause of the Republican party more liighly than the sainted Lincohi. Right after his inauguratinn, besides those already named from this state, he appointed a number of other prominent Germans from all over the country to important diplomatic and consular positions abroad, one a federal judge in Missouri and a host of others to administrative offices of every character. And this splendid example of the fair treatment of an element wliich had given such noble proof of its keen appreciation of the highest civic duties and its steadfast loyalty to the same, found at all times proper emulation among the Republicans of this state until recently. The Germans are not mercenaries in politics, but they have a right to ask that they be not excluded from public honors, because they not only form, next to our native American voters, the strongest element in the Republican party, as has been shown at the last as well as at all previous presidential elections during the last forty years, but such exclusion must necessarily have the effect of stamping them as unworthy to hold office, le^s The invitation extended to me to explain on this occasion the honorable part the Germans took in wiping out from the proud escutcheon of our nation the stain of slavery, shows the great good will cherished by the callers of this meeting for the German element of this state and country. It evinces the true spirit in which the different elements of our people should approach each other and in which harmony among all can be best fostered. Let us for the common good of all assiduously cultivate this spirit of harmony and with a heart filled with enlightened toleration bear with the legitimate peculiarities of all, no matter how widely others may vary from our own. Let no German ever berate his fellow-citizens of another race because of characteristics distinct from his. Let no other citizen look slightingly upon the German because of his manners, or lieiieve him to be less intelligent than his fellow-man of equal station in life, because, speaking a foreign tongue, he cannot express his

Every nation is visited at times by movements which partake of the character of a craze, and though they cannot lastingly divert it from its legitimate aspirations and normal political development they may nevertheless for the tmie being work serious mxischief. In this l^ehalf it may be safely said that no element of the American people has shown itself to be better equipped to resist such crazes, whether they are the outgrowth of our economic life or of our intercourse with the outside world, tJian our German-American citizens. We may, therefore, always rest assured that the honor, the dignity, and the greatness of our common country will never suffer at their hands. True, blind partisanship has sometimes stigmatized them as unreliable, but the dictates of party are not always prompted by patriotism and good statesmanship, for it sometimes happens that, either from stupidity or for the sake of office or pelf, the honor of the country is placed in jeopardy by the \'ery men who direct the policy of a party. Although it may sound paradoxical, it is nevertheless true, as stated by one of the foremost writers of our history, that "one of the most powerful factors in the progressive nationalization of the republic is its adopted citizens who have come from all the countries of the earth." It was largely due to this fact that the Germans, at the time of our country's greatest peril, rallied round the flag of liberty and Union, and upon that rock alone they will always rest their adherence to party.

Benjamin F. Shaw, for nearly half a century editor and proprietor of the Dijym Tekgvdpli. a deieg^ate to the editorial convention of February 22. I85G. that called the convention of May 29. and also a delegate to that convention, has written a paper on "Lovejoy and the Constitutional Abolitionists, and the Republican Party."' I have the pleasure of introducing^ Mr. Benjamin F. Shaw, of Dixon.

The evangelist awakens interest in his cause by recallingthe suffering of Christ and His fellow-martyrs. On the Fourth of July the American citizen renews his patriotism in recalling Valley Forge and the "times that tried men's souls." Is it not well that we, also, in our own day recall deeds of heroic sacrifice rendered for our fellow men? I could not refuse a request of the McLean County Historical Society, to tell in my own poor way. what I know about "Lovejoy, Constitutional Abolitionists and the Republican Party." They took up a political contest that meant, in a goodly portion of the country, social and political ostr.icism at that time; while the chances were that the people they interceded for would never hear their names mentioned. It was an unselfish and patriotic labor, for the relief of a people-; and, indeed, a great natioff.

It may not be gracious to compare matters political with sacred history, still I shall urge that the party whose birth we today celebrate, stands without a rival in the line of advancing a great nation to a higher civilization. Xo human agency in all the tide of times has accomplished more in modifying

B. F. Sbaw was born in Waverlv. New York. March 31. 1831. of American parents. His father's mother was. tne last survivor, at her death, ot the '-Mas-acre of Wyoming." Her father and two uncles were killed in the l»aitle. His mother s father, Major Zephon P'lowers. was a Revoluti> marv soldier, and a des.cendant nf Governor Bradford of Massachusetts, who keia the log of the Mayriower.

Mr. Shaw is now owner and proprietor oi the Dlroh TeUgrnfih and has been for many years. Was Wa-^hin.ert<»n corresi)ondent of a leading ("hicago paper in 1mi7 and is^S. He wa-- two t-rms clerk ot the circuit court amrrecurder of Lee county andsi.x years a canal ctimmissi. »ner of the sta:-- ot Illinois. Has sf:tr\-ed.<'ne term as postma.ster at Dixon. Illinois, and is the lirexout incumnent of thatoiiice.

''man's inhumanity to man, which makes countless thousands mourn." thitin the Re])u])]ican party. Its efforts have been in a spirit of pure patriotism and the universal brotherhood of man.

It turned a despotism, the worst the world had ever seen, into a republic; transformed slavery into freedom. The first act of the Republican party was that of giving a farm and a home to every poor man who would accept. It gave, through protection to American industry, the laborer of this country such wages as no nation before gave to the wage-earner. It has always acted the part of the mighty philanthropist toward all the people. Republicanism not only extended into the jungle of ignorance in our own land, but it is now penetrating the jungles of the far east, and its l^eacon light of civil and religious liberty is blessing the Orient; there to enlighten barbarism. It is through Republicanism that this nation has become the guiding star of liberty everywhere.

Lovejoy, Constitutional Abolitionists and the Republican party, a host of heroes my theme, patriots who endured many trials, a subject requiring volumes, to be condensed into a brief essay - my task is not easy. A talk on a mighty epoch in the history of recent civilization condensed into a brief hour. A brave and mighty host battling against slavery and depotism. manfully as Greek at ^Marathon. Suffering as Christian martyrs suffered. If Paul fought with l)easts at Ephesus, they w^ere not more beastly cruel than the men that the Lovejoy brothers fouofht ao:ainst at Alton in our own state. The preliminary skirmish in the fight for liberty in this land was begun by the Radical Abolitionist long before the final battle. They were, it is true, but a mere handful; hut they were strong men, with brilliant intellects and brave hearts, well fitted to bear the jeers of ignorant partisans. Both the great parties of the day were bitterly opposed to them. Many churches were indifferent. I heard the great Frederick Douglass state that while in slavery, tlie burden of the prayers he heard were quotations from Scripture that servants should obev their masters.

In this day it sounds stranig^e to say that a lecture on slavery in a school house or church anywhere in the Free States was liable to result in mob \ iolence a.i^ainst the speaker. Henry Wilson in his "Rise and Fall of the Slave Power" is authority for the statement that Henry B. Stanton m lecturing upon the subject of Emancipation, through the New England and middle states, though he always sp(jke in patriotic praise of the constitution and the Union, was mol)bed some two hundred times, often at the imminent peril of his life. An advocate of freedom was in the minds of the people at that time an inciter of riots, tonal Ah' Yf' r;>n fi'..;^^,.'

The machinery of the church in many of their ramifications of literary and benevolent institutions, the preachers and the press were opposed to anti-slavery agitation. But the skirmish line, though thin, was bravely pushed on by William Lloyd Garrison, Wendell Phillips, Gerritt Smith, Theodore Parker and a fe^v others. They were not Constitutional Abolitionists. They took it for granted that the political leaders of the Calhoun class were right in claiming that the constitution recognized slavery, and so they proclaimed that the much revered document was - 'an agreement with hell and a covenant with the devil." They were, however, followed by a class known as the Constitutional Abolitionists ; equally bold and brave, but more practical. It was the labor of the latter that accomplished glorious results: fought the good battle to a finish and destroyed the slave power. They were among the organizers of the Ref)ublican party. I recall the names of Owen Lovejoy. Greeley, Wade, Giddings, Fessenden, Chase, Hale, Hamlin, V\'ilmot. Thaddeus Stephen, John Wentworth. Seward, Baker, Bissell, Sumner, Washburne, and la^t but not least, Lincoln. They held the constitution and the Lnion as a sacred inheritence. In the minds of many statesmen of that day, there was something of a struggle between hatred of slavery and love for the constitution of the Union. Abhorrence of human i)ondage was neutralized bv patriotic love of country. The political leaders of both the great parties made a great ado, (perhaps to excuse their objection to abolition agi- tation,) over the claim that the coristitution recognized slavery. The Constitutional Abolitionists, e\"en the rank and file were forced to become accomplished students of the fundamental law of the land. They denied the claim of sla\'ervrecognition with such confidence, that copies of the revered document were printed in condensed form to carry in the pocket for ready reference ; that it might be demonstrated that it did not recognize slavery.

Constitutional Abolitionists, Republicans, if you please, believed that sla\'ery was not recognized by the constitution, save indirectly. They urged that slavery was a mere matter of fact in the face of the national and state constitution. In face of everything but a tyrannical public sentiment and a diabolical practice, they argued that man cannot be property. An auctioneer could not transmogrify a man with a soul into a chattel. One man has no right to own another man. If one man can be sold as property, every man can, and constitutions made to protect human libertv are annulled if they fail. There is no allusion to the right of one man to enslave another. Tove of country and reverence for the constitution, was used to advantage by the slave power and threats of secession were frequent. Like a pall, fear of dissolution of the Union hung over the American people during the man}' years of slavery agitation. Threats of secession should the slave power have its way were common. I remember one bright day there came sensational dispatches from W^ashington announcing that the stability of the Union of the states was in danger. There was activity in the war and navy department. Battleships were ordered to Boston, and the army and navy put on a war footing, troops were mustered around the court house in Boston. And what do you imagine was the cause of all this fuss. The constitution was about to be shattered, the perpetuity of the nation was endangered, because, to use a phrase of that day, a "nigger ^vas loose." A man preferring liberty to slavery had escaped from the south as a stowaway on a schoon- er and landed in Boston, where he was duly arrested. So it would appear that a little carelessness on the part of a slave holder, as regard to his favorite chattel, would endanger the perpetuity of the Union, before Repul.)licans took charge of the nation.

The Constitutional A1x)litionists bravely waged the war, against the further extension of slavery ; at the polls, and on the floor of congress, enduring insults such as had been heaped upon the most radical ; threatened with assassination, a learned senator beaten into insensibility on the floor of the Senate.