Brown County, Minnesota - Chapter 5: The Indian Massacre of 1862, 1916 (part 2 of 3)

The next few minutes were the most exciting of my life, and I shall not forget them to my last day. Father had gone but a short distance, when suddenly, out of the timber, not far to the northeast of us, about a dozen Indians, all mounted, came galloping along the road. As soon as I saw them I recalled father, and, as he was hard of hearing, I had to call rather loud. The Indians, hearing me before father did, all halted and looked our way. Father, now seeing the Indians and now being convinced that something serious was going on, told me to stay where I was and watch the Indians, and should they come our way, hide in the slough nearby or in the cellar, so that at least one of us might be saved. He would try to reach home and help mother and the little ones, but, should the Indians come our way, he would have no show in reaching home. My protest did no good. Zeller, by this time had, with his family, reached our team, and, as father joined them, they drove away as fast as an ox-team will go, and, as the hill was between them and the savages, could not be seen by the latter who, after having stopped at the place mentioned before, a short time, rode on along the road facing south. Now was the time when it soon must decide where they would go. At the place where the road branched off to the west, they halted a few mo- ments, looking toward the Zeller house ; then following the main road to the corner where it turns sharply eastward, and, following the road east were met by another party of Indians, and when these two parties of savages met, halted there for some time, and I made for home in a three-mile-aminute gait and reached home a little later than the ox-team, and after the Indians were out of sight we left for New Ulm. While I was alone at the Zeller house, watching, I saw the supposed dead boy, Martin Henle, move his hands. I called him by name, but received no answer. When we were about to leave, Victor Zagrotzky, our next neighbor to the south of us, was seen running aimlessly to and fro on the prairie, so I went to him to tell what was up, when he told me that he had been to town and heard of the outbreak, and on coming to his house found windows smashed, bedding outside and ripped open, and dared not go inside for fear to see his family butchered and mutilated. He of course did not know that they had been warned in time by the Massapust boy, and had escaped just in time to a settlement a little farther south, where people had gathered in considerable numbers, so when the four Indians who had followed them appeared upon the scene, they did not dare to attack, but went further southward, and the party of whites reached New Ulm in safety.

When we got about half way to New Ulm, Zagrotzky, who had followed, implored and begged piteously that some one should go back with him to search for his family, which had gone with the party before mentioned, a different road to New Ulm, but of course he could not know that. As our party now had been augmented by two teams; the families of H. Albrecht and Anton Ochs, and as from now on the road was deemed safe, father, with Mr. Zeller and Mr. Zagrotzky, went to search for the latter 's family, and for the purpose of looking after Martin Henle. The chances, of course, were that they might meet Indians and be killed, but they went. They reached their destination without seeing any Indians. After searching for the family of Zagrotzky, which could not be found, they went to the house of Mr. Zeller, and when entering, seeing the boy who was believed to be dead, looking at them and trying to smile. They brought him water, which he eagerly drank, but they found it impossible to remove him, as there was no team to be had. When they saw, in the direction of the Henle place, a considerable number of people on the road, and after looking for a short time, could be distinguished to be white men, Mr. Zeller went to them to inform them of the fate of Martin Henle, while father remained. In a short time some of the party, among them Mr. Henle himself, appeared, and the poor boy was once more united with his grief -stricken parents. This was the party under Sheriff Roos which arrived with the wounded they had rescued; among them Mrs. Zettel, at New Ulm at about ten o'clock in the evening. Mrs. Zettel and Martin Henle both died about two weeks afterward, and so, all in all, thirty-five men, women and children were murdered, in this immediate neighborhood on that never-to-be-forgotten bloody Monday.

Theresa Henle J S Account

There is still residing at New Ulm a lady who tells the story of what she saw and endured at the hands of the redskins in the memorable month of August, 1862. Mrs. The- resa Henle, wife of Anton Henle, into whose house the citizens of New Ulm intended to go when they were attacked on their way. This is Mrs. Henle 's account of the affair as witnessed by herself :

"My husband, Anton Henle, went to New Ulm on the 18th of August, intending to return soon to haul in some wheat, because it was a very fine day. Besides running a farm we kept a sort of a .stopping-place for travelers. A Frenchman who had remained over night left our house at nine o'clock, intending to go to the Lower Agency, a distance of about twenty miles. Several men who were hauling freight for him to that place had left our house earlier. Nothing extraordinary happened except that at ten o'clock, the Frenchman returned and drove toward New Ulm as fast as he could go. It was very strange to see him thus pass our place without even a single look toward it, since he was never known to pass without calling in. Toward noon I went to my mother who lived near us, to get some lettuce. On returning home, I saw three naked Indians, and went back to warn mother. I found her in the garden. As soon as I approached her she was shot, and falling down, she cried aloud: 'O, Theresa!' Seized with terror I ran toward my house, fearing for my children. I found three Indians in the house. One of them jumped at me, but I ran down the incline into the woods which was only a little way off. There I stood for awhile not knowing what to do. I understood now why the Frenchman had returned in such great haste. Filled with a desire to at least save my baby, I went back toward the house, but noticed too many Indians around to do anything. I then went to a neighbor, Benedict Drexler, whose house was about thirty rods from ours. I went in through the window, and found no one at home. Later on, Drexler was found beheaded in the field. His wife and children were in the cornfield. The Indians shot at her but she fled. When I heard the shooting I ran into the woods in order to get back to mother, but saw a large number of Indians who were putting up a red and white flag. I turned back again into the woods and remained in the dry bed of a creek, from which place I could hear the rattling of the wagons coming from New Ulm, and also the shots that were fired at them by the Indians, because I was hardly five hundred steps from the place where the Indians were lying in ambush. I remained there, tortured with the most terrible thoughts about my husband and children, which troubled me more than my own misery. Whilst sitting there, neglected and forlorn, my two dogs came up to me trembling. Toward evening I heard the voice of my husband in the direction of the house calling me, and I came forth from my hiding place.' '

Anton Henle also wanted to get to his place with the recruiting party, but he had to return to New Ulm, as has been related. When toward evening a volunteer company which had been organized at New Ulm went out to protect and assist the settlers, Henle was among the number. He did not expect to find a member of his family alive. In his house there reigned the supreme silence of death, and nothing but destruction was visible. What joy must have filled his heart when he heard the voice of his wife in response to his pitiful cries! One of his children, a girl of four, they found dead, and a servant girl of eighteen, beheaded. A child eight years old, who had been with its grandmother, was f ound dead without any wound ; the child probably died of fright. One of his boys, Martin, a lad twelve years old, was found by Conrad Zeller. He had seventeen wounds upon his body, but was still alive. He died two weeks later.

This boy related that when he was running away a mounted Indian kept galloping at his side, striking him with a tomahawk, until at last, being completely exhausted by pain and loss of blood, he fell to the ground; and the Indian, believing him to be dead, rode away.

The number of Henle's relatives killed on that awful day amounted to twenty-one. Among them were : Martin Fink and wife, Monica ; Max Fink and his nephew ; Martin Merkle ; Max Zeller and wife, Lucretia ; daughter of Martin Fink, and their four children ; John and Barbara Zettel and their four children ; Anton and Mary Ann Messmer ; Anton Henle's children, Martin, Anton and Mary, and also Florian Hartman, brother-in-law of the Henle's.

A Thrilling Experience

Among the scores of thrilling experiences connected with the never-to-be-forgotten massacre, is one told by Mrs. Maria Hartman-Bobleter, whose first husband, Florian Hartman, was killed by the Indians. Her story, as related several years ago, is as follows:

"My husband, Florian Hartman, was on the 18th of August engaged with another man, John Rohner, in binding wheat near our house. When I had their dinner ready for them I heard some noise, and on looking out I could see houses on fire, and also thought I could see them at work trying to save the buildings. At the same moment I heard a cry "Nippo!" (kill) and the reports of several rifles.

Thinking the Indians were killing some cattle, I ran out to see what was going on. An Indian came close up to the house, stared at me and then ran away. Full of fear I hurried toward my husband who was about forty rods from the house, and on crossing the road I noticed a man lying on the ground and thought he was asleep. It was Hartman's hired man, Rhoner, and he was covered with blood. Looking for my husband I found him about thirty steps away from Rhoner, lying on the ground. He motioned to me to keep quiet and to drag him into the cornfield, because he was shot. Stricken with fear, I was powerless to do it. I cast myself down beside my husband, and in my excessive grief knew not what to do. Soon after, two Indians came up to the dying Rhoner and fired two more shots at him. My poor husband then begged me to hide in the cornfield, because I could not do him any good where I was. I ran and hid as he told me, digging a hole in the ground with my hands to creep into. I remained there till toward evening. Two Indians passed close by me, but did not notice me.

" About eight o'clock I heard some one weeping bitterly, but did not dare to leave my place, thinking it might be an Indian. After a while I crept toward my husband, and found him cold and stiff in death. I took some hair from his head as a remembrance, and fled into the woods. Even the animals seemed to realize what was going on. Under a large oak, in the vicinity of a spring, I remained all night, and toward four o'clock in the morning I hurried toward the Minnesota in order to escape across the ferry into Nicollet county. But the boat was on the other side of the river. I tried in vain to get across on the rope, and so I had to hide all day in the woods, and suffered greatly from the mosquitoes. About eight o'clock in the evening I went back to our house and passed five Indian tepees on my way. I went into the house to take some clothing, and in picking up some of the bedding that was lying on the floor I noticed a wounded Indian lying thereon, and immediately ran away. When I passed the barn in my flight an Indian fired at me, but missed me on account of the darkness of the night. During the whole of that night and the following day I remained in concealment. On the fourth day it rained heavily. I was very tired and completely worn out. Such sadness overcame me that I was almost sorry for not having f ound death at the hands of the Indians. The rain continued to the fifth day, and being completely drenched, I ventured back to the house ; but on going in I found everything gone. However, I felt happy to find some dry underclothing to put on. The hogs were in the pen and screaming from hunger. I had compassion on them and gave them some corn. I was lucky enough to find a loaf of bread, and with this I went back to my hiding place. But I was sorry to have betrayed my presence through my compassion for hungry animals. On the sixth day I wanted to go to the house, but noticing some Indians near the place I hurried back. During this and the next day I heard continual shooting. On the evening of the eighth day my dog came to me and was overjoyed to see me. I, too, rejoiced as if I had met with a friend in my terrible loneliness. I shared the remainder of my bread with him. He seemed to be very hungry. But at the same moment the thought struck me that he might betray my hiding place and in order to remove that danger I took my apron and strangled him with it. But he fought so fiercely, that it was with the greatest exertions that I succeeded in killing him.

which seemed to come nearer and nearer; but I soon felt relieved when I found it to be only a few hogs. I remained two more days in my concealment, and hardly dared to go a hundred steps farther. In my terrible condition, living on a little bread and wild berries, life seemed to have new charms. I enjoyed the singing of the birds, and thanked my Creator and prayed for the preservation of my life.

" A strange presentment made me leave my hiding place on the twelfth day. I went to the homes of my brothers, and to that of Cassimir, but found them all empty. A terrible sight presented itself to me in ZettePs house. There I found the bodies of the father and his four children, and between them a loaf of bread. I was very hungry and greatly desired to take the bread, but the odor of the corpses was so repulsive that I could not eat it. In Pelzyls' house I found the dead bodies of his father and of a woman. A short distance from the house I f ound the bodies of old Messmer and of a girl. In Anton Henle's house lay the body of one of the children. The air was everywhere filled with the stench of the corpses.

"I now determined to go to New Ulm, six miles distant. In the cemetery I noticed a white flag, which filled me with courage and hope. But when I came near town and noticed that many buildings had been burned down and the town was deserted, new fear and anxiety came over me. I did not go farther, but returned immediately to my hiding place because I was afraid I might meet Indians in town. At seven o'clock in the evening I was again at my brother Anton's house, from which I could hear a great noise. I went in because I thought I would have to die anyhow. The noise, however, was caused by all sorts of animals that had gathered in the house.

"From there I went to my own house, and to bed, and reproached myself for having gone so far. On the following day I searched for some potatoes ; but it was only with great difficulty, and after going to two other houses, that I could find a match. As soon as I had found some matches I returned to my house, feeling rich and happy, and prepared a soup. I had two matches left, and for fear that I might lose them I kept up a fire at a stump nearby.

"On the fourteenth day I found some eggs and a sack of flour, but could not make use of the flour. After that I remained indoors most of the time. An ox came up to the house with an ugly wound. I washed the wound and the animal got well. A calf had one of its eyes shot out but it got well. I then began to gather plums and nuts and dig potatoes, because I had lost all hope of being rescued, and wanted to provide for the winter. I was under the impression that all the settlers had been put to death.

"On the seventeenth day I went to look for the body of my husband, and, on my way thither, I heard some shooting and the barking of dogs. I almost fainted on looking up and seeing eight men coming toward me. One of them leveled his gun, and now I thought I would after all have to die. But the cry, "Oh, sister !" roused me again, and in a momen I was in the arms of my brother, Athanasius, who had taken me for a squaw on account of the changes made by my sufferings and anxieties. Fortunately, I knew of an old wagon nearby which had been left by the Indians. My brother had only a sled for his horse. The wagon was fixed up and he went to town in it, where I again enjoyed the society of human beings, of which I had been deprived for more than a fortnight.' '

Thrilling Incidents Of The Battle Of New Ulm

Buck in his ' 6 Indian Outbreaks" - a work published in 1904 - says: "The Indian War of 1862 developed as much genuine bravery and true heroism on the part of the whites as any war that ever took place. Numerous were the acts of bravery at the battle of New Ulm, only a few of which can here be mentioned. Specifically, I can mention that of J. B. Trogdon, first. He was my friend and client, living on a claim below New Ulm, and knew the Indian character well, A braver man never lived. He was an old bachelor, without relatives in this state, so far as I know. After the battle I saw him on his noble steed, and with his long curly hair thrown back over his shoulders and floating in the wind, and his trusty rifle resting on the shoulders of his faithful horse, he was the picture of a Spartan hero who knew no such word as cowardice. Bryant, in his history, says of him :

" 6 At another time, J. B. Trogdon, in company with Captain Potter, rode to a point of timber in the rear of the town, where they saw an Indian drop down in the grass, and another on a horse, a short distance behind. In order to avoid a shot from the Indian in the grass, and at the same time get a shot at the mounted warrior, it was suggested that Trogdon ride around and come up the hill from the ravine, and thus get near the savage without being observed. Trogdon immediately proceeded to put the suggestion into execution ; but as he approached near enough to fire, twentymounted Indians made a dash after him, with a devilish yell, and endeavored to cut him off from the town by running him into a slough. Then followed a scene of the wildest excitement. The mettle of the steeds was put to a test.

At one time, in rounding the slough, it was thought Trogdon would be cut off; but a yell from him gave his splendid charger increased speed, and he distanced the Indians twenty yards. As he came near our lines, twenty shots were fired at him, but the aim was too high, and the balls had passed over his head. He immediately wheeled and discharged his Sharp's rifle at his pursuers, but without effect ; and after passing within our lines, Trogdon again wheeled his horse, rode out toward the foe in easy rifle range, and fired deliberately at his pursuers, while over twenty rifle balls aimed at him, fell harmless at his feet, or passed over his head.'

" Brave Trogdon, with all his faults and life's failure, I gladly bear this token of personal friendship and respect for one of the bravest spirits that passed through the trying ordeal of Indian outbreak of 1862.

"In the battle of Saturday the savages got possession of a building from which it was necessary to dislodge them. The Hon. D. G. Shillock, then a practicing lawyer at New Ulm, called for volunteers to do this, and started with several men to the building. Before reaching it the others fell back, but he with his perseverance and brave heart reached the building, and with his unerring rifle cleared it of its savage occupants without being injured, though subsequently he received a severe wound in the knee which maimed him for life.

"Another brave man was Nehemiah S. Burgess, who performed an act of valor unsurpassed in all the deadly conflicts of nations or individuals. Upon this subject Judson Jones, an early settler of Minnesota, now living at Cleveland, LeSueur county, sends me the following commu- nication: 'There is one unmentioned name which ought to be rescued from oblivion before those who were in the battle of New Ulm and know the facts pass away, and that is the name of Nehemiah S. Burgess, of Altona, LeSueur county, who did the bravest deed at New Ulm. At the most critical period of the defense, when the besiegers were in full force, and the besieged were all hidden within the barricades from the murderous fire of the foe, two buildings remained unburned outside the barricaded street. It was feared that they would be taken possession of by the Indians in the night, which would enfilade the barricaded street and thus render the defense hopeless. It was a case of life or death. Those buildings must be burned, and a call was made for some one to volunteer for the forlorn hope. Among all these brave men no one answered the call. It seemed sure death, for the open ground to be crossed to reach the buildings was an easy range for the enemies 9 bullets and how was escape possible? At last a man, Nehemiah S. Burgess, stepped out and said, i I will go,' and, preparing his kindlings, he ventured forth. As soon as he appeared outside the barricades the Indians opened fire, the bullets falling around him like hail-stones until he disappeared behind the buildings. On his way back, after firing the buildings, the same fire assailed him. When safe inside the barricades he turned to look, expecting to see the buildings all in flames; but the buildings were wet with recent rains, and the fire had gone out. Undismayed, he prepared another lot of kindling and crossed the gulf of hell. This time he waited until he saw the buildings wrapped in flames, and again returned through the relentless fire of the foe unhurt. Major Buell, of St. Peter, who was an eye-witness, gave me the account of it soon after the arrival of the refugees at St. Peter, adding: 'It was the bravest thing I saw done at New Ulm.' Mr. Burgess also told me of it, adding, 6 1 never expected to get back alive, so I took a last look at the sun, and prayed God to take care of Margaret and the children/ It was he also who led in Flandrau's charge, and received the bullet through his right arm. It was while this wound was being dressed that he told me the story. Mr. Burgess is an old man now (1891), eighty-eight years of age, but has many warm friends among the heroes of New Ulm, and this tribute is his just due. It will be read with pleasure by his children and his children's children. God bless the old heroes!

"And the name of Capt. William Bierbauer stands high on the scroll of the brave and heroic defenders of New Ulm. When he heard of the Indian outbreak he immediately raised a company in Mankato, and, as its captain, proceeded to New Ulm, where he rendered valiant service through the siege. Judge Flandrau says to him: 'Captain Bierbauer and his gallant company were very prominent figures at the battle of New Ulm, which was fought on August 23, 1862. The bravery of Captain Bierbauer was most conspicuous, and produced the best result. During the critical period of the fight, when bullets were falling fast and thick from the Sioux rifles, I noticed one man standing alone and in advance of all others, firing at the Indians, and manfully maintaining his position. We advanced and ascertained that it was Captain Bierbauer of Mankato, and directing the attention of the men to this manifestation of bravery, they rallied to assist in maintaining the position held by the Captain. I shall never forget the effect it produced on these men who had been on the run a moment before. When they recognized their captain in this exposed position, so coolly holding his own, the effect was electrical. The state of Minnesota owes Captain Bierbauer a debt of gratitude, and will ever keep his memory green.

"The name of Dr. A. W. Daniels should not be forgotten. While the battle was raging the hottest, leaving to Doctors McMahon, Mayo and Ayers the care of the wounded, he seized his gun, and a participant in the battle by his side says that among the brave, none were braver. His elder brother, Dr. Jared W. Daniels, was one of the heroes of the battle of Birch Coulee. "

Reminiscences Of The Little Crow Uprising

[By Dr. Asa W. Daniels, in a paper read before the executive council, November 14, 1910, and now forming a part of the records of the Minnesota Historical Society Collections, volume XV, 1915.]

Considering the two thousand lives involved, largely women and children, the successful defense of New Ulm was the most momentous event in the Indian War of 1862-63. From that defeat the Indians turned westward and abandoned further combined raids upon the settlements. The active part taken by the people of St. Peter will ever be an impressive chapter in the eventful history of that city. Her immediate and generous response with volunteers, and their long and hurried march, enabled them to join in defending New Ulm in the afternoon, and later to participate in the uncertain issue of battle that held the besieged in its grasp for a whole day. The command of General Sibley would have reached the city too late to save it from savage fury, and had not the response been immediate from St. Peter, LeSueur and Mankato, its fate must have been horrible to contemplate.

Some of the events of that battle have never been fully stated in the official reports, and others not mentioned came under the observation of the writer. Therefore it will be of interest to learn, from one who had superior opportunities, the particulars of the battle as seen by him.

The news of the Indian outbreak reached St. Peter during the night of Monday, the 18th of August, 1862, it having commenced at the lower Sioux agency at seven o'clock that morning. Major Galbraith, who had reached St. Peter in the evening before, on his way to Ft. Snelling with a company of recruits, learning of the situation, at daylight started on his return to Ft. Ridgely, which he reached in time to participate in its defense.

At four o'clock in the morning of Tuesday the writer was notified of the outbreak and was asked by Captain Dodd to go to Rounseville and Briggs neighborhood, six miles to the northwest, and notify the settlers, and he informed me at that time that messengers had already been dispatched in other directions. I was soon on the way, going from house to house, spreading the alarm, and sending others to more distant locations. On my return the refugees were already pouring in, and by noon the village became crowded with men, women and children. Some had been attacked on the way, and bore their wounded with them. All were in a most pitiable condition, having in their fright and haste taken little clothing and no provisions, reaching their destination completely destitute. Every house was sympathetically thrown open to the refugees, and was soon filled from cellar to garret. The vacant Ewing House, a hotel of fifty rooms or more, and an unoccupied store building, were soon filled, and being of stone afforded safety and comparative comfort; but many were compelled to resort to sheds and barns, or to remain unsheltered for some nights, until better provided.

A little more than a year before the outbreak I had located in St. Peter, having left the government service at the Lower Agency, as physician and surgeon to the Sioux Indians, after a service of more than seven years. I had visited them a month before and heard from them many complaints, principally against their physician, Doctor Humphrey. My long service among them had been satisfactory to myself and the Indians, and I had many warm friends in every band, among them being Little Crow, and I may say most of the chiefs. Therefore, when the news of the outbreak came, I was in great doubt in regard to its being general, but thought it confined to a single band, and that the outrages had occurred when they were under the influence of whisky sold them by the whites. But within twenty-four hours my confidence in my old friends was rudely shattered, and I came to realize, on seeing the dead and wounded, that the outbreak was general and of the most barbarous character.

A Year Before The Outbreak

the Sioux and Winnebagoes. This was apparent from frequent visits of large parties of Winnebagoes to the agency, intermarriages that took place, uniting in games, and tribal pledges of friendship. No doubt some of the Winnebagoes participated in the battle that took place, but were too discreet to have it known. Had success attended the Sioux at Ft. Ridgely and New Ulm, there is little doubt there would have been a union of the tribes against the whites.

At St. Peter, to which we return after a slight digression, Captain Dodd and Major Flandrau had enlisted about one hundred and forty men to march at once in defense of New Ulm. Many of these volunteers fled from their country homes in the morning, hurriedly disposed of their families, and bravely responded to the call for a thirty-mile march before the close of their eventful day.

I joined them as a surgeon of the command, and we were on our way about midday. The men were armed with double-barreled shotguns, a few rifles, and some other arms of uncertain efficiency. Some were on horseback, and a few in buggies ; having to carry my surgical and medical cases, I availed myself of the latter conveyance. On reaching Courtland, twenty miles, a heavy shower drenched the command, but the march was continued, all being enthusiastic to reach New Ulm, where refugees informed me, there was a little battle going on and much of the town burned. We reached Redstone, two miles from the village, just as it was getting dark, and from that distance it did look as if the whole town was on fire; but crossing the ferry, we rushed on and reached the vicinity of the Dakota House about ten o'clock at night.

command under Captain Tousley, of LeSueur, of nearly one hundred men, who continued with us on the march to New Ulm. With them, as surgeons, were Dr. Otis Ayers and Dr. William W. Mayo, father of the two distinguished surgeons at Rochester. It was midnight before we found quarters for the night, and then I shared my bed with Doctor Ayers, passing a comfortable night after a long and strenuous day.

Situation At New Ulm

Early in the morning of Wednesday we were looking over the situation as left from the engagement the afternoon before. On a vacant lot near the center of the town lay six dead, brought in from the scene of the engagement, and others had been cared for by their families. The physicians then visited the wounded and cared for them, and for some of the refugees who were ill from fright and anxiety.

During the forenoon of Wednesday, Captain Bierbauer came in with nearly one hundred men from Mankato, and a few men came from Nicollet, under the command of Capt. Samuel Coffin. An organization was formed on that day by the military, who selected Major Plandrau as commander, Captain Dodd as lieutenant, and S. A. Buell as provost marshal. Pickets were established on the outskirts of the town, and guard duty for the night. During the day quarters and the commissary departments were established for the different commands.

A company of sixteen mounted men from St. Peter, among them Henry A. Swift and Horace Austin, afterward governor of the state, had started to the front some hours before the command of Flandrau was ready to leave, and

Thursday morning, after guard mount and after a company had been selected to dig rifle pits, a company of a hundred men, under the command of Captain Dodd, was ordered to go to Little Cottonwood settlement, six miles south, to bury the dead and rescue any that might be hiding or wounded. Doctor Ayers and myself were detailed to accompany the command. The doctor invited me to have a seat with him in his buckboard, which I thankfully accepted. The command had hardly made half the distance to the settlement before they were fired upon from ambush, but none was wounded, and, after returning the volley, we continued our march. Three mounted Indians soon showed themselves, but at a safe distance, observing our course, and in derision waving their blankets, keeping in sight most of the time during the march.

On reaching the settlement, the saddest scene presented itself that humanity is ever called upon to witness. The massacre had probably taken place on Monday before, and the dead were lying in all directions about the farm houses - in bed, in different rooms of the house, in the yard, near the grain stacks, and on the lawn. During the three days that the remains had been exposed the flies had done their work, and as a result the faces of the dead presented a revolting spectacle. Trenches were dug, and the bodies were gathered together and laid within, blankets were spread over them, and a prayer was offered; then earth to earth, ashes to ashes, and the command turned sadly away, having witnessed a burial scene that could never be forgotten.

ing the defenses of the town, providing themselves with ammunition, and fixing upon positions of advantage in case of an attack. News came in during the day of fighting at Ft. Ridgely, and of Captain Marsh's defeat at the agency, and many other alarming accounts from refugees.

The principal event of Friday was the detailing of one hundred and forty men, under command of Captain Tousley, to go to Leavenworth, west and south of Ft. Ridgely, expecting to find persons there unable to escape and that might be rescued, but nothing definite was known in regard to the situation there. Doctors Ayers, Mayo and myself joined the command - I again having a seat with Doctor Ayers. The route was across an open prairie, and we had not proceeded far before we discovered three mounted Indian scouts to the north keeping in line with us and watching our course. Late in the afternoon we reached the vicinity of Ft. Ridgely and for the first time heard cannonading going on there, the sounds reaching us at short intervals. After its significance had fully impressed me, I said to Doctor Ayers that the Indians have attacked the fort in great force, and that as scouts had been watching our course, in case we continued our march to Leavenworth they would certainly withdraw from the fort during the afternoon or in the morning and cut us off. We had expected to remain at Leavenworth over night, returning the next day. Doctor Ayers agreed with me fully, and rode forward and consulted with Captain Tousley, who called a halt and gave his reasons for so doing, asking of the command to express their wishes

A Long And Useless March

We continued our march for another hour, the warning notes of cannon coming to us regularly ; the sun was nearly down, night was coming on, and fatigue was telling upon the command, when a second halt was called and another vote was taken, which resulted in an order to return to New Ulm. We reached our return destination after midnight, thoroughly worn out and disgusted from this long and useless march, which might have resulted not only in the destruction of the command, but perhaps in the capture of New Ulm.

The morning of Saturday was warm and fair, and at first we hopefully looked forward to an uneventful day. Much time had been taken in preparing for an attack, by burning outer buildings, digging rifle-pits, and loop-holing such walls as might be made serviceable. On that morning Colonel Flandrau gave me a dozen men and I barricaded the avenue a little west of the Gross hotel. From the roof of the Erd building, a central business block, with a glass an extensive view was had of the surrounding country, and at this point of observation a watchman was on duty during the day.

The Attack Begins

The first surprise and alarm of the morning came when at guard mount, west of the town, Lieutenant Edwards was instantly killed by an Indian so concealed in the grass that danger was unsuspected. About eight o'clock a. m., the watchman from the roof saw Indians collecting some two miles west of town, and signal smokes from the northwest.

His observations were confirmed by officers and others. The certainty of a deadly conflict with a barbarous foe, when no quarter is expected is a most trying test of courage, but, with few exceptions, the situation was heroically accepted. The women and children were hurried to places of safety, the command was got under arms, and the physicians selected rooms for receiving the wounded, Doctors Mayo and McMahon in the Dakota House, and Doctor Ayers and myself in a store room on the opposite side of the avenue.

Within one hour the large body of Indians who had been forming on the west, were seen to be rapidly moving upon the town. The signals indicated a like approach from the north. When aware of this approach, Colonel Flandrau posted his men upon the slope of one of the terraces on the west with a line of skirmishes in front. Little Crow was mounted and led his warriors, who were on foot. In a long line with flanks curved forward, they approached in silence within a quarter of a mile of the defenders, when they gave a terrific war-cry and rushed forward upon a nm, holding their fire until they had received that of our men, and then delivering an effective volley at close range. The defenders fell back in a panic and the whole line retreated to the barricades. The assault was well executed, and had it been pushed to its limit might have resulted in the capture of the town by the Indians. But our men soon rallied behind the barricades and buildings, which arrested the onward rush of the Indians and compelled them to seek protection of the outer buildings.

Lieutenant Huey, with seventy-five men, was ordered to the ferry to prevent the Indians from crossing from the north side. Either from a misunderstanding or over-con- fidence, he crossed his command to the north side of the river, there meeting a large body of the enemy, retreated to Nicollet, and was not seen again until the next day. This unfortunate event was a serious loss to the defense. The firing from both sides became rapid, sharp and general, the Indians gradually pushing their way in surrounding the town, which they accomplished before midday. They fought with the utmost boldness and ferocity, and with the utmost skill and caution from every hollow and grass patch, and from behind every house and hillock or log. The crisis came at two p. m., when the Indians fired buildings on both sides of the avenue in the lower part of town. A strong wind was blowing from the east, and the conflagration threatened the destruction of our only defense. Colonel Flandrau rallied a sufficient force, and charging down the street, drove the enemy from the avenue. But just at this critical time the wind changed to the opposite direction, and clouds, which had been gathering for hours, shed upon our threatened locality a sufficient shower of rain to prevent the further extending of the flames.

Death Of Captain Dodd

The unfortunate incident of the day's battle that led to the death of Captain Dodd has never been correctly reported. In justice to the brave men that participated in that critical movement, a correct understanding should be had of the reasons that, at the time, seemed to make the undertaking imperative.

About five o'clock there appeared beyond the Indian outer line, at the east, some forty or fifty men, marching in single file, under the command of an officer, carrying the American flag. They were dressed in citizens' clothes, and all had the appearance of the reinforcements so anxiously expected.

The Indians had again gained possession of the buildings on the avenue east, perhaps five blocks from the Dakota House, and from that position were delivering a galling fire upon our line.

Immediately, on discovering what all thought to be our reinforcements, Captain Dodd, in a short speech, volunteered to lead any that would follow to the clearing of the avenue of the Indians and joining our reinforcements beyond. Rev. Father Sunrisen and Doctor Mayo both made speeches urging all to unite in support of Dodd. Some twenty men responded, Dodd and Shoemaker being mounted, and proceeded down the avenue. It was a movement of only a few moments consideration, and seemed to promise an important result. Dodd rushed forward with a cheer, hardly coming within the Indian lines before receiving a deadly volley, which hurriedly sent them back to positions of safety. Captain Dodd wheeled his horse and reached a log blacksmith's shop, when the horse plunged forward and fell. Partially supporting himself and being assisted by others, the fatally-wounded leader was taken to the building, a cot prepared and there within an hour he died. He had received three mortal wounds, two other slight wounds, and the horses ridden by Dodd and Shoemaker were both killed.

The writer had witnessed from our hospital the whole movement, saw Dodd fall and hurried to his assistance. There was little that could be done, as he was in a dying condition. He appreciated his condition and met it courageously, giving a message to his wife and to Bishop Whipple, with the utmost coolness and consideration.

An Indian Stratagem

The party we had supposed to be reinforcements, upon the volley from the Indians and our men falling back, suddenly disappeared, and it proved to be a stratagem to draw out some of our men and cut them off. Had the Indians in the buildings held their fire until they had advanced a half block farther, it would have been successful. In explanation of how the Indians became possessed of so many suits of citizens' clothes, it may be said that twenty-two months before one hundred and fifty suits were issued to them by the government, under the pledge of becoming farmers, much of this clothing having never been worn more than a few days.

The assault commencing in the morning at 9:30, was kept up without interruption until dark, when the Indians withdrew in the direction of Ft. Ridgely. During the evening all buildings outside of our barricades were burned. By ourselves and the Indians one hundred and ninety buildings were destroyed. We lost ten killed and forty wounded, the small loss being accounted for by the fact that we were fighting from the loop-holes of buildings and barricades. The Indian loss has never been known. Both hospitals received and dressed the wounded, providing temporary cots

Saturday night was anxious and disturbed with desultory firing by our guards, and perhaps by the Indians. Sunday morning it seemed from heavy firing that the assault was to be renewed; but it gradually lessened and by noon ceased entirely. About noon Capt. E. St. Julien Cox arrived with about fifty men, accompanied by Lieutenant Huey with part of his detachment which had been cut off the day before. During Sunday afternoon search was made for the recovery of the dead. Three or four were found that had fallen so far out as to be exposed to any indignity that the Indians might offer, but none was scalped or otherwise mutilated. Jerry Quane, a St. Peter volunteer, had the totem of Little Crow attached to the clothing over his breast. The totem was the skin of a crow, preserved in its natural form, symbolic of the family name. The parting with such a treasured emblem was to boastfully inform us from whom the brave defender had met his death.

Early on Monday morning the order was issued for the evacuation of the village. Colonel Plandrau must have been wholly responsible for this move, as I am sure the medical officers were not consulted and were entirely ignorant of it until a short time before the movement was commenced. We had received reinforcements the day before, our position was stronger than ever, the sanitary conditions did not necessitate great urgency in moving, and the volunteers would have loyally remained. General Sibley was at St. Peter, and would have arrived within a few days, there- fore it was a mistake to retreat from New Ulm until relieved by him. The route was part of the way through a dense forest, and had a few Indians attacked a panic and massacre would have ensued. It is an ungracious and unwelcome task to criticise the Colonel, but a truthful statement seems to demand that it should be done, in this respect at least. Nearly two thousand men, women and children took up the march for Mankato, thirty miles distant, bearing the wounded in conveyances. Fortunately the long march was uneventful, and we reached our destination late in the evening, where we received a generous reception.

On Tuesday the volunteers from St. Peter reached home and disbanded. The writer brought with him the Rev. Mr. Saunders, severely wounded, who had volunteered with the LeSueur company. Some of the wounded were left at Mankato, but most of them came to St. Peter, and their care became most urgent. My brother, assistant surgeon with General Sibley's command, assisting, we established a hospital in the court room at the court house. The room was large, well ventilated and afforded space for twenty beds, sufficient for the most serious cases. The care of the hospital devolved upon me, as my brother left with his command two or three days later.

Of the cases that came under my care, the most serious were as follows: Mr. Summers, of Nicollet, shot through the spinal column, died ; Ruf us Huggins was shot through the mouth, severing his tongue, recovered ; a Sibley county volunteer, with a compound fracture of the arm bone near the shoulder joint, had amputation and recovered; Rev. Mr. Saunders, with an abdominal wound, recovered ; Mr. Bean, a St. Peter volunteer, with a shot through the face, fracturing his lower jaw, recovered; a St. Paul volunteer, with a

From the time the news of the outbreak was received, the citizens of St. Peter were active in providing for the refugees and the protection of the city. They organized committees for the various duties, as care for the sick, supplying food and clothing and fortifying. Night and day guard duty was kept up, earth- works were thrown up, riflepits dug and barricades erected.

In closing this paper the writer, who was so long and intimately associated with the Indians as a government official, desires to say that he found this people possessed of many of the virtues common to the human family, and that socially and morally their lives were of a standard quite as high as among civilized races. The outbreak was induced by long-continued violation of treaty obligations on the part of the government, inflicting upon these unfortunate' wards untold want and suffering. Like violent acts of mobs among civilized communities, the massacre was a barbarous and unreasoning protest against injustice. Had the government faithfully carried out the treaty obligations and dealt with the Sioux justly and humanely, the outbreak would not have occurred.

The Government Not Guiltless Punishment Of The Sioux

for them along the Minnesota river above New Ulm to the headwaters, having it abrogated by the United States government on account of this war, which was contrary to the treaty terms made at Traverse des Sioux in 1851. They also had thirty-eight of their leaders in the bloody massacre hanged at Mankato, December 26, 1862. And they were as a people driven from the state forever.

This execution was brought about in the following manner: After the campaign of 1862, and the guilty parties were confined at Camp Lincoln, near Mendota, the idea of executing capitally three hundred Indians aroused the sympathy of those far removed from these scenes of butchery. President Abraham Lincoln was importuned, principally by the people of the East and the Quakers in Pennsylvania. The voice of the blood of innocence crying from the ground, the wailings of mothers bereft of their children were hushed in the tender cry of sympathy for the condemned. Even the Christian ministers, stern in the belief that " Whosoever sheddeth man's blood by man shall his blood be shed," seemed now the most zealous for the pardon of these merciless outlaws who had shed the blood of innocent women and children in the time of peace.

Senators Wilkinson and William Windom made eloquent, urging appeals to the President for the proper execution of sentence in the case of these Indians. One quotation from one of these distinguished statesmen's address is sufficient to show the trend of sentiment in Minnesota at that time : both you and it their cordial support. They have not violated any law. They have borne their sufferings with patience, such as few people have ever exhibited under extreme trials. These Indians are now at their mercy; but our people have not risen to slaughter because they believed the President would deal with them justly. We protest against the pardon because if they are not executed the people of Minnesota will dispose of these wretches without law. These two people cannot live together. We do not wish to see mob law inaugurated in Minnesota, as it certainly will be if you force the people to it. We tremble at the approach of such a condition of things in our state.

" You can give us peace or you can give us lawless violence. We pray you, sir, as in view of all we have suffered, and the danger that still awaits us, let the law be executed. Let justice be done to our people.' '

Early in December, 1862, while the final decision of the President was delayed, the valley towns of Minnesota, led off by the city of St. Paul, held meetings addressed by the most intelligent speakers of various locations. Among other speakers was United States District Attorney George A. Nouse, of Minnesota, who framed a petition as follows:

"To the President of the United States - We, the citizens of St. Paul, in the state of Minnesota, respectfully represent that we have heard with regret the reports of an intention on the part of the United States government to dismiss without punishment the Sioux warriors captured by our soldiers ; and further allow the several tribes of Indians lately located upon reservations within the state to remain upon the reservations.

that can compare with the late Sioux massacre outbreak in wanton, unprovoked and fiendish cruelty. All that we have heard of the Indian warfare in the early history of this country is tame in contrast with the atrocities of this late massacre. Without warning, in cold blood, beginning with the murder of their best friends, the whole body of the annuity Sioux Indians commenced a deliberate scheme to exterminate every white person upon the land once occupied by them and by them long ago sold to the United States. In carrying out this bloody scheme they have spared neither age nor sex, only reserving, for the gratification of their brutal lust, the few white women whom the rifle, tomahawk and the scalping knife spared. Nor did their fiendish barbarities cease with death, as the mutilated corpses of their victims, disemboweled, cut limb from limb, or chopped into fragments, will testify. These cruelties, too, were in many cases preceded by a pretense of friendship; and in many instances the victims of more than murderers were shot down in cold blood as soon as their backs were turned, after a cordial shaking of the hand and loud professions of friendship on the part of the murderers.

"We ask that the same judgment should be passed and executed upon these deliberate murderers, these ravishers, these mutilators of their murdered victims, that would be passed upon white men guilty of the same offense. We ask this not alone for vengeance, but much more as a matter of future safety for our border settlers.

"We further ask that these savages be removed from close proximity to our settlements, to such a distance and such isolation as shall make the people of this state safe from their future attacks/ ' cember, 1862, ordering the execution of thirty-nine of the three hundred condemned murderers, disappointed the people of Minnesota. The thirty-nine were to be hung at Mankato on the 26th of December - on Friday.

In pursuance to an act of Congress on the 22nd of April, 1863, and for the purpose of carrying it into execution, the remaining Indians were first taken from the state, on board the steamer " Favorite/ 9 carried down the Mississippi, and confined at Davenport, Iowa, where they remained, with only such privileges as are allowed to convicts in the penitentiary. In May, the same year, about two thousand Indians were sent to their reservations in the i 6 land of the Dakotas." Then the 1863 military expedition removed the scattering bands from the borders of Minnesota.

Facts Concerning The Final Execution

Pictures of the execution of the thirty-eight Indians at Manakto in December, 1862, adorn the shops, public halls and residences of many hundred towns and cities in the great Northwest - almost as well known and often seen as " Custer's Last Fight.

Perhaps no better account of the execution and the crimes for which the Indians executed were charged with can now be obtained than the account narrated by the editor of the St. Peter Tribune, he being present. He writes as follows :

Having been ordered to Mankato on business, we were included among witnesses of an execution, the most extensive which has ever been known in the United States, and in punishment of crimes the most atrocious and revolting. Our account must necessarily be brief, and we shall therefore only give such particulars as will prove of interest to our readers and for many of these we are indebted to the Memkato Record.

The day was remarkably pleasant for this season of the year, and at early dawn people began to arrive at Mankato on a new and - so far as Minnesota is concerned - unprecedented errand. The streets were already resounding to the tread of the soldiery and citizens, and both were evidently preparing for an event which will always be an important chapter in our history. The great square gallows, standing on the river bluff, showed readiness for the work it was to execute at a later hour of the day. At nine o'clock the military formed a girdle of bayonets around the gallows, and no citizen was permitted inside the enclosure. Captain Burt's company of the Seventh regiment conducted the execution of the following Indians found guilty of crimes charged by the military commission :

Hin-han-shoon-ko-yag-ma-ne (One who walks clothed with an Owl's Tail). - Convicted of murder of Alexander Hunter, and having taken and had Mrs. Hunter as a prisoner until she was rescued from him by another Indian.

Rda-in-yan-ka (Rattling Rounder). - Took a prominent part in all the battles, including the attack at New Ulm, leading and urging the Indians forward.

Do-wan-za (The Singer). - Convicted of the murder of a white woman, and of the design to ravish her daughter, who was wounded by him and killed by another Indian, before he carried his design into execution.

Ha-pan (Second Child). - Confessed that he was in all the battles and at the murder of Mr. Patwell, and that he aided in taking a white woman (Miss Williams) prisoner.

Shoon-ka-ska (White Dog). - Was the leader of the party that attacked Captain Marsh's company and was the man who detained Captain Marsh in conversation until the Indians crossed the river and surrounded the command and then gave them the signal to fire.

Toon-kan-e-chah-tah-ma-ne (One who walks by his Grandfather). - Said in presence of witnesses that he shot a man in an ox wagon, and was in several battles.

E-tay-doo-ta (Red Face). - Told witness that he killed Divoll and seven white persons across the river; that the second day after crossing the river he killed a man and a woman.

Mah-pe-o-ke-ne-jin (Who Stands on the Cloud). - Convicted of the murder of Antoine Young, and of participating in the murder of a white man and woman.

Toon-kan-ko-yag-ena-gin (One who stands clothed with his Grandfather). - Convicted of participating in the murder of a white man at the Big Woods.

Ho-tan-in-koo (Voice that Appears Coming). - Convicted of the murder of a man at Green Lake, admits that he struck him with an ax after he had been shot by others of the party.

Chan-ka-hda (Near the Woods). - Is proven to have been one of the party and was present when Patwell was killed, and to have saved Mary Anderson, who had been wounded, from being killed and to have taken her prisoner.

Ma-hoo-way-wa (He Comes for Me). - Convicted of participating in the massacres at Travelers Home and of murdering a man on the road near there.

Wa-kin-yan-ne (Little Thunder). - Convicted of participating in the murder, near the Travelers Home, of an old man and two young girls and two boys.

The Execution

At ten o'clock the prisoners ascended the steps of the gallows, as unconcerned as if they were going to a feast, and after reaching the platform commenced chanting one of their peculiar 1 i he-ahs". Several were smoking, and continued to do so until the rope was cut and they were launched into eternity. One (Shas-ka) manifested his indifference or contempt by exposing his person to the soldiers, and another by throwing his cigar at them and uttering some words which were not understood by those standing near him. The singing was kept up until the platform dropped, and the singular "thug" of the ropes furnished another style of music, and stilled their voices which seemed bold even in the very face of death.

A few showed signs of emotion after the ropes had been adjusted, but a majority hardly noticed this part of the execution. Some even fixed the ropes around their own necks and persistently raised their caps from their faces, until their arms were paralyzed by the fatal plunge.

It was a strange, pitiful sight, but the conduct of the prisoners was enough to remove all feelings of pity in their behalf, and not one of the multitude of spectators expressed regret at the terrible death of these men who had been savages in life and remained apparently defiant or careless to the end.

The Final Scene

When all was ready, Major Brown, signal officer, beat three distinct taps upon the drum. At the third stroke, William J. Duly, of the mounted scouts (who lost three

Some fears had been entertained as to the working of the drop, but it was successful. In a second all but one were suspended by the neck. The rope broke with one, and he fell to the ground, but his neck had been broken in the jerk and fall. He was instantly strung up again. The majority died easily, with scarcely a struggle. A few kicked savagely. We noticed two with clasped hands, remaining in the same position until cut down. Another old man nervously clutched for the hand of the one adjoining, just before the drop fell. As the drop fell, a loud huzza went up from the soldiers and spectators.

Doctors Seignorette and Finch were detailed to examine the bodies, and after all signs of life had disappeared, communicated the death of the prisoners to the officer of the day. The bodies were then taken down.

Four teams were driven to the scaffold. The bodies were deposited in the wagons and an escort conveyed them to the place of burial. Company K, under Captain Burk, without arms, acting as a burial party. The place of burial was the low flat between Front street and the river, which was overgrown by swamp willows. The burial escort and guard were under command of Lieutenant-Colonel Marshall.

It was generally understood that the prisoners had made a confession to the Rev. Mr. Riggs (the old Presbyterian missionary among the Indians) . That gentleman has furnished reports of the conversation with them, but they are simply denials of the charges made at the trial before the military commission. Most of them acknowledged either to have been at the battles or present at some massacre, but said they only used tomahawks on those who had been killed by others, or they shot wide of the mark when compelled to shoot. They all seemed to indorse this sentiment: 4 4 Do not think that I killed anyone." But few Indians were present at the execution and not many halfbreeds either. Among the number was one Winnebago chief (Baptiste), dressed in white men's clothes. He appeared deeply interested in all the proceedings, and hardly one movement escaped his notice.

We are informed that the Indians who have been executed were very much troubled because many, as guilty as themselves, were left in prison while they were about to die, although the others were equally deserving of punishment.

The police regulations adopted by Colonel Miller were excellent, and the most perfect order was maintained throughout the day ; no drunkenness or disorderly conduct was visible in any portion of the town. The military and the citizens seemed to unite in the determination that no disgraceful act should be permitted, but the people themselves gave no cause for its exercise. We do not believe that an equal number of people anywhere could have maintained better order, or given less cause for regret while such a strange scene was being enacted. Only once did the crowd cheer - and that was when the drop fell and the thirty-eight were swinging between heaven and earth.

Thus ends the earthly career of thirty-eight as bold and unflinching malefactors as any nation has ever produced and certainly no equal number approached the gallows with greater courage and more perfect determination to prove how little death can be feared.

A monument marks the spot of execution and is a reminder to the present passerby of those terrible days of the Sioux massacre in the summer of 1862, when the Civil War was at its height, and the government had all it could possibly do to survive as a nation.

Of the thirty-eight Indians who were executed, thirtythree were converted to the Catholic faith, through the efforts of two priests of rare ability and true spiritual advisers. The other five who were executed were converted to the Protestant faith under Missionary Williams, of the Presbyterian church. The colonel in command at the execution gave both Protestant and Catholic clergymen all possible chance to be with the prisoners during the last few days before their execution.

Indian Massacre Monument

The beautiful and impressive monument seen on the hill near the court house square at New Ulm, was erected by the state of Minnesota, in 1890, to commemorate the battle with the Sioux Indians in August, 1862. It is an imitation of real bronze. The Legislature appointed the following as a committee to plan and erect this monument : Gen. Henry H. Sibley, Hon. John F. Meagher, of Mankato; Dr. Asa W. Daniels, of St. Peter, and Col. William Pfaender, of New Ulm. The monument is twenty-seven feet high and stands on a base seven feet square. It is at the junction of Center and State streets and overlooks the scene of bloodshed between the savages and whites. It bears numerous inscriptions, among which is this: "This monument is erected by the State of Minnesota to commemorate the bat-

"Citizens killed on August 19, 1862, returning from a reconnoissance. - A. D. Loomis, Uri Loomis, William Tuttle, William Carroll, George Lamb, DeWitt Lemon, Ole Olson, Jan Tormon."

The monument was unveiled by Dr. A. W. Daniels, of St. Peter, who had served as a surgeon during the siege. At the same time several salutes were fired by the battery of the town. The chief oration on the occasion of the dedication of this monument was made by Hon. J ohn F. Meagher, of Mankato, and was responded to by Governor Merriam in well-chosen language.

The only thing to mar the beauty and appropriateness of this shaft is the fact that the medallion of some worthy citizen of New Ulm, who bravely fought during that massacre period, was not placed beside that of Judge Charles Flandrau, who with others came to the rescue with soldiers.

The Milford Tablet

In the month of September, 1914, a ' ' marker " or memorial tablet was dedicated by the Junior Pioneers Society in commemoration of the Milford Massacre. On Sunday afternoon the monument was finally dedicated, although the work had been commenced two years prior to that date. Hon. Albert Pfaender and Capt. Albert Steinhauser made the principal addresses - one in German and one in English. Several hundred people had assembled from New Ulm, Milford township, Springfield, Morgan, Sleepy Eye and other points to take part in the ceremonies. After the speeches had been offered there was a picnic held in Anton Henle's "Palni Garden " near by the site of the monument. Capt. Albert Steinhauser, as president of the Junior Pioneers Society, delivered an address in the German language, which was well received. Athanasius Henle acted as chairman of the day. At the close of Captain Steinhauser 's address he delivered the deed to the property upon which stand the tablet and monument, over to the township board of Milford township. Louis Spelbrink, chairman of the board, in response thanked the Junior Pioneers for the monument and assured the organization that every effort would be made to keep the monument and grounds in proper condition.

Hon. Albert Pf aender made an eloquent address in the English language which was published in the Brown County Journal, and of which the subjoined are extracts:

"It will avail nothing to dwell on the horrors of that great massacre. The cruelty with which the savages treated their victims was in many cases shocking in the extreme. There were some instances of hair-breadth and almost miraculous escapes from the hands of the bloodthirsty invaders.

"Suffice it to say that all told fifty-four persons were killed by the savages in the immediate neighborhood - those whose names are inscribed on this monument. It is undoubtedly true that had it not been for the settlement of Milford and the warning given by the presence of the Indians here, the city of New Ulm would have been utterly surprised by the redskins and the place easily taken by them. On the other hand it was perhaps New Ulm that prevented the entire population of Milford township from being killed.

"It is sad to contemplate that which seems to be established now; that the wrath of the Indians was aroused by wrongful acts of the whites themselves, and being unjustly treated the savage instinct of the Sioux asserted itself and urged them to those terrible deeds of violence. If it is true that the unscrupulous agents of the government and those in league with them, wilfully defrauded the trustful Indians, then they even in their vaunted state of civilization, were more guilty than the simple savages, for their acts of perfidy only brought to life an inborn lust to kill and destroy, which once aroused knows no bounds."

The Monument

This memorial tablet consists of a solid concrete shaft six feet high, by three feet square at the base and tapering to its top. At the bottom of this block the soil is near to that where flowed the innocent blood of the massacred. A large bronze tablet, attached to and imbedded into the cement work, bears the impressive inscriptions. This tablet faces the public highway and contains the names of the fifty-three who were killed by the Indians. A part of the inscription reads as follows:

"This tablet was erected by the Junior Pioneers in memory of the following men, women and children of the township of Milford who were massacred by the Indians during the Indian outbreak in 1862/ 9

Then follow the names, and it is the ardent wish of the pioneers and their children and children's children, that the names be here printed in the permanent annals of this county, that generations yet unborn may read of their untimely deaths:

"John Martin Fink, Monika Fink, his wife ; Max Fink, his son; Carl Merkle, his grandson. Florian Hartman. John Baptiste Zettel, Barbara Zettel, his wife; Elizabeth Zettel, their daughter. Max Zeller, Lucretia, his wife ; John, their son; Monika, their daughter; Cecilia, their daughter; Conrad and Martin, their sons. Anton Messmer, Mary Ann, his wife ; Joseph, their son. Martin, Anton and Mary Henkle, children of Anton Henkle. Frank Massapust, Mary Ann, his wife ; Mary and Julia, their children ; Frank, their grandson. John Rohner, Barbara, his wife, and one child.

Sebastian May, Barbara, his wife ; Henry and Bertha, their children. Henry Heyers, Dorothea Heyers, his wife ; Carl, John and Joachim, their sons. Mrs. Joseph Stocker. Benedict Drezler, Frank, his son. Christ Haag, Adolph Schilling, John Keck, Mrs. Brigitta Pelzel, Fred Guth, Joseph Emmerich. George Roesser, Barbara, his wife. Theresia Eggensdoefer."

Bishop Whipple, that great and spotless character of the Episcopal church in Minnesota, wrote concerning the crimes and causes connected with the massacre as follows :

6 6 There is not a man in America, who ever gave' an hour's reflection to the subject, who does not know that our Indian system is an organized system of robbery, and has been for years a disgrace to the nation. It has left savage men without governmental control ; it has looked on unconcerned at every crime against the laws of God and man ; it has fostered savage life by wasting thousands of dollars in the purchase of tomahawks, paint, beads and scalping knives ; it has fostered a system of trade which robbed the thrifty and virtuous to pay the debts of the indolent and vicious; it has squandered the funds for civilization and schools and has connived at theft ; it has winked at murder, and at last, after dragging the savage down to a brutishness unknown to his fathers, it has brought a harvest of blood to our own door."

As Viewed By Bishop Whipple Reminiscences Of The Indian War Of 1862

[These reminiscences were published in the New Ulm News in September, 1909. At the time of the massacre Mr. Fritsche resided near Lafayette, Nicollet county, and took part in that never-to-be-forgotten struggle with the savage Sioux. He now resides in New Ulm, advanced in years, but still possessed of all of his faculties.]

On the 18th of August, 1862, when we were stacking grain on the farm in Lafayette, the rumor came that the Sioux Indians had broken their peace and were killing all the white people they could get hold of. As I had a good deal of the time for seven years in Minnesota been among those Indians and had the impression that they were good people, I did not believe that they would do that ; so I did not pay any attention to such rumors. But the same evening after dark, Athanasius Henle and Alois Palmer passed our place headed for New Ulm with a wagon-load of wounded and murdered children, which of course convinced me that there was a general uprising of the Indians. Mr. Henle and Mr. Palmer were so kind as to take my wife and baby along, and I followed them later in the night to New Ulm. At New Ulm a great many killed and wounded people had been brought in there and there was much excitement. People were preparing ammunition, fixing up all kinds of arms, building stacked breast-works, and preparing for war generally. Tuesday morning, August 19, all ablebodied men organized into companies. We farmers from the Nicollet county side organized the Lafayette company. Fidel Diepolder was elected lieutenant and F. Fritsche and

Mathias Lump were chosen corporals of the company. Farmers from all directions were coming into New Ulm, as the news of the uprising of the Indians had spread all over the country. Nothing unusual happened in the forenoon of the 19th of August. People someway felt tired already, laying around and doing nothing, and some of the farmers who had left their places the night before in great haste made up their minds to go back again and look after stock, etc. Some eight or ten from up the Cottonwood river, toward Leavenworth, started out with one or two-horse teams, as some people had an idea that the Indians would not attack New Ulm at all. But early in the afternoon we found that we were badly mistaken. The Indians unexpectedly attacked the town. When the firing began great confusion of the people took place. Instead of women and children staying inside of the houses, a great many came out on the street, looking and crying for their relatives. The first one killed was a twelve-year-old girl, the only child of Mr. and Mrs. Pauli. Shortly before some Indians had been seen about one mile south of town, chasing some farmers. At once Captain Nix, who was in command of all the forces, detailed a party of twelve or fifteen men to go in that direction. But when they got there the Indians were gone. In the meantime, the Indians attacked New Ulm, and so these men returned double-quick to town. They had hardly managed to get through the Indian fire line when they had one man killed and a few were slightly wounded before they got into town.

In a very short time New Ulm was surrounded by the red devils and the bullets came in from all directions, but most of the shooting was too high. However, no objection to that was made on our side. After a couple of hours of fighting we felt satisfied that we were the masters of the situation; at least we thought so. But just then came the trying time - the cry of "fire!" The red-skins had begun to fire the town. Four houses were on fire at once, on the corner of Broadway and North Third streets. They were the houses of Fred Rehfeld, P. Kropper and Steinhauser on fire. Not far from there toward the center of the town, houses were filled up with women, children and old people. The situation looked hopelessly dangerous. But at the critical time came up John Hauensetin, Charles Wagner and August Hellmann, with the cry, "Come on, boys." Julius Guetling, J ohn Peller, August Riemer, F. Fritsche and August Westphal followed. A party of eight men only started toward the burning buildings.

The Indians had a strong position near the fires. Up along the hill on the west side of New Ulm, on what is now State street, a short distance south of the Methodist church, the Indians had posted themselves behind a small hill, so we could hardly see any of them. From there on our left side and in front of us they opened a murderous fire on our few men. At the same time a detachment of John Bellm's company were in possession of the Schalk building, now the Buenger block on Minnesota street, and they opened fire on the Indians, which helped to check their advance toward the center of the town. This prevented their firing any more buildings in that locality. Great danger was evident at that time, as the wind was blowing toward the center of the town. We lost four men out of eight by that attack. We had one killed and three wounded. August Riemer, killed; Julius Guetling, John Peller and August Westphal, wounded. The Indians kept up a lively fire from the hill on the west, so Captain Jacob Nix ordered a few men to take possession of the Forster building on Broadway, and they kept the Indians in check from that direction. While all this fighting was going on, black clouds came up from the west and northwest, and in a short time a thunder shower broke loose, which sounded just as though artillery from heaven had mixed in with our firing. Then it commenced to rain and the water poured down in streams. As the heavy rain soaked buildings, hay stacks and all else with water, the Indians ceased setting fires to the buildings, ammunition got wet, and firing stopped on both sides. The Indians gradually disappeared toward the west, which gave us a long-needed rest. But soon afterward firing was heard from the west and a few minutes later a horse team dashed down the hill without a driver, which was soon followed with the news that eight or ten men had been killed about a mile west of town, while coming back from a patrolling expedition. There was a party of men sent to the bloody scene, and the dead and wounded were brought to town. "When all this excitement was over we calculated to look for our dear ones, good news came from St. Peter. About ten or twelve courageous mounted men came from there to the assistance of New Ulm, and promised that some more would come as soon as possible. Certainly these men were greeted with warm cheers. They were given quarters for their animals, and a good supper provided for them - the best that could be done under the circumstances. But sorry to say that some of them went back to St. Peter that night.

Nervous Pickets

When getting dark I was called upon to do picket duty along State street, on the hill west of town. Being rather thinly clad and wet from the rain, I felt cold, for it was a cool, damp night, and as I did not have any supper in the evening, it made it very disagreeable to stay there until morning. By daybreak we noticed some moving objects at a distance west of us, but it was too dark yet to plainly see what they were. So we kept watching carefully, and by and by the objects came toward us, very slowly though. The men to my right were getting excited, and one of them spoke out rather too plainly, "Indians," when they at once ran into town. As the supposed Indians came near enough to be seen plainly, they proved to be a herd of cattle. Those men who left their places were all strangers to us. On my left side were some brave men from Cottonwood township. I remember Theodore Reim as one of them, and as we had been in the fight the day before were not quite so easily scared.

Wednesday, August 20, 1862, Charles E. Flandrau was put in command of all the forces. During the night help had come in from different places. One company from St. Peter, Capt. Charles E. Flandrau ; one company from Mankato, Captain Bierbauer; and later in the day came two companies from LeSueur, one under Capt. E. C. Saunders. Capt. Jacob Nix was considering to send a letter up to Ft. Ridgely to Sergeant Jones, asking for some pieces of artillery and ammunition. But the question was who should go that eighteen miles, and most likely with Indians all around. The right man was already on hand. It was

Xavier Zollner, then a young man, who having heard the conversation, came up and said he would go if given a good horse. He got the horse and letter and off he went. He reached Ft. Ridgely safe and sound, and although he had seen Indians at different places on his way, his good horse got him through. After he got inside the fort the Indians surrounded it. He took part in the fight there and the next day he came back to New Ulm, bringing an answer from Sergeant Jones that the artillery would be furnished if there were men to take it through. Xavier Zollner is now over seventy years old, and is living on his nice farm in West Newton, near St. George, Nicollet county. He is hale and hearty yet.

During the fight on Tuesday, August 19, good service was done by the rifle section of sharp-shooters of the Turner society. These men had good rifles and made effective use of them. Many other men also did good work. In fact everybody I noticed did their duty the best they could. On Thursday and Friday, the 21st and 22d of August, we were patroling the Nicollet county side of the river, to look after helpless or wounded people, and in the evenings reported our doings and observations to Commander Flandrau. We did not see any Indians, nor did we find any traces of them. But Saturday morning the 23rd, smoke and fires could be seen from New Ulm in different directions in the country. Farm buildings were being burned, a sure sign that the Indians were coming nearer. Another attack was expected. It looked as though these fires were the signals for them, as they were kept up nearly alike and were advancing at about the same speed on both sides of the Minnesota river toward New Ulm.

On Saturday morning, to our surprise, the Lafayette company was ordered to join Capt. William Huey's company of St. Peter, to march to the Nicollet county side of the river, and at the same time protect the ferry near the Globe Mills. Of the Lafayette company most of the men were on picket duty, so we were only about nine or ten men to join Captain Huey's company. We followed in disgust, especially as our families and loved ones were all in New Ulm, and an attack was feared. We crossed the river on the ferry, marched across the bottom land to the bluffs, on the Nicollet county side. We kept on going north about a distance of two miles from New Ulm in the neighborhood of August Rutenberg's and Adolph Schilling's farms. There we saw seven Indians on horseback going toward Henry Wellner's place. A few of Captain Huey's men unexpectedly to us, fired at these Indians, more than onehalf of a mile off. Then the Indians noticed us; they stopped, and before our eyes they set fire to Mr. Wellner's hay stacks and buildings. After the fire had a good start they galloped off north, toward the Ft. Ridgely road.

Cut Off From The Town

About the same time we could hear some lively shooting going on in New Ulm. A few of our Lafayette men went to Captain Huey and told him that we feared New Ulm was attacked by the redskins, and we thought it advisable to return to New Ulm, as we had our families there. But the captain did not think so. He said most likely some men who had been on guard last night discharged to clear their guns and there was no danger. After a while the captain admitted that New Ulm was attacked, and gave command to return to New Ulm. When we came to the bluff on Henry Mueller's place, his house was on fire, but no Indians were to be seen. We then marched toward town. As we came near the ferry the Indians from all directions came to the ferry on the New Ulm side to meet us. A great many Indians took possession of the Globe Mills. They opened a lively fire toward us, but without any effect at the time. It was a flat, level place, without any protection or shelter where they came to a stand, so it might become dangerous, and the air was filled with bullets. As we were acquainted there, we told the captain to take possession of a timber lot nearby, which he thought was a good idea, and he called the men up and told them about it. The timber lot was along the river bank, on the right side of the road to the ferry. On the left side and surrounding there was a flat meadow and no trees. We took the road to the ferry, Captain Huey in front, and the rest of the men followed. As we came near the ferry on the river bank, we turned to the right in the timber grove. There were trees three or four feet in diameter, which no Indian bullet could get through. When we took the read toward the ferry the Indians ceased firing. Probably they expected us to enter the ferry boat ; then they would have killed the most of us. We surprised them. Now fire was opened on both sides, and we heard the bullets rattle in the trees as thick as hail. One man from St. Peter by the name of Summers, who wore a white shirt, was shot through the lower body, and was severely wounded. A few other men were slightly wounded, and that is all we had to suffer there. After fighting there for some time the command came to leave the place and go to St. Peter. The reason why, we could not find out. Some of the St. Peter men had the idea the Indians might attack St. Peter, and they had better start for that place. This was a hard blow for us Lafayette men, but as we were only about ten men we had to follow. It was almost unbearable to have our families in New Ulm, and we were only about six or eight blocks from them and yet could not protect them. Of course we had the river between us, and the ferry rope was cut off. H. H. Beussman and I considered different plans, but could not do anything. Our ammunition was nearly used up and we had not a bite to eat all day ; we were tired and exhausted, as for nearly a week we had hardly any sleep at all and scarcely enough to eat. We followed the procession because we had to. When we came on top of the hill on the Nicollet county side we could overlook New Ulm. We saw nothing but fire and smoke, and heard no end of shooting and firing guns. And our families and relatives and dear ones were all imprisoned there. Well, we thought that is the last of them. We will never see them again, not even the ashes. We were not a half mile from our fighting ground, when both mills - the Eagle and Globe - were on fire; also the houses in that part of town - all went up in smoke. We would ten times sooner have faced bullets of the enemies than to see our families and friends surrounded by fire and smoke and savage Indians, and not be able to help them.

We marched toward St. Peter, and when we came to Nicollet creek we met Capt. E. St. Julien Cox and a company of about one hundred men, fairly well armed, headed to New Ulm. We Lafayette men turned right round and joined Cox's men and were ready to go to New Ulm. As we felt quite hungry we helped ourselves to Captain Cox's provisions. We asked Cox to go right on to New Ulm, as help was needed there. All his men were ready to go, but as night came on he ordered us to camp at the old Joel Kennedy place, about fourteen miles from New Ulm. During the night we could see the fire in New Ulm, and we feared the last houses were burning. The next morning we marched to New Ulm, and reached there about noon. At Redstone the ferry rope was cut and the ferry was on the other side. But soon the ferry was in order and the crossing began. When the first men came to the other side they found an Indian pony with saddle and bridle on. They brought the pony across the river and Captain Cox mounted it. He rode that pony into New Ulm and was proud of it. At New Ulm we learned that the Indians made their last attack that morning and had quit fighting before we came. About five blocks were left standing in the center of the town. We were happy to find our families all alive, as the Indians did not get a chance to murder women and children. But there was great suffering with some of them. They had been confined in the houses day and night. I do not recollect the number of men killed and wounded during the fight, but many a friend was missing. Provisions and ammunition were getting scarce in New Ulm, so it was decided to move the families to St. Peter. It took us two days, via Mankato, to reach that town, and we used mostly ox-teams. It was reported that General Sibley with a regiment of soldiers had marched to Ft. Ridgely and more troops were following, and it was thought that the Indians could be driven away. We farmers, therefore, returned to our farms, and left the families in St. Peter. A small band of Indians made their appearance at Cottonwood and

Establishment Of Ft. Ridgely

Ft. Ridgely was a noted United States military post, in Ridgely township, Nicollet county, established by the government in 1853 as a protection for the frontier against the Indians. With the establishment of the lower Indian agency in the summer of 1853 the establishing of this post became a necessity. The concentration of so many bands of Indians upon so small an area rendered the situation important and worthy of attention. A military post was necessary to preserve order among the savages and remind them that the " Great Father' ' was keeping watch over them, ready to protect and encourage the good and to repress and punish the bad. There were to be two Indian agencies on the reservation. The Upper Agency for the Sissetons and Wahpatons, established at the mouth of the Yellow Medicine and the Lower Agency, for the Medawanton and Wahpekoota bands, was placed at about six miles east of the mouth of Redwood river. Both agencies were on the south bank of the Minnesota river.

The matter of a new military post was called to the attention of C. M. Conrad, then secretary of war, and Gen. Winfield Scott, commander of the regular army, by delegate Henry M. Sibley. General Scott concurred in Sibley's recommendations, the secretary of war approved it and issued necessary orders. In the autumn of 1852, Capt. Napoleon Jackson Tecumseh Dana, of the quartermaster's de- partment and Col. Thomas Lee, then in command at Ft. Snelling, were ordered to select a site for the new fort - 6 6 on the St. Peter river (now Minnesota) above the mouth of the Blue Earth/ '

In the latter part of November, with an escort of dragoons from Ft. Snelling, and after a three days' march in the snow, the officers reached La Framboise's trading post, at the Little Rock. Five miles above the rock on the crest of the high bluffs, on the south side of the Minnesota river, the site was fixed. The new post was named "Ridgely" in honor of Maj. Randolph Ridgely, a gallant officer of the regular army from Maryland, who died of injuries received at the battle of Monterey, Mexico. When Ft. Ridgely was establishment, Ft. Riley, Kansas, was ordered built. At the same time, Ft. Dodge, Iowa, and Ft. Scott, Kansas, were ordered discontinued and broken up. Ft. Ridgely took the place of Ft. Dodge, and Ft. Riley was substituted for Ft. Scott.

The first garrison at Ft. Ridgely was composed of Company C and Company K, of the Sixth United States Infantry, and the first commander ws Capt. James Monroe, of Company K. Companies C and K went up on the steamboat "West Newton" from Ft. Snelling, but later were joined by Company E which marched across the country from Ft. Dodge, Iowa, and arrived on June 11, 1853, when work on the buildings was begun. When Company E arrived, its captain, Brevet-Major Samuel Woods, previously well identified with Minnesota history, took command, by virtue of his rank. The work of construction was in charge of Captain Dana.