Brown County, Minnesota - Chapter 5: The Indian Massacre of 1862, 1916 (part 1 of 3)

Chapter 5: The Indian Massacre of 1862

[The following account of the New TJlm massacre and the causes leading up to that event is taken from the writings of Rev. Alexander Berghold, who was the organizer of the first Catholic church in Brown county.]

Causes Leading To The Outbreak

The chief cause for the Indian outbreak of 1862 was the dishonesty of the " Indian Agents" sent out by the government to look after the disbursements of f unds due the Indians, who, in many cases, worked in connection with the traders at the posts or agencies, to greatly defraud the Indian. While the general government usually sought to live up to its treaties, it was thwarted in its attempt to fulfill its treaty promises by its agents.

In 1858 the government purchased that portion of the reservation lying north of the Minnesota river, so that the Indians retained only a strip of land ten miles wide and one hundred and fifty miles long. For the portion thus ceded, costing the government about one cent an acre, two hundred and seventy-five thousand dollars were to be paid annually to the chiefs of the Sissetons and Waphetons, and also thirty thousand dollars for the education of their tribes. The Medawakontons and Wahpekutas were also to receive two hundred thousand dollars annually, payable to their chiefs, and thirty thousand dollars for their education, the government promising the Indians at that time, to do all in its power for their education, elevation and civilization. The whole sum was to be paid annually for fifty years; about five hundred and fifty-five thousand dollars.

This honest debt contracted by the government, was, with the exception of an insignificant portion of it, never paid ; and this was the principal cause of the dissatisfaction and revolt of the Indians. The government did, indeed, pay the stipulated sum regularly, but the superintendents, agents, etc., to whom the money was entrusted for distribution and payment, managed to keep the greater portion of it for themselves.

The following extracts, which, alas, contain neither slander nor exaggeration, nor misrepresentation of the real facts, will give the reader an idea of how the Indians were treated. A prominent officer, Major Kitzing Pritchette, being sent from Washington to investigate the numerous complaints of gigantic swindles raised by the Indians, in his official report says :

"The complaints which are made at all their meetings refer to the imperfect fulfillment or non-compliance with the conditions of the treaty.' '

"The Indians sold their land in Traverse des Sioux. I say what they tell us. For fifty years we were to receive fifty thousand dollars annually, and we were promised three hundred thousand dollars. We have seen nothing of it."

"In the treaty of Traverse des Sioux we were to receive two hundred and seventy-five thousand dollars as soon as we had entered upon the land pointed out by the government. Tell us what was done with it? Every paleface knows that we are for the past five years on the territory named in the treaty, and as yet we have received none of the money.' '

A principal cause of these swindles was the acts of the so-called traders, who were consequently also the cause of the dissatisfaction of the Indians. These traders were merchants licensed to sell goods to the Indians, or to trade with them. Since, as a rule, the Indians had no money to pay for goods they bought, the trader would bring his bills to the paymaster at the time payment was to be made to the Indians, if such a time ever came, and the Indians, being neither able to read or write, these bills were shamefully and unmercifully changed and increased. The sums thus deducted from the amounts due the Indians was a transaction as cruel as it was unjust, but the poor red man was helpless. His complaint could be lodged only through an interpreter, who, although under oath, managed through the powerful influence of the traders to conceal the truth as much as possible. Others, though commanding both languages, were not listened to by the agents. The Indians were often so much cheated that they had as little pay after a payment which would amount to hundreds of thousands of dollars, as they had before.

Complaints Against The Agents

Judge Young, sent from Washington to investigate the complaints against Alexander Ramsey, at that time superintendent of Indian affairs, and later governor of Minnesota, says in his report:

"Alexander Ramsey was principally accused of having, in spite of the protests of the Indians, in violation of the laws of the treaties, and in utter disregard of the solemn promises upon the part of the government, paid the greater portion of the money to a man named Hugh Tyler for payment or distribution among the Indians or half-breeds. According to the treaties the money was to be paid to the chief s."

And thus of the two hundred and seventy-five thousand dollars which should have been paid to the Indians, according to articlelV of the treaty of Traverse des Sioux, Ramsey gave two hundred and fifty thousand to Hugh Tyler under the pretext that the money belonged to traders and halfbreeds. Mr. Tyler also received seventy thousand of the one hundred and ten thousand dollars, which, according to the treaty of August 5, 1851, should have been paid to the Medawakontons. Altogether, of the three hundred and eighty-five thousand dollars belonging to the Indians, Tyler received three hundred and twenty thousand as a recompense for his labors in the Senate in behalf of the treaties, and also to reimburse him for his expenses in securing the consent of the chiefs. Such were his claims.

During the year 1857 a number of Indians were induced by a trader to sign a paper, the object of which, he said, was to cause a portion of the money they owed to the traders to be returned to them. But it was in reality a simple order in his favor, and the Indians were again cheated out of twelve thousand dollars. Wherever there was stealing the Indians had to pay for it, the amount being simply deducted from money due them. Thus a trader received four thousand five hundred dollars for goods which he claimed had been stolen from him, and a man in Sioux City, Iowa, received five thousand dollars for horses, also claimed to have been stolen by the Indians, although it was known that the Indian seldom steals anything of which he is not in need. When at peace with the whites it was ever their rule, if they f ound any property belonging to the whites to at once return the same to its owner. Such actions on the part of the white men had a tendency to fill the minds of the sons of the wilderness with a loathing and disregard for "civilization." The government had also promised the Indians to confer upon them the true blessings of civilized life, for which purpose there were at the agencies crowds of employees who were to teach them the principles of agriculture, mechanics, architecture, etc. As a rule, the United States government intended to do well and be honorable with the Indians, and provided them with horses and cattle, farming tools, seed, etc., and sent teachers and missionaries among them to educate them.

But the officers appointed by the government to deal with the Indians managed to secure the benefits of the treaties for themselves. From the first to the last they were united for the one purpose of deceiving the Indians. How the Indians received their stipulated provisions, clothing, etc., may be illustrated by one example. It was in the year

1865. A large number of barrels of flour and meat were to be sent from Henderson, Sibley county, Minnesota, to Ft. Abercrombie. The contractors, in order to obtain the necessary conveyances at the lowest possible figure, deferred the delivery of these provisions so long that the whole train was snowed in over a hundred miles from the fort. The barrels were simply put on the open prairie and the teamsters came back. When the poor, half -starved Sioux were informed of this some time after, they started out to get the provisions, but, instead of good flour they found bran and shorts, and flour made from spoiled wheat, which could not be used for bread ; and yet the contractors received nearly fifteen dollars a barrel for the lot.

Schemes Of The Traders

The principal agent divided the money allotted to the Indians among sub-officers and traders, who, at the time of payment, received enormous sums of money for pretended services rendered and goods sold to the Indians. Contractors whose business it was to procure whatever was needed at the agency, such as provisions, horses, cattle, farming implements, etc., all charged enormously for their services. The Indians were to be supplied with good horses and cattle, but they received the worst and poorest, for which they had to pay five times the ordinary value. Not knowing the real value of such articles the Indian was constantly swindled. A valuable buffalo hide was frequently given for a pound of sugar. Many paid from three to five dollars for a single drink of whisky. A certain quantity of fuel was to be delivered to them annually. This was, despite their pro- tests, cut from their own lands, after which they had to pay half price for it. A large mill was built of funds belonging to the Indians, and still they had to pay a high price for what milling products they bought there. House after house was erected for the Indians solely to give some contractor a chance to do the work. Many Indians had fine large brick residences erected but lived in teepes, and the agents knew they pref ered the wild way of living, but built the structures to give men work who spent the money received at the traders' stores - a real graft game. One very interesting feature was how they were taught the different arts and sciences. Some employees were continually building fences only to be used for fuel by the Indians. They would plow and sow at all seasons of the year simply to show the Indian how it was done. One Randall, employed as a teacher, used to drive his pupils away from the school with a whip, but drew his salary amounting to several thousand dollars regularly."

The Indians Protest

Every question, it is said has two sides, and before passing on to a description of the massacre of 1862, let the reader hear what was contended by old chief Red Iron, as early as 1852 - ten years before this outbreak. It was in December, 1852, that the chief of the Sisseton, Ma-zas-ha (Red Iron), was, on account of his bad behavior, to be deprived of his dignity as chief by Ramsey, the superintendent of Indian affairs.

prominent nose and piercing eyes. He was clad in the costume of a Dakota chief; about forty years old, shrewd, proud and determined, and answered boldly and promptly the questions and objections raised by Ramsey. As an orator he had much talent. When Ramsey insisted upon getting his signature for the purpose of retaining a considerable sum of money from funds belonging to the Indians in order to pay some old debts due the traders, Red Iron, raising himself to his full height, pressing his hand firmly upon his scalping knife, with a firm determined look at the agent, said:

"We want our pay, and we will sign no paper except a receipt for the money. The snow covers the ground, and we are still waiting for our money. We are very poor ; you have plenty. Your fires burn well; your tents are well closed against the cold. We have nothing to eat. We wait a long time for our money. Many of our people are sick from hunger. We will have to die, because you do not pay us. We may die, and if so we will leave our bones unburied, so that our Great Father may see how his Dakota children died. We have sold our hunting grounds and no less the graves of our fathers. We also sold our own graves. We do not know where we shall bury our dead, and you will not pay the money for that land."

After this well-delivered speech was made he was taken a prisoner. The air began to tremble before the hideous yells of the Dakota warriors, and armed Indians hurried from all sides to a place upon which the bones of dead warriors were strewn about. Lean Bear, a favorite among the warriors of Red Iron's band, a determined and powerful Indian, dropped his blanket and grasped the scalping knife with his right hand and recounted all the great deeds of

"Dakotas! the great men are among us; they hold Ma-zas-ha imprisoned like a wolf ; they want to kill him because he prevents the white men to cheat us of our land and the money which the Great Father has sent us."

" Dakotas! shall we starve in the snow like buffaloes? Shall we permit our blood to freeze like the waters of a brook, or shall we paint the snow with the blood of white warriors?"

"Dakotas!" he continued, "the blood of your fathers cries to you from their graves; their spirits embrace us and make us strong. I am glad of it. Even this very night shall the blood of the pale-faces flow like water in a shower, and Me-zas-ha shall fight with his people. Dakotas ! as soon as the moon hides behind the hills prepare yourselves, and I will lead you against the long knives (bayonets and swords) of the white men who have come to swindle us, to rob us of our land, and to imprison us, because we do not assist them to rob our wives and children. Dakotas! be without fear; we have more warriors than the whites. Be ready ! When the moon sinks I will lead you to their tents."

Organization Of Young Warriors

Time went on and by December, 1861, the Indians, some fifteen hundred of them had to be cared for in order to keep them from starvation. Crops had been poor several years, bugs had ruined the crops only the summer before. A fearful snow storm came during the month of February, 1862, and this frustrated their hopes of soon being able to supply themselves with game. Under these circumstances they anxiously waited for the payday of 1862. They knew all about the great Civil War which was then in progress, and this increased their fears that the government might not be able to pay them. They also desired to see the North whipped, so that they might be enabled to complete the work. There are those who think that some who were in sympathy with the South did all they could to induce the Indians into mischief. Misled by unfavorable reports the Indians imagined that they had to fight only with old men, women and children, and that they had reason to fear that they never would receive any more money.

The different tribes went to the agency early to demand their pay. The agents told them they would receive their money, but did not know when, which caused great dissatisfaction among the Indians. In the course of time from five to six thousand were gathered there. All were full of fear and mistrust lest they might not receive their money. Their want was so great that many died of hunger, others lived on roots and raw corn. Reports were circulated by some of the whites that the government was becoming weaker day by day, and messengers began to go from one tribe to another planning the possibility and success of a revolt. The older and more intelligent among them were opposed to it; but the hot-headed, and especially the younger warriors, formed themselves into a secret society called "Soldiers' Lodge/ 9 ting their money, and in case of necessity to defend their rights by force. The chiefs, although informed of this organization, did not dare oppose it. They well understood the dangers connected with it, since these young warriors numbered from five to six thousand; and the chiefs were even suspected of being in league with the officers of the government for suppressing and swindling their people. The traders soon learned about the Soldiers' Lodge and its object, and when the Indians wanted to buy something from them on credit, they were told to go to the Soldiers' Lodge. The Indians, compelled to ask for credit on account of their extreme need, would answer the traders : " If we could, like our women, give ourselves up to you, we could get all the credit we ask for; but since we are men we cannot. ' '

First Act Of Violence

And thus did bitterness increase during 1862. Those who were suspected of informing the traders and others of the doings of the society were severely persecuted, and some of them killed. Their first act of violence was committed on August 4, 1862. The time for payment was up in July. The want among the assembled tribes was alarmingly on the increase. Some of them had already devoured their own ponies and dogs. Six children had died of starvation within three days. Agent Galbraith traveled from one agency to another in order to pacify them ; and sometimes distributed provisions, tobacco, powder and lead. But that was not sufficient to quiet the uneasiness caused by the delay of their pay. Early in the morning of the 4th of August, some five hundred and fifty young warriors, mostly members of

Soldiers' Lodge, forced an entrance into the warehouse, tore down the American flag and took over one hundred and fifty sacks of flour before any resistance was offered, which could have been done, since there were one hundred wellarmed soldiers with two heavy cannons near by. The soldiers entered the warehouse and took possession of it whilst the Indians stood around with loaded rifles. But when the agent promised to furnish them with pork, rice and flour the following day, they did not attempt any further disturbance.

The fact that not one of the warriors was punished for this serious breach of the peace made them bold and daring ; and the more so when they saw the able men among the whites leave for the South at their country's call on the 13th, 14th and 15th of August. On the 18th of August, at eight o'clock a. m., they left New Ulm under Lieutenant Culver and Sergeant McGrew, as "Keyville Rangers," and on the same day the Indians broke out.

The time was now at hand which was to give the two Germans who had been murdered some time before numerous companions. A man named Brand had been put to death on the banks of the Little Cottonwood, six miles south of New Ulm, in the spring of 1857, and his body was f ound in the brush near some Indian tepees. John B. Schmitz wanted to settle on the reservation ten miles west of New Ulm, but on the 27th of April, 1860, while digging a cellar, he was treacherously shot and killed.

The murderer, a Sioux, was imprisoned at New Ulm. During the trial in the court-room a heavy chain was attached to his feet, and he was well guarded. At a necessary call he desired to leave the room. Constable Charles Seeler obtained the assistance of his deputy, Doctor Blecken, a re- nowned physician who was at one time a Lutheran minister, but later a preacher at a free church ; he was also one of the founders of New Ulm. To guard against any possible accident, a third deputy was called into service. But man proposed, and, in this instance, the Indian disposed. So soon as he was in the open air he managed to shake off his fetters, and with the swiftness of a deer the stalwart form of the Indian disappeared from before their astonished gaze. The three officers of the law, on account of the sudden and unexpected disappearance of their prisoner, were so stunned that they did not as much as remember their revolvers, which were left untouched in the official pockets. It was just at dusk and the Indian did not return. The trial was over. Such murders and the escape of the guilty ones caused much alarm in the country.

About the middle of August, 1862, Mail-carrier Miles was met by the Indians some two miles south of the Lower Agency and led out of his way across the prairie, because they were holding a secret meeting in a ravine on the bank of the river, where he would have observed them. A few days previous to this Miles noticed some newly-cut signs on the trees, apparently of great importance. About the same time friendly Indians warned the settlers of the approaching dangers, saying: "Pakat-shif " (go away) and "Nippo" (to kill). They also made signs with their hands which the whites did not want to understand or believe. A week or so before the outbreak, a number of gaudily dressed and decorated Indians held in the town of New Ulm those wild dances, which are always forebodings of evil. Their tomahawks and scalping knives were sharpened. The cause of the outbreak was evidently the neglect of a prompt fulfill- ment of duty on the part of the government officials, the extreme need of the Indians and delay of their annual pay. They were to receive their money in gold coin. The government sent the money promptly to St. Paul where it remained for a long time ; but the officials in whose hands it had been placed, exchanged it for paper money at a great premium, in opposition to the loud protests of the officials at the Sioux money for distribution among the Indians they sent currency instead of coin, as was stipulated. The Indians not being accustomed to handle paper money, became greatly enraged so that the agents finally concluded to exchange it for gold. This, of course, caused a great loss, the premium being then very high. But they were little concerned about this, for they intended to make the Indians pay the discount. They soon found out, however, that they had been calculating without consulting the party most deeply interested in the transaction.

The anger of the Indians increased. They did not wait till the agent at St. Paul could make the necessary exchange (which required considerable time), but rose up everywhere and gave free scope to their sorely pent-up feelings of revenge. A settlement as sudden as it was violent, not in gold but in blood, was to balance the unjust accounts which had hitherto been kept between a civilized and a savage people. Suddenly and violently did the sword of vengeance fall upon the heads of those who would not believe that such could happen, even in the face of fire and sword. A proud trader named Myrick was much hated among the Indians, and they appeared in front of his store and said: " You have told us you would not give us anything on credit, though we were compelled to eat hay and verdure, or starve, during the

Pillaging Leads To Murder

The more friendly chiefs were no longer able to prevent the young warriors, especially the members of the Soldiers' Lodge, from committing acts of violence. August 17 some twenty Indians went from the Lower Agency to Forest City, on a deer hunt. The chief, Wah-pe-yah-we-tah, separated himself with four Indians from the others. They originally belonged to the Upper Agency, but were connected with the Shakopees band and had a hard name. About six miles out of Acton, and thirty miles from the agency, one of the Indians found a hen's nest, with eggs, in the field. He took one and advised others to take the rest. But one of the four said: "They are the eggs of a tame bird and they belong to a white man. You must not touch them."

" You must not talk about the paleface," said the other, " because he is not present. Vilify me, for I am here and am not afraid of your violent talk."

The quarrel became more earnest and more bitter as they went on. All at once they spied a heifer, and the one who had broken the eggs cried out: "You say I am a coward. I am so courageous and fear the palefaces so little that I will kill one of their heifers. Look here !"

"You call that bravery?" said the other. "I call it a cowardly act. You destroy eggs and kill an ox. You are a woman. I am a brave man and know what bravery is. I was in the war with the Chippewas and have taken scalps/ 9

"Since we cannot agree, we will part and take different roads. You will find out whether we are cowardly or brave. We will kill a paleface." And they separated. Soon after that they heard shots, and believing that those who had separated from them had killed some of the settlers, they thought they would do the same, so as not to appear to be cowards before the others. They, however, disagreed again. They passed a vacant house, but when they came to the next, the home of R. Jones, they went in. They soon began to quarrel with him about some eatables and a gun. Jones drove them away, and they entered another house which was the home of Howard Baker, Jones 's son-in-law. There were two strangers with Baker (Mr. Webster and his wife), who had just arrived from Wisconsin with the intention of settling in that neighborhood.

The Indians asked for water and tobacco, which were given them. They were very quiet until J ones and his wife, who came to pay their daughter-in-law a visit, arrived. The quarrel between J ones and one of the Indians was renewed. Mrs. Baker asked her mother if she had given the Indians any whisky, to which she replied: "No, we have no whisky for such black devils as these.' '

The Indians seemed to have understood the answer, judging from their sudden excitement. Mrs. Webster requested Mrs. J ones to drop the matter. The Indians, however, were now ready for their deadly work. Jones was trying to sell Baker's gun to one of the Indians. The latter asked Jones to shoot and try the gun, probably with the intention of leaving an empty gun in his hands. Jones was willing to comply with this request, and remarked that he was not afraid to shoot with any of the cursed redskins. Webster did not want to do any shooting, although he had a gun. One of the Indians said that something was wrong with the hammer of his gun, and asked him to take his off and lend it to him. After the shooting was over the Indians reloaded their guns, but Jones and Baker neglected to reload theirs. Meanwhile one of the Indians had gone toward Forest City to find out whether there were any whites in the neighborhood. When he returned, the four Indians consulted together and acted as if they wanted to leave. Mrs. Jones and Mrs. Baker stood on the door-steps. Suddenly the Indians turned around, and one of them leveled his gun at Mrs. Baker. Her husband noticing this, threw himself at once between his wife and the Indian and received the deadly bullet. At the same moment Jones, Webster and Mrs. J ones were shot. When Mrs. Baker, who held a child on her arm, saw her husband drop dead, she fainted and fell backward into the cellar, the door of which was open, and thus escaped death herself. Jones's children were also in the house, but were not noticed.

The Indians then returned to Jones's house and killed and scalped a girl. Her brother, who was lying on a bed, saw it, but did not venture to stir. Mrs. Webster hid in a covered wagon and escaped. After the Indians had left Baker's house Mrs. Baker came out of the cellar, and, with the assistance of Mrs. Webster, who came out of the wagon placed pillows under the heads of the wounded. The situation of these poor women was deplorable. Their fright and despair, their loneliness and uncertainty of what the next moment might have in store for them, were intensified by the groans of the dying men. Jones, a strong and heavily built man, of extraordinary height, dark complexion, dark hair and beard, with a keen eye, was the very ideal of a cavalry officer. His strong constitution wrestled with death. In his agony he filled his mouth with dust, and, with his heels, dug deep holes in the ground, begging his wife to fly with the child. But she stayed with him until he died, and then fled into the woods.

During this fearful scene a white man passed by, who, being requested by the women to help them, laughed and said: "They have only the nose-bleed, the Indians will soon come and finish them." The two women, on going toward the woods, entered the house of a Norwegian. They found only a boy at home, and they sent him at once to Ft. Ridgely with the terrible news. But the officers had so little faith in the boy's story that they waited a considerable time before sending a messenger to Forest City, where Captain Whitcomb had his recruits. Twelve mounted men were immediately dispatched to Acton, which they reached about dusk. Having placed a wagon-box over Jones's body, to conceal it from the danger of mutilation, they did not disturb the others till the next morning.

The report of the terrible tragedy soon spread abroad and a large crowd gathered at the place to view the remains. Meanwhile, the Indians who had separated themselves from their criminal companions and were as yet ignorant of the crime, came within sight of the place. When they saw what had happened there they fled with great speed across the swamp. The whites did not dare to follow them; but one bold man from Forest City pursued them and sent his bullets after them. One of the Indians jumped from his pony and shot back, but soon joined his companions again.

Tardy Action By The Government

These murders and the circumstances connected with them began to open the eyes of the whites as to their dangerous surroundings. Many of the Indians were now bolder and more defiant than ever. Fourteen of them had on the Sunday previous sharpened their knives and cleaned their rifles at a place five miles from Acton. It was therefore deemed absolutely necessary to send a messenger to the governor of the state, who soon reached St. Paul ; but his story was not believed. The four Indians who had committed the crime at Acton went to Eckland's farm, near Elizabeth lake, and stole two horses, and with these drove as speedily as possible to the camp of Chief Shakopee, which they reached before dawn of the 18th of August. Sunday, August 17, was, therefore, the day which marked the beginning of those awful deeds of blood through which Minnesota was suddenly made so sadly famous.

There are those who think that when the four criminals related to their friends and relatives what they had done at Acton, the majority were of the opinion that the opportune time for a general butchery among palefaces had come ; and in case this was not done they would have to bear the consequences of the crime already committed, but the fact that during the afternoon of this memorable Sunday a great council was held on Rice creek, to which Indians had come a distance of forty miles, is sufficient evidence that this theory is false. The tragedy and this council took place about the same time, and the Indians who gathered there had no knowledge of the crime. It is also evident that this meeting had something to do with the outbreak ; for at dusk - that is, soon after the meeting - the Indians appeared in war costume, their bodies painted and decorated with feathers, and half naked, mounted on their ponies, were galloping across the prairies from tribe to tribe to give the signal which was to be so fearful in its results for the poor settlers who had ventured to establish a home near the hunting grounds of the revengeful Indians.

The outbreak was well planned throughout. The savages had become so bold about that time that the officers and soldiers who went from New Ulm to Ft. Ridgely on the 17th

A "draft" was about this time being ordered all over the United States to replace the soldiers who had died on Southern battle-fields. The young settlement at New Ulm and vicinity sent her best men for the maintenance of the Union, never suspecting that a cruel and more formidable enemy than the rebel of the South was at her very doors. On Monday, August 18, 1862, a number of citizens of New Ulm went toward the Lower Agency to a hall, about six miles from New Ulm, to be drafted.

The place belonged to A. Henle. They were accompanied by a band of music. Henle 's place was located south of the Minnesota on the edge of the prairie and hard by the road which runs along the edge of the forest. When the company from New Ulm had nearly reached Henle *s house the joyful strains of music were suddenly changed into profound sorrow and wailing. A few hundred steps from the place is a ravine which carried the waters of the prairie through the forest to the Minnesota river. The entrance to the ravine is thickly covered with timber close up to the bridge which spans it. When the teams approached this bridge several shots were fired from the ravine by Indians who had been lying in wait for them. Three of the company fell dead - John Schneider, Julius Fenske and A. Diederich. A man named Haupt lost one of his eyes, and another named Steinle was mortally wounded and died near Belleplaine on his way to St. Paul. The first two teams were captured by the Indians. Those who could, fled across the prairie. The other teams were quickly turned and driven in all haste back to New Ulm. This took place between eleven and twelve o'clock a. m. It was impossible for them to offer resistance, not one of them being armed. While the shooting was going on, those in the rear of the train were in the act of picking up Joseph Messner, who but a few minutes before had been wounded by the Indians and had not been noticed by the others at the time. Besides other fatal wounds inflicted on him, they had cut off one of his arms and one of his ears. He was brought back to town, but he died after suffering great agony for twenty-four hours.

Just then three well-armed men arrived from Garden City. They had heard rumors there about a massacre, but they believed them to have been originated by a few drunken men. When they were shown the mutilated body of J oseph Messner they began to think differently.

Beginning Of The Massacre

The beginning of the massacre was made at the home of Mr. Massapust, Bohemian immigrants. Their house was located on the road between New Ulm and the Lower Agency, and was first reached by the Indians who came from there. Like blood-thirsty tigers they soon covered the whole settlement, so the attack on the different families happened at almost the same time, thus one neighbor could not warn another. At Massapust 's place father, mother and two daughters were massacred in a most cruel manner, the two latter having suffered the most horrible and shameful outrages at the hands of the Indian warriors. Only one boy, eight years old, fled and was saved. According to reports he was murdered by the Sioux several years later, having killed a number of Indians, which he vowed to do as an act of revenge for the death of his family. Massapust's house was located near the Henle place, eight miles out of New Ulm.

Other Bloody Deeds

Caroline (Zicher) Stocker, wife of Joseph Stocker, from Erbach, Wurtemberg, was lying sick when the Indians reached her house. She had always been kind to them, and properly thought that they might spare her. But, no ; she was unmercifully shot in her bed, and her body burnt with the house. Her husband fled with the ten-year-old Cecilia Ochs into the cellar. The Indians fastened the door and set the house on fire. In their despair the two prisoners opened with a shingle a place under the sill of the burning building and escaped into the woods without being noticed by the savages.

Florian Hartman and one Rohner, a Swiss, who was working for him, were shot in the field on the same day. The mother of Carl Pelzl, the parents of Louis Thilling and one Haag, were also killed in the same neighborhood. Pelzl *s father was seriously wounded and died later. All these families lived in the same district, six to eight miles northwest from New Ulm. Only a few from this settlement made their escape. Among those were Athanasius Henle, who had received timely warning and fled with his wife and children on horseback through the woods and across the Minnesota river. The families of Casimer and Ochs, and Conrad Zeller, also escaped.

covered with men on horseback, carrying the terrible news from house to house, and cries of fear and woe were rending the air. The most necessary articles of furniture that could be easily carried were picked up, and the dear home was deserted, and everybody hurried to the town of New Ulm, their eyes continually wandering over the prairies in quest of the dreadful enemy. Some did not even take time to get their teams or anything else in order. Others, intent only upon saving their lives, fled as soon as they heard the rifle shots and saw columns of fire.

Toward the evening of August 18, a perfect stream of fugitives began to pour into New Ulm. The excitement was greatly increased at the sight of the mutilated bodies that were brought into town from Milford (Henle's settlement). There could be no longer any doubt about the approaching danger. The cry: "Fly, for the Indians have gone on the war-path !" now had a terrible meaning to the minds of the settlers. New Ulm, Ft. Ridgely, and, further down, Mankato and St. Peter were the desired places of refuge for the settlers. Since Ft. Ridgely was soon surrounded by the Indians, and Mankato and St. Peter were too distant (these places lie from twenty-eight to thirty miles east) , New Ulm had to shelter most of the fugitives.

At two o'clock in the afternoon of August 18, Jacob Nix reached Pfaender's place on the road from Ft. Ridgely to New Ulm, where he notified the wife and children of the outbreak. Pfaender was at that time amid the scenes of war in the South. They would not believe the report until Nix began to put the children and some of the bedding into his wagon, assuring the poor woman that the Indians might be upon them at any moment. Having a good team of horses he soon reached town with his charge. Approaching New Ulm, where the outbreak had been reported a few hours before, he mistook one of the out-lying pickets for an Indian, and in his excitement was about to open fire on him when he discovered that it was a friend of his named Rudolph.

Captain Nix In Command

When he arrived in town he found the citizens organizing a volunteer company, for which purpose one Czeigowitz, formerly an Austrian soldier, placed fifty men in line in front of the Dakota House. As soon as Nix made his appearance he was unanimously elected commander of the company. He was known as an old soldier who had fought in Algiers and had been captain of a company during a revolution in that country. He was born or reared at that famous village every schoolboy has read of - Bingen-onthe-Rhine. He was later a captain under General Sulley in the Indian War of the Northwest. Sheriff Roos administered the formal oath to captain Nix and he then took command. A few days later, however, Judge Charles E. Flandrau was sent by the governor and took command of the forces. But sheriff Roos believed the murders to have been committed by a few drunken Indians ; consequently it would be his duty as sheriff to imprison the offenders. Accompanied by twenty-five men he immediatley started out toward the scene of the massacre, six miles from town. When they saw the dead bodies covered with blood and terribly mutilated, and being themselves attacked by some of the Indians from a distance, they changed their minds and believed it to be a real outbreak. Then they began to look for and gather the dead and wounded, and carried them to New Ulm. So far, the sheriff's erroneous idea about the matter served a good purpose. When the wagons carrying the wounded and the dead reached New Ulm, the excitement among the people also reached its climax. Considering the state of affairs as they then stood, it could easily be seen that the worst was yet to come. Many wanted to leave town immediately, others thought differently. These did not want to give up their homes so easily, and it was to be expected that many more people from the country would seek refuge in town. Their means for defending the town against an attack were, however, very poor. Still they could more easily defend themselves behind barricades in town than on the open prairie; and if they would try to go St. Peter or Mankato, a distance of about thirty miles, they would most likely "be attacked by the Indians on the way.

It was now Monday evening, and strict orders were given to provide all possible means of defense. Fugitives were captured and brought back. They began to throw up a breast-work, and sent Henry Behnke and Schwerdtfeger as couriers to St. Peter and Mankato, asking for immediate assistance. These preparations infused courage and hope into the fearfully-excited minds of the people, although they did not have more than fifty guns for defense. Many of these were old, rusty and useless articles, such as peaceful citizens keep in their homes more for ornament than for use. There were only twelve rifles, and # the fate of two thousand people was depending upon them. In their extreme need they looked for other means of defense. Anything that might serve to frighten the enemy was considered good for the purpose. Here could be seen several companies armed with axes, scythes and pitchforks.

On account of the residences in New Ulm being far apart, except those on Minnesota street, which was then the main street of the city, they had to limit their fortifications to about four blocks. There were only three brick blocks in New Ulm at that date. They belonged to Poster, Flick and Erd, and were chosen as places of refuge for the women and children, and included in the fortified section of the place. Weddendorf also had a brick house ; but it was too far out to serve any good purpose. The work of building fortifications went on during the whole night, from the 18th to the 19th of August. Old wagons, barrels, logs, fuel, etc., were used in building a barricade. Women and children were engaged in casting bullets. Fires were kept up, the numerous pickets that had been sent out, the coming in of fugitives, all telling different but equally sad stories, left an impression of the peaceful settlers that time cannot blot from their memories.

On Tuesday morning, August 19, the people began to breathe easier. A night of anxiety and care, during which they expected a cruel and unmerciful enemy to fall upon them at any moment, had now passed away. At the break of day H. Brockman, a surveyor, placed himself on the flat roof of Erd's residence, and by means of a telescope examined the country around New Ulm. About eleven o'clock families arriving from the Cottonwood settlement reported that the Indians were beginning to cut the fugitives off from New Ulm. In order to assist these, one Spenner was sent out with twelve men armed with rifles; and fourteen others were sent out under one Prunk, armed with double barreled shot guns. The latter returned with a large number of fugitives from the Cottonwood settlement. The first party that went out did not return; they had gone on too far. Their absence caused great uneasiness, because they had taken with them the only good arms that New Ulm had.

Meanwhile Mr. Swift, who later became governor of the state of Minnesota, came to town from St. Paul, with five others, on business. According to the custom of those days they were well armed and provided with excellent rifles. No sooner had they learned of the state of affairs than they wanted to turn back ; but they were finally persuaded by Captain Nix to remain.

About three o'clock p. m., Brockman gave information that in the direction of the agency, near Hoffman's farm, Indians could be seen riding out on the open prairie. Excitement and terrible fear now reigned supreme once more. Indians came from a northwesterly direction toward New Ulm, from the side where the cemeteries are now located. They kept close together as they came in on their ponies; but when within a short distance from town they separated, and in a few minutes the place was surrounded. The scene was well calculated to strike terror into the hearts of the people. The Indians were almost entirely naked, covered only with their hideous war-paint. Every movement indicated their savage thirst for blood. They filled the air with barbarous yells, and boldly challenged the white man, the representative of culture and civilization, to a fight. What a sight for a poor, helpless people to behold! Woe to the white man who fell into the hands of so terrible a foe !

Captain Nix immediately ordered his men to the barricades. At first he could gather only twenty men, and but six of these had the courage to fall in line. The Indians had approached, and, throwing themselves upon the ground, commenced firing, which made sad havoc among the defenders. Against their magnificent rifles the arms of the settlers were a mere nothing. Captain Nix received a bullet in the right hand which shattered one of his fingers. The fourteen-year-old daughter of one Pauly, who, out of curiosity, had left Erd's residence to see the beginning of the fight, was hit by this same bullet, which entered her forehead and killed her instantly.

Spenner's detachment very fortunately returned at the beginning of the fight. They brought with them many fugitives, and, united together, they forced their way into town. The fight lasted about two hours. The Indians numbered several hundred. But these seemed to have been only the advance guard of the army, who boldly attempted to take and plunder the town before the others could arrive. Three houses were set on fire during the attack, of which Bellm's residence was the first. A heavy rain was pouring down, and this had a great deal to do with saving the town. Frederick Pouser received a wound on his neck from the effects of which he was a constant sufferer up to the time of his death, May, 1876. He left a very large famil.y.

As soon as the fight was over and the Indians had retreated, the first reinforcements arrived from St. Peter, consisting of twenty-five horsemen under the command of Sheriff Boardman. The proposal of Captain Nix that these twenty-five men should pursue the Indians was not accepted.

The same day several citizens met with a very sad death. Under various pretexts they left New Ulm in the morning. Over a dozen armed men, among whom were Carroll, Tuttle, Thomas, Loomis brothers, Ives, Kirby, Coon, Lemmon, Lamb and Jinton, left New Ulm. Neither the advice of their friends nor the fact that the defense of the town was thereby considerably weakened could prevent them from leaving. Moreover, they believed they were well able to defend themselves against a considerable number of Indians. Their homes were west of New Ulm, near Iberia, on the Cottonwood and they wanted to go there to save their friends and the families they had left behind. Some of them had to come to New Ulm on business, not being aware of the outbreak. Partly out of curiosity, and partly with the intention of warning settlers, they entered several houses on their way. Everywhere they went they found bodies of the dead. Here and there they discovered children, many of whom were wounded; and these they took with them. When they reached their homes they found neither Indians nor whites. On their way back to New Ulm they separated, some going south and others north of the Cottonwood, toward town, in order to discover and save some of the settlers who were said to have been dispersed over the prairie by the Indians. They had agreed to unite again at Turtle's place and return to town together. When the first party, who had been searching on the north side of the Cottonwood, reached Turtle's place, they found that the other party had already left for town. A man coming from New Ulm told them that he had met the others on the way.

A Fatal Ambush

When the second party, among whom were Carroll, Loomis, Lamb, Ryan (who had in the meantime joined them), Hinton and a Norwegian, noticed a fire in the neighborhood of New Ulm, they became suspicious and looked for the Indians. As soon as they reached the plateau west of New Ulm, stretching for about a mile from north to south, Hinton rode far enough in advance of the others to see the town from a hill. Returning to his companions he said that the town had just been attacked by the Indians, and proposed to take another road and fly to Mankato. This advice was rejected by the majority who reproached him for cowardice. They took a good view of the town and its surroundings, and could see only a few Indians. Prom there a good road leads to New Ulm ; first across a swamp, then over a piece of slowly rising prairie, on the east side of which it leads directly to the town. They could have reached there in five minutes if the road had been clear. Carroll proposed that they force their way, and Hinton took the lead. When they came to the foot of the hill, near the swamp, they noticed two Indians who had been hiding behind a big rock leveling their rifles at the first horseman. Hinton drew his revolver and drove them back. But when they reached the other side of the swamp, those Indians who were hiding in the grass opened fire on them. Carroll, Almond, Loomis, Lamb, Ryan and the Norwegian fell dead at the first volley; the other two escaped into town. The second half of the expedition came about half an hour later and approached the place where so many of their companions had lost their lives. Not seeing Indians anywhere, they had no idea that at the end of the swamp they would run into a terrible trap. But no sooner had they left the east end of the swamp and were within a short distance of town, than suddenly more than a hundred blood-thirsty savages rose up from the tall grass and poured into them a shower of bullets. Six men and five horses fell dead. Thomas escaped. His horse was shot under him, but throwing away his gun he ran and reached town safely. An Indian sent two shots after him, but the bullets only struck the ground and covered him with dust. He was the only one of the second portion of that expedition who brought the news of the terrible fate of his companions to New Ulm. Two of the first party escaped by jumping on the front part of a wagon. The horses had become frightened and ran furiously toward town. Near the present site of the Lutheran church one of the men was shot and fell from the wagon, where he lay all night. He was mortally wounded and died the next morning; the other clung to the pole and reached town unharmed.

The place near the swamp gave evidence of the fight. Pieces of broken rifles were lying around on the trampled ground, and everywhere were traces of the fearful struggles of the dying men. A large stone marks the place to this day. On the body of one of them, who was not discovered till a few weeks later, a pocket-book with $800 was found. He had probably been seriously wounded, and, creeping away into a thicket to conceal himself, he died there. Thus was the fool-hardiness of these men, who were so eager to show their courage, terribly punished.

lated to ease the minds of the terrified people. The heavy rain storm that came toward evening was a great blessing, for the Indians were thereby prevented from keeping up the siege and the danger of fire was lessened. The great uneasiness which overcame all when night approached was succeeded by much joy, for about midnight the watchmen announced the arrival of a large troop of horsemen. At first some were afraid they might be reinforcements for the hostiles. But the joyful tidings were soon announced that they were the men who, under command of the noble Charles E. Flandrau, had come from St. Peter and LeSueur to risk their lives in the defense of their neighbors. Their arrival brought joy to every heart. The town now had one hundred and fifty able defenders, well armed. This was about midnight of Tuesday and Wednesday. There were now some 1,500 persons in the fortified quarters of the town. Every available place was occupied. Flandrau was chosen commander-in-chief. He brought with him four physicians, Doctors Ayer and Mayo from LeSueur, and Doctors McMahon and Daniels from St. Peter. These relieved the overburdened Doctor Weshke, who had been up to that time the only physician in New Ulm.

On Wednesday steps were taken to provide the necessary supplies. The barricades were improved and everything was done to be able to successfully resist the attack which was momentarily expected. During the day fifty volunteers arrived from Mankato under Captain Bierbauer, and an equal number from LeSueur. Nothing more could be seen of the Indians in the vicinity of New Ulm during those painful hours. Those who had been killed near town the day previous were picked up and buried and the wounded brought in and nursed.

Siege Of New Ulm Continued

During those days, which proved to be a real blessing for New Ulm, the booming of cannon could be heard from Ft. Ridgely, and this encouraged the citizens to increase their fortifications. Even women and children gave a hand, for they were engaged in preparing bandages and casting bullets. They served a good purpose. On the morning of August 23, smoke clouds were seen rising everywhere. The surrounding farmhouses had been set on fire by the Indians. The redskins came flocking towards town on all sides. Among them was a very conspicuous chief riding a white pony. It was probably Little Crow himself. The first advance of the half-naked and gaudily-painted savages who, amidst a howling more like that of demons than of human beings, came storming on and drove the pickets in from their two widely scattered fortifications. Unfortunately, seventy-five men had just been sent across the river into Nicollet county to the Lafayette settlement, a few miles from New Ulm, because early in the day columns of smoke had been seen rising there. Lieutenant W. Huey tried in vain to get back to New Ulm. A number of Indians cut off their retreat. On his return, or rather his flight, he met Captain St. Julien Cox, on his way from St. Peter to New Ulm. But the Indians were strong enough to prevent both companies from entering New Ulm, and so they united on the open prairie for their common defense. Seventeen of them, however, forced their way through the hostile ranks, and, taking possession of the windmill fought till towards evening against a band of Indians who had taken possession of a hall near by. After nightfall they set fire to the windmill and entered the barricades near the Dakota House.

- . Several other buildings, among them two mills, which were of little use to the Indians during the siege, were burned by them. Commander Plandrau desired to save what could be saved. Captain Nix had advised the destruction of the several residences outside the fortified quarters, but Plandrau would not consent to it. The Indians then made use of these residences with great advantage to themselves, keeping up a destructive fire on Minnesota street. Flandrau then resolved that they had to be taken if New Ulm was to be saved. Captain Nix, with fifty men, mostly farmers, vigorously supported him, and received a bullet in the same arm from which he had lost a finger a few days before. After a stubborn resistance the Indians were driven out at about five o'clock in the afternoon, and the buildings, to save further danger, set on fire.

The besieged now began to burn down all the buildings outside the line which seemed to be in their way. A mania for burning houses had taken so firm a hold, that, even inside the fortified quarters, Anton Zecher's residence was destroyed. Michelowski, a Pole, was so possessed by the fire-fiend that he had to be imprisoned, and Flandrau issued a proclamation to the effect that anyone caught in the act of setting fire to buildings would be shot. The Turner hall and the unfinished Catholic church, both main strongholds for the Indians, were fired.

There was now only one building standing outside the town, except the four blocks enclosed by the barricades. It was Weddendorf 's residence, and was situated about one thousand yards north of the city limits. In it were stationed Zieher, Haeberle, the two Held brothers, Theobald, Hartneck, Bobleter (father of a subsequent postmaster), Kahl- f eld, Hammer and nine others, in order to defend the town from that side. On account of inadequate means they did not succeed well. It being a newly-built brick house, the Indians wisely kept at a distance, and only a few were killed. The great number of warriors and their vigorous actions compelled these men to leave the place, and under cover of night cross the Minnesota and get into Nicollet county. Running toward Swan lake they entered a swamp where they had to remain all night. J. Hartneck alone remained in the house. Anxiety and fear had so worked upon his mind that he became unconscious of danger. Toward morning he ran into town, receiving five shots, none of which proved fatal. Subsequently Hartneck died as a result of being injured by a mowing machine.

The besieged of New Ulm defended themselves like the valiant Greeks at the Pass of Thermopylae. They had the courage of lions, and met with better success than their Spartan prototypes. They were constantly prepared for any emergency. Most of the women and children were in the cellars under brick houses, and these were so filled that there was hardly any standing room left. With heroic courage and self-denial, they remained in their chosen prisons, always ready for the worst. The most dreadful suspense these women suffered was the fear of the victorious war cry of the red demons, which was worse than death to them.

Narrow Escape Of Women And Children

In Erd's cellar, in which the greater number of women and children were huddled together, there was a barrel of powder in charge of the widow of the late John Schmitz. It was held in readiness to blow up the building as soon as the Indians entered victorious. This fact was a menace to the whole town. Some cowardly wretches, it is said, had entered the cellar several times crying out that the town was taken. But womanly prudence and a mistrust, which would have been wrong at any other time, prevented a terrible catastrophe. Many may consider the intention which prompted these preparations not justified, and altogether wrong. But when the terrible fate which awaited the women and children, is taken into consideration, it is not fair to condemn their action.

During the whole night from Saturday to Sunday the fight was going on. It was truly a night of terror, because the citizens had to fight against an enemy who knew not mercy for either women or children, and who, thirsting for blood, was dreadfully in earnest to avenge his wrongs upon the innocent as well as the guilty. The crack of rifles, the whizzing of bullets, the wild yells of the Indians, the moans of the wounded and dying, the cries of frightened children, the surrounding darkness ; these things were not calculated to fill the minds of the people with courage and hope. They rather filled the minds of the most courageous with fear. And then came the thought that the Indians might have taken possession of Ft. Ridgely, and, in possession of its instruments of death, nothing would be left of New Ulm. But the men stood bravely and firm at the barricades. They were all heroes, and, valiantly exposing their breasts to the deadly bullets of the enemy, they quietly sent like angels of death, their own dreadful summons to their terrible foe. There was, however, no lack of misunderstandings. Cap- tain Dodd and others lost their lives in a very careless manner by making a sortie from the barricades in order to drive the Indians back. They were, of course, unmercifully butchered only a few steps from the barricades. The Indians made a fortunate mistake of too heavily charging their rifles, and, on this account, often shot above the mark.

A baker named Castor wanted to carry bread to some hungry customers, and, being obliged to expose himself to the fire of the hostiles, put on a buffalo robe so as to appear like an Indian. A white man took him for one of them and of course shot him.

What a relief it must have been to those brave people when, at the break of day, the Indians began to disperse! The Lord's Day - it was Sunday, August 24 - brought salvation and safety. How many of the Indians were killed cannot be estimated, since they took with them when at all possible the dead and wounded. But the quantity of blood discovered around the city gave evidence of a terrible loss to them.

New Ulm had only eight dead and sixty wounded. Many of the latter died on account of its being impossible to give them the necessary care. One hundred and forty-nine residences were destroyed. Between nine and ten o'clock, Captain Cox managed to get into town with seventy-five men. Soon after that all the Indians retreated and held a council, whereupon they left altogether. Their main camping ground was in the neighborhood of the present Catholic cemetery. It is said that their sudden retreat was partly caused by a piece of strategy. It is well known that nothing can terrify the Indians so much as artillery. An inventive genius placed a stovepipe upon a cart, and two anvils were used for making the necessary noise. The Indians were thereby made to believe that a cannon had arrived during the night.

Captain Cox had been charged by the Governor to command the people to leave the town as soon as possible. Some refused to leave, especially Captain Nix. They were of the opinion that, after they were now somewhat secure and had gone through so much, they ought not so easily give up their homes to their enemy. Their victories has thus far made them proud and courageous, and they did not think it necessary to fly from even so formidable an enemy. The majority, however, were in favor of leaving the city, and the minority willingly gave in, in consideration of the many women and children and wounded men. Moreover, it was almost impossible for the two thousand five hundred persons to find accommodations in the forty-nine houses that had remained intact. Provisions were wanting. The numerous dead animals that were lying in and around town exposed to the hot summer sun soon would have filled the air with a stench that would have made a stay impossible. Sunday afternoon, preparations were made for removing to Mankato, twenty-eight miles from New Ulm. Monday morning, August 25, a long caravan - some in wagons, others on horses, and others on foot - moved towards Mankato. There were in the line one hundred and fifty wagons, of which fifty-six were carrying the sick and wounded. The deserted city presented a very melancholy aspect. On account of the scarcity of teams many articles of furniture which had been so anxiously protected by their owners had to be left behind. All manner of things were lying about in the deserted houses and in the streets. Of the hundreds of articles only the more important and valuable had been removed. Some tried to carry household utensils on their shoulders, but, finding it inconvenient if not impossible, dropped them. The road between New Ulm and Mankato was therefore covered with miscellaneous household furniture. Nearly everything to which they had become devotedly attached had to be left behind in order to save their lives. The extent of the loss and the seriousness of the situation increased their sorrow more and more ; and many a scalding tear was shed as the stricken people looked back upon their lost treasures. But the saddest of all were those who numbered their kindred among the dead, and who were obliged to leave them unburied on hostile ground. These things were more painful and oppressive than wounds. There were lonesome hearts in that sad procession, anxious to know what had become of father or mother, husband or wife, sister or brother or child.

Order Restored

When they reached Mankato orders were received to bring the sick and the wounded as well as the women and children to St. Peter, twelve miles farther. The able-bodied men were retained to assist in defending the town, since the Winnebago Indians were reported to have gone on the warpath. This separation of families was a new source of anxiety and sorrow. On reaching St. Peter the wounded and the helpless received all possible care and attention at the hands of its noble-hearted citizens. A few days before many of the fugitives who had arrived there from West Newton could get nothing to eat, because the people of St. Peter did not believe the report of an outbreak. There were so many sick and wounded that the private residences could not accommodate them all; the Catholic church was therefore turned into a temporary hospital. Later on, many wounded and sick, and also the women and children, were removed down the Minnesota river to other towns - Le- Sueur, Henderson, Belleplaine, Shakopee, and even to St. Paul.

After a few days, many of the citizens of New Ulm returned, for they had learned that a regular militia regiment and a number of well-armed volunteers had gone out in pursuit of the Indians. The defense of the town had no regular militia, but was made up in a hurry of all kinds of people, including farmers, mechanics and laborers.

The sufferings which they had endured, the almost irreparable loss of property and the dread of a repetition of these same trials were the causes why a number of the people of New Ulm and its vicinity did not return to their homes. St. Paul, Cincinnati and Chicago received many of the fugitives of that time. Many sold their property for a mere trifle, if they could only secure a little cash. Others, more courageous, took this occasion to settle in that country and made fortunes. Many thus obtained fine farms for a few dollars which were even then worth more than as many thousands.

It took quite a while, however, before immigration to New Ulm and its surroundings made any real progress, because the Indians continued for a long time after the outbreak to harass the settlers. It was hardly a year after that when Athanasius Henle was shot at by the Indians, on his way to town, in broad daylight He escaped without injury. Not far from there a man named Bosche was shot dead the same day while working on what is now Pfaender's farm, just as his three sons were bringing him his dinner. But when, a few years later, the United States government indemnified the people for their losses as far as money could do it, a golden era opened for New Ulm and vicinity. Immigrants continued to come, and they brought with them wealth and prosperity.

[Christopher Spelbrink, a resident of New Ulm, has written his recollections of the Indian troubles in Brown county - especially as to the "Milford Massacre/' in which his family suffered, as well as his views concerning the general causes leading up to the awful Indian War of August, 1862.]

In the year 1854 a party of land-seekers and homebuilders from Chicago, going westward, arrived at what is now the city of New Ulm, Minnesota, in October of the year, and crossed what is now the township of Milford, Brown county, then a complete wilderness. The party being satisfied that at last they had found good, fertile land with plenty of timber, looked for a suitable place for encampment for the winter, and finally built a log shanty near the Minnesota river, opposite the place of a certain Joseph La Framboise, a French-Canadian, who proved to be a friend indeed to the newcomers, in helping wherever he could to tide over the extremely cold and severe winter. In the middle of the winter their log shanty burned down and they considered themselves in luck to find a few abandoned Indian tepees (barkhuts) in which they lived the rest of the winter. I shall not try to describe the hardships and sufferings these people experienced during that time, as one must have had a similar experience to fully understand the situation. When at last spring came as a deliverer, they looked the country over for a suitable townsite, with a good attractive surrounding country for farming purposes, and finally decided upon the place where the beautiful city of New Ulna now stands. Those who preferred country life settled in the township immediately west of the townsite, in what is now the township of Milford. The land in question had in the treaty of Traverse Des Sioux, been ceded to the United States by the Indians. The Indians of the Sioux or Dakota tribe were friendly to the whites and in no way molested them, although they continued to hunt on the land ceded by them to the government. Settlers began to come in considerable numbers, and in 1857 every quarter section open for settlement had been pre-empted ; the western line of the same being about six and one-half miles west of the city limits of New Ulm, where the Indian reservation (land owned by the Indians) commenced. The Indians being our near neighbors, naturally visited us quite frequently, some out of curiosity, others for the purpose of begging - and in the art of begging the Indian is hard to beat - but they never offered any serious molestation, or unfriendliness, until that terrible day, the 18th of August, 1862.

The first settlers (recalled by me), and those who came in the autumn of 1854, with untiring efforts to find a suitable place for a settlement, who braved the hardships and solitude of the wilderness, holding on till their efforts were crowned with success, are as follow: Ludwig Meyer, Sr., Joseph Dambach, Athanasius Henle, John Zettel, Franz Massapust, Peter Mack, Alois Palmer, Anton Henle, M. Wall, Vincent Brunner, Elizabeth Fink and Barbara Tuttle. Of all this little band, so far as I know, Peter Mack is the only survivor - all the rest have answered to the last call.

Cause Of The Outbreak

The Indians in selling their lands for a price that was simply nominal, were promised by contract by the government, to receive their payments in gold, in twenty yearly instalments at a certain time and at their agencies; the Lower Agency about eight miles east of what is now Redwood Falls, and the Upper Agency near the Yellow Medicine river. In both of these agencies were storekeepers or Indian traders, who had the exclusive Indian trade, and when payday came, the Indian who received his pay in cash was considered very fortunate; how this could happen I will try to explain; some of the Indians, perhaps the majority of them, could not, and especially when the buffalo hunt had been bad, make both ends meet, so to say, till the next payday, consequently they bought on credit, which was allowed them to some extent, the trader, of course, knowing how much money the Indian was entitled to, was very careful not to allow too much. When payday came, which was usually in June of each year, a large party of annuity In-

The paymaster, his assistants and the Indian traders take their places at a table which is surrounded by a squad of soldiers, who have been ordered from Ft. Ridgely, for the purpose of keeping order and to prevent any disturbance. The Indians waiting for the call of their names ; an Indian is called ; he steps into the inclosure, the agent counts off the sinn he is entitled to, and is about to receive it when the trader or storekeeper steps in, presenting to the agent a bill against the said Indian, and most of the money, perhaps all, is simply handed to the trader or storekeeper without any further question, and the Indian is dismissed to make room for another, and in a great many cases this procedure is repeated. Now, the trader cannot be accused of cheating the Indians, as they can neither read nor write, so all the advantage is on the side of the storekeeper or trader, and he certainly is not in business for his health. Then there is another line where the Indian is badly beaten, the fur trade. The most valuable furs are sold by the Indians, who are as a rule ignorant of the true value, for far less than one-half of the valuation, which is given them in the way of cheap goods. Add to this the very excessive profit the trader takes, and what is really left to the Indian is practically not worth mentioning. To this is added the illegal sale of bad whiskey by some unscrupulous whites or half-breeds, and as a rule the Indians are cleaned out of every cent in a very short time, as an Indian will pay almost any price for whisky by some unscrupulous whites or half-breeds, and as trade. When at last, he finds out how badly he has been beaten, his grudge against the whites increases and true to his nature, he is waiting patiently, for the time to get even, and it becomes his fixed opinion, that all whites are thieves and scoundrels, whose only aim is to beat the poor Indian, and while this, of course, is exaggerated, in a good many cases is undoubtedly true. The Indian's nature is savage, brutal and cruel, and when in his opinion the time for revenge and retaliation has come, he makes no distinction between guilty and innocent. His savage nature is his only guide. In his lust and desire for blood he will surpass the tiger of the jungle ; murder and torture are his enjoyment, and the proverbial imps of hell cannot outdo him in cruelty.

In the year 1861 the buffalo hunt had been very unsuccessful, and in consequence of which the Indians were in want of provisions, as dried buffalo meat is an important factor as a means of subsistence, so in the winter of 1861-62 there existed great want among the Indians, and in some cases, especially among the infants, actual starvation. The government at both agencies had caused some land to be plowed and planted to corn, potatoes, etc., for the benefit of the Indians, but that could not do away or diminish in any way the present dire need, and making the situation still worse, the news had spread amongst the Indians that they were to receive no pay that year, as the government needed the money in the war against the Southern rebellion. This, of course, was unfounded, but it aroused the savages, who organized into the so-called " Soldiers' Lodge/ ' who appearing in considerable numbers, broke into the government warehouse, and in the presence of a company of soldiers, began carrying out such provisions as they wanted, flour, bacon, etc. Finally, the soldiers having taken possession of the warehouse, the Indians, after a quantity of flour, pork, etc., was divided among them, were persuaded to disperse and go to their homes and not come back until the next payday, which somewhat later than usual, would surely come. To this the Indians agreed and sullenly left.

About the latter part of July, the Indian agent or paymaster arrived at the Lower Agency, and the Indians were called together to receive their pay, when it developed that the agent instead of paying them in gold, as agreed, tried to pay them in currency. Here for the first time, the agent had reckoned without the host, for the Indians positively refused to accept the paper money. Here again, was an attempted swindle on a somewhat larger scale. In 1862 on account of the stringency in money (gold coin) caused by the Civil War then in progress, gold commanded a very high premium, nearly if not quite two times the value of paper money. The government, so it is claimed, sent the gold to the agent, who was accused of selling same for paper money and intending to give the Indians dollar for dollar and pocket the profit for his own personal use, but for once this scheme did not work out, so all the agent could do was to take his paper money and exchange it for gold. This, of course, could not be done in a hurry, but that did not matter. The Indians must wait. After the agent had left for the East to make his exchange, matters with the Indians went from bad to worse, as they had waited overtime, and were in sore need of the money.

On Sunday, the 17th of August, the Indians held a great meeting, which of course was secret, but late in the day, mounted Indians (probably messengers) were seen to gallop in different directions over the prairie, and so the day closed.

Vengeance On The Traders

On the 18th of August, 1862, early in the morning, inhabitants of the Lower Agency were aroused by the sudden report of gunfire, and were very quickly aware of its meaning. Crack ! went the Indian gun and down went the trader, for the traders or storekeepers were the first upon whose heads fell the vengeance of the Indians. Few, if any, escaped. The superintendent of Indian affairs at the agency, August Wagner, saw the Indians enter the stables and take out horses, and in going in there to prevent it, was immediately shot down. Some few of the people of the agency escaped across the Minnesota river to Ft. Ridgely, some twelve miles east from the agency. From the agency, the Indians spread in small bands in aU directions, carrying death and despair upon the unsuspecting settlers, who in most cases, not knowing the intentions of the savage murderers, allowed them to approach as usual, were shot down, tomahawked and in many cases mutilated in a most horrible manner. Others were overtaken while fleeing for safety. Their fate was the same, but more horrible, as these unfortunates knew what was coming and that they and their families were to die a most horrible death, without being able to offer any resistance or defense. Some of these unfortunates may have had some slight hope of mercy from Indians that they were personally well acquainted with, but if so, their hopes were quickly dispelled, for the savage has the mercy of the tiger of the jungle or the shark of the deep. Many hundreds died on that awful day by the hand of the savage monsters, and so the old, old story that the many must suffer to satisfy the greed of the few was once more demonstrated, for all the talk that the cause of the outbreak could not be determined, is nothing but "rot," pure and simple, for had the Indians been treated as agreed, honest and upright, this bloody day in the history of Minnesota would have been avoided, but as it was, the Indians never got a square deal.

The township of Milford is immediately west of New Ulm, its western line bordering the Indian reservation, and is settled mostly by Germans, a sober, industrious people, who after years of hard toil and suffering the hardships connected with the settlement of a wilderness, were now in hopes that their trouble would be about over, and better times coming, as the harvest was all that could be expected, when as a bolt of lightning from a clear sky, savage fury burst upon them. At about nine or ten o'clock on Monday, the 18th of August, 1862, a party of Indians, perhaps six or eight in number, appeared at the house of Johann Massapust, and asked for water, which was given them. The family consisted of Johann Massapust, Sr., two daughters, Maria and Julia, aged twenty and eighteen years, respectively; John Massapust, Jr., aged fifteen years; two elder boys being absent. The girls were occupied in washing dishes, the father seated nearby, John, Jr., standing near the door, when like a flash the Indians leveled their guns and fired. The girls and their father fell mortally wounded, while John, Jr., who was standing close to the Indians, was only slightly hurt from a blow with a tomahawk or hatchet, managed to run upstairs. This, of course, would not have saved him, but at the same time, two teams hauling goods from New Ulm to the Indian agency passed the road which ran only a short distance from the house, were seen by the

Indians, who now made for them to kill the teamsters. This gave the boy time to escape. He ran in an opposite direction and hid in a slough, and as the house was located on a small hill, the Indians could not see him get away. When the boy left, his sister, Julia, who, although mortally wounded, had in some way managed to get outside, and seeing him run, begged him piteously to take her with him, which the poor fellow was, of course, unable to do, and despairing and half crazed, had to leave his dying sister to the tender mercy of the savage fiends. The boy, although concealed in the slough, was detected by the returning Indians, and some of them made for him, when seeing this, he ran through the slough, and finding that his wet clothes hindered him in fast running, discarded his trousers, and running like a hunted animal, succeeded in his escape, thereby warning some of the settlers of the approaching danger, and saving the lives of many in the more distant parts of the town.

While some of the savages, after murdering the teamsters, returned to the house of the Massapust's, the rest went to the house of a Mr. Stocker, on the opposite side of the road and bordering the timber. Mr. Stocker, who had seen the killing of the teamsters, saw the savages coming, but owing to the sickness of his wife, who could not leave the bed, could not and would not leave the house, but locked the door. The Indians finding the door locked, smashed the window and one of them leveled his gun at Mrs. Stocker, when Mr. Stocker, seeing this, grabbed the gunbarrel to protect his wife, and tried to wrench it from the Indian, when another of the savages took aim and killed the poor sick woman. Mr. Stocker, seeing his wife dead, and nothing more could be done in her behalf, went into the cellar, taking with him, Cecile Ochs, a girl about nine years of age, who helped at housekeeping, closing the trap door after them, while the Indians set fire to the house, believing their victims would have to come out and have to be killed or be burned alive. Now, as the house had only one door and windows facing south, the savages watched that side of the house. Mr. Stocker, when in the cellar, and being certain that the house was on fire, thought of some means of escape, and seeing a small opening under the sill leading outside, tried to enlarge it. In the cellar he found some shingles, which were used for covers for milk pans, and with these dug away the earth, making a passage large enough to crawl through, and as this was on the north side of the house, where the Indians (for the moment at least) did not watch, they escaped into the nearby timber and so got out of danger.

Settlers Taken By Surprise

In small bands, the Indians appeared at the several houses almost simultaneously. The families of M. Fink and Max Zeller being entirely wiped out, nobody was left to tell the story of their sad end. Florian Hartman was working in the field, when his wife came through the cornfield to bring him some refreshments, when she saw to her horror, her husband shot down, and two Indians a short distance away. As Hartman was not dead but unable to move, she ran to him and tried to drag him into the nearby cornfield, which she was unable to do, and so had to leave him to his terrible fate. The families of Casimer Herman and Athanasius Henle, seeing their nearby neighbors thus killed, had time to escape into the timber, warning Alois Palmer of the situation. They crossed the Minnesota river on Mr. Palmer's ferry and escaped to New Ulm. With Mr. Hartman, a Mr. Reiner, who helped him in harvest, was also killed. Next the house of John Zettel was visited by the savage brutes, Mr. Zettel and three or four children were killed, and Mrs. Zettel left for dead. The poor woman afterward revived, and was found by a rescuing party from New Ulm later in the day. At the home of Franz Massapust a small boy was killed in the absence of his mother, who, when she returned, found the little fellow dead near the house. She with the rest of her children escaped into the nearby timber and later to New Ulm, where she was joined by her husband, who had been absent from home on that day. A Mr. Pelzl, living near the timber, was killed, also his wife. Christian Haag, seeing the home of Mr. Fink burning, mounted a horse to help them; he was met by the Indians on the road and shot down.

Next, B. Drezler was killed. Next the house of Anton Henle was visited, and the children, three or four of them, killed; a little baby boy, sleeping in his cradle, received a glance blow with a hatchet; but, aside of being rudely awakened, was not much hurt. To clearly understand, what happened at this place, a little explanation is necessary; the dwellings of Anton Henle and the one of his father-inlaw, Mr. Messmer, were only fifteen or twenty rods apart, but, a small grove intervening, one could not be seen from the other. Mrs. Henle was about to see her mother, Mrs. Messmer on some little errand shortly before noon. She saw, when about to step out of the grove an Indian leveling his gun at her mother, and the next instant the poor woman fell, shot to death. Mrs. Henle, in deathly terror, turned to run back to her own home, when, to her horror, she saw that the savages had already entered the house. Benumbed and crazed with fear, she ran down the nearby wooded ravine, and hiding in the underbrush, did not venture out until late in the afternoon, when she heard her husband calling her name. Mr. Henle had gone to New Ulm early in the morning, intending to return soon, as it was a fine day for harvest work, and did return with a party from New Ulm, who had left the town that day for the purpose of canvassing the county in quest of volunteers to serve in the United States army, as the Civil War was then raging, and drafting was in order to bring up the quota called for by the President. This party consisted of several wagons, loaded with citizens of New Ulm, and a band of musicians, same going west, intended to make their first stop at A. Henle 's place (as Mr. Henle kept a tavern) and there begin with the recruiting. About one-half mile east of the Henle place the timber fringes the road for a short distance, as a creek or ravine, draining part of the lowland, commences there. This creek crossing the road, was bridged over in a primitive way. When the first wagon approached this bridge, they were suddenly fired upon by the savages concealed in the ravine, and three of their number, Detrich, Sneider and Fenske, were killed outright, and the rest returned, as fast as possible, to New Ulm, and taking with them some wounded white settlers, Joe Messmer, who was horribly mutilated, and A. Schilling, who soon died, whom they found by the roadside. When this party reached New Ulm, Charles Roos, sheriff of Brown county, at the head of an armed de- tachment of citizens, proceeded at once to the place where the party had been ambushed, and from there to the place of Anton Henle, Mr. Henle being one of the party, he found his wife and his murdered children.

A Day Of Terror

Before dwelling further on the doings and proceedings of this party, I will have to relate some of my own experience during that terrible Monday. In the early days, farmers, or rather the settlers, had not many acres in cultivation, so we had rented ten acres on the quarter section north of our own; the owners, two bachelors, having left the land. Mr. Anton Henle had also rented ten acres of said quarter section, twenty acres being in cultivation ; our part on the northern line, Henle 's south thereof. While our own land joined this to the south; Henle 's pl^ce was northeast. Shortly before noon, while we were about ready with our load of wheat to take home, Mr. Messmer, father-in-law of Anton Henle, Martin, a son of Henle, and about twelve years old, and a young girl whose name I do not now remember, crossed with a load of barley close in front of our team in going home in a northern direction. Now, immediately north of where we were a range or continuation of hills (northwest to southeast), obliterated the view to the north, and Mr. Messmer and his companions had to cross this hill in going home, so, when passing us, he remarked : "I guess this will be the last load." Of course he meant the last load before noon, but it was the last load in his life, for scarcely had they crossed said hill, when they were met by Indians and killed. We had perhaps gone ten or twelve rods in the home direction when I heard two or three shots in quick succession, and when I told father (whose hearing was impaired), he remarked there might be some drunken Indians about, wasting their powder, so we went home, not thinking of any danger, and had our dinner. Mother said that some Indians had acted strangely, a party of four had visited the house of our neighbor south of us (Victor Zagrotzky), and had stayed there an unusually length of time, and when they left had set up a terrible howl, such as she never had heard before, and that on a hill to the east, a mounted Indian had held like a statue all morning (when we looked was just leaving, riding northward), and that about ten o'clock, a little before the Indians, a man with nothing but a shirt on had crossed the land west of us, running as fast as he could to Zagrotzky 's and the Indians soon after him, but not running so fast (the man with only a shirt on being John Massapust, Jr., as before mentioned) yet we did not think of any serious trouble or disturbance, and about two o'clock p. m. went for another load of wheat; we had not reached our part of the field, when Conrad Zeller, living on the southeast end on the ridge aforesaid, came running to meet us, telling us that the Indians had been killing all the neighbors and that he had carried Martin Henle (one of the party that left at the same time we did), whom the Indians had left for dead, had shown signs of life, into his house, after the Indians had left ; the signs of which he bore plainly, as he was covered with blood by carrying the wounded boy. As Mr. Zeller talked very excited and in a great hurry, father thought that some drunken Indians had perhaps committed this outrage, and so made for the house, saying to me, 'Hake your fork and come along I" When we entered the house, nobody but what seemed to be a bloody corpse was lying on a cot in the room, the family of Zeller having been in the cellar, now coming out. Martin Henle was, to all appearance, dead. Zeller now took his family to our wagon. Father, seeing a house on fire over the hill, said he would go up the hill to see what place it was, and notwithstanding Zeller 's warning, went.