Billerica Town (part 4 of 17)

"1. That the towns of Sudbury, Concord, and Chelmsford be sti'engthened with forty men apiece, which said men are to be improved in scouting between town and town, who are to be commanded bj- men of pnidence, courage, and interest, in the said towns, and the parties in each town are to be ordered to keep together in some place commodious in said towns, and not in garrisoned houses ; and these men to be upon charge of the country.

"2. That for the security of Billerica there be a garrison of a number competent at Weymessit, who may raise a thousand bushels of corn upon the lands of the Indians in that place ; ma}^ be improved daily in scouting and ranging the woods between Weymessit and Andover and on the west of Concord river, on the east and north of Chelmsford, which will discover the enemy before he comes to the towns and prevent lurking Indians about our towns. Also, that they shall be in a readiness to succor any of the three towns at any time, when in distress ; also, shall be ready to join with others to follow the enemy upon a sudden, after their appearing.

"3. That such towns as Lancaster, Groton, and Marlborough, that are forced to remove, and have not some advantage of settlement (peculiai") in the Bay, be ordered to settle at the frontier towns that remain, for their strengthening ; and the people of the said towns to which they are appointed are to see to their accommodation in the said towns.

-'S. That thei-e be appointed a select number of persons in each town of Middlesex, Avho are, upon any information of the distress of any town, forthwith to repair to the relief tliereof ; and that such information maybe seasonable, the towns are to dispatch posts, each town to the next, till notice be conveyed over the whole country, if need be.

"And in reference to the line of stocadoes proposed to the serious consideration, after our best advice upon it. it is conceived by ourselves and by all the persons sent by the several towns, that it is not admissible for the reasons following :

'-1. The excessive charge to effect it, maintain and keep it, tlie line being conceived, by those that know it best, to be longer than is proposed ; neither can several fords fall in the line, unless it be run so crooked that it will be more disadvantage than profit.

'--2. The length of time before it can be accomplished, in which time it is to be feared that many of the towns included will be depopulated, unless other means prevent.

''3. The damage it will be in taking off laborers, which in this season of the j^ear had need be improved in sowing and planting, help in many places being very scarce.

"4. The usefuhiess of it, when it is done, it being so easy a matter to break through it, and the rivers which ai-e to fence a great part of these towns are fordable in several places, and in all other places passable byrafts, &c., which is much in use by the Indians at this day. We might add the great discontent and mourning of the people in general, so far as we have had opportunity to discover concerning it, that we fear the imposing of such a thing would effect an ill consequence. These things considered, besides several other reasons of weight that might be added, cause us to present our apprehensions, as in the first place we did, that the drawing of this line at this time is not admissible ; but all with humble submission to your Honors in the case.

The share that Billerica took in the military service is suggested by items like these 'J Samuel Whiting is enrolled among the troopers ; Job Lane is impressed ; and Daniel Rogers, from December to Februar}', 1675. And wben, fifty years after, Massachusetts rewarded the soldiers in this war somewhat tardily by laud-grants, the following Billerica men or their heirs shared in these "Narragansett" grants, proving that they had been in the service : Samuel Hunt, John Needham, James Paterson, Nathaniel Rogers, John Shed, John Sheldon, John Stearns, Joseph Thompson.

These and possibly others are the men alluded to in the following action of the town, in June, 1676: "The selectmen, considering the necessity of some speedy care to be taken that y" corne of those souldiers that are now in the country service should forthwith be dressed, do order the constables to take special care of y^ same, & * * to impress persons into that worke, as need shall require ; & that y® constables lay not the burden of this worke upon some few particular persons, but as much in general as may bee, only taking them most that may bee in y^ best capacity to attend it with least damage."

The position of the Christian Indians at Wamesit and other "praying towns" was one of especial embaiTassment and hardship during these dark days. Gookin was their candid judge, as well as their true friend, aifd his estimate of their attitude was amply vindicated by later developments.* They were honestly friendly, and desired to act on the former advice of Passaconaway. Gookin wished that advantage be taken of this fact, and that their forts at

Fort Hill and elsewhere should be manned by a few English soldiers, who could direct and use the activity of the Indians in the public defence. But the excited imaginations of the English, generally, could appreciate no distinction of friendly and hostile Indians, and every red man was a foe to be dreaded and distrusted, if not shot at sight ; and Captain Gookin's wise plan of defence stood no chance of being accepted. The hostile Indians, of course, sought every opportunity^ and found manj', to foment this jealous}', if they could not win the Christian Indians to their side.

Wannalancet, the Wamesit sachem, had retired at the beginning of the war to the vicinity of Penacoock (Concord) , and subsequently to the region of the upper Connecticut, resisting overtures from the English to induce him to return. A portion of the tribe remained at Pawtucket. James Richardson, of Chelmsford, was for a time in charge of them ; and a barn or haystack belonging to him was burned by skulking hostile Indians, as were two or three houses in the same town. The unfortunate Wamesits were falsely charged with these acts ; and a party of fourteen Chelmsford men, under pretence of scouting for Philip's forces, went out to assail them.^ Calling the unsuspecting Indians from their wigwams, two of the party fired. Five women and children were wounded, and one boy was killed. The others were restrained from their murderous purpose, and the outrage was severely condemned by the better part of the English. The murderers were tried ; but the juries, swayed by the popular feeling, would not convict them. The Indians saw that however friendly they might be their lives were in peril, and fled to the woods for safety. The Council sent Lieutenant Henchman to persuade them to return, but at first without avail. After three weeks of great suffering for want of food, most of them, however, did return. The Council directed Major Henchman to treat them kindly, and sent Rev. John Eliot, with Majors Gookin and Willard, to encourage them and try to persuade the Chelmsford people to treat them better.

It is not easy to determine the order of events, and the following incidents were probably concurrent with or prior to some of those above mentioned. The Court, as well as the Chelmsford men, undertook to punish the Wamesits for wrongs of which not these but others were guilty. They were summoned, and brought down to Boston ; convicted, on no good evidence, of the Chelmsford fires, and for a time imprisoned. Most of them were soon liberated and sent home, under conduct of Lieutenant Richardson. But a military company was encountered at Woburn on their way, and one of the soldiers against orders fired and killed a young brave. The murderer was acquitted by a jury. The Indians, alarmed by these repeated wrongs, again fled. They left behind six or seven persons too old or invalid to accompany them ; and the wigwam in which these unfortunates were left was set on fire by inhuman white men and consumed with all its inmates. The wretched remnant of the Wamesits, convinced at last that there was no peace for them in their Pawtucket homes, finally joined their chief in the depths of the forest, and did not return until the war was oA^er.

It would not be strange if in retaliation for their wrongs some of the "Wamesits were responsible, as was charged, for later assaults. Mr. Hubbard, the pastor of Ipswich, in his Indian Wars, thus explains an attack at Andover. He records the burning of a house there and wounding of one Roger Marks, and adds: "Two more houses about Shawshen, beyond the said Andover, were burned about March 10 ; also they killed a young man of the said Town, April 8, the son of George Abbot. And another son of his was carried away the same day, who yet was returned some few months after, almost pined to Death with Hunger." Mr. Abbot lived on the Shawshin, in the west part of Andover, and the inference which has been drawn from Hubbard's language, that the houses "about Shawshen" which were burned were in Billerica, has no good foundation and is improbable.

Joseph Abbot, of Andover, was slain, as we have seen, on April 8. The next da}^, which was the Sabbath, a special alarm occurred in Billerica, and troops from below were summoned to the defence of the town. Increase Mather tells us :" "This day, being the Lord's Day, there was an alarum at Charlestown, Cambridge, & other towns, by reason that sundry of the enemy were seen at Billerica, and (it seemeth) had shot a man there." A letter from John Cotton is also quoted, saying, "the Indians beset Billerica round about, the inhabitants being at meeting."

Read Mather's doubtful statement about " a young man murdered there," in the light of Hubbard's record that Joseph Abbot was killed at Andover the day previous, and it becomes clearly probable that the trouble and bitterness of that anxious daj' were not intensified by the actual death of any one here. This probability is strengthened by the fact that Danforth, who records carefully by name all the victims of the massacres in 1692 and 1695, makes no such record at this time, as he sui'ely would not have omitted to do, if one of the sons of Billerica had then fallen, in circumstances so sad and striking

Another glimpse of this Sabbath alarm is preserved in the following curious paper. John Seers, constable of "Wooburne," petitions the Court, 1676, May 10, complaining of John Wiman, "for resisting his impressment of a horse, when some time last April, Capt. J"". Cottier marched through oburn with several soldiers to go to bilerekye against the Indians, he having a warrant from our honred. ma3-gor Willard, late deseased, to m^'selfe & the constable at bilerekye, to impress horses or anything. * * because of the stir at bilerekye, about 20 of the best of our horses & men were gone up to help them, & horses were veiy scare." He goes on to recite the hard words and resistance of Wyman, and prays "for such action as will prevent such abuse, * * that soe I & other constables may not goe in fear of our lives, when we are upon the execution of our ofess," etc.

Plainly the dsij when twenty troopers from Woburn came to the rescue of Billerica was one of serious alarm and agitation here. But the days of this dark trial were approaching an end, and, August 1, it was ordered, "that the gai'ison soldiers of Billerica, Chelmsford, & Groton be dismissed," unless those towns should within six days make the necessity of their continuance appear to the Council. Philip was killed on the 12th of August, and peace ensued, except on the eastern border, where the war dragged on another season. But its alarms no longer thrilled the homes of Billerica. Families could return to their houses and resume their accustomed duties. Farmers could plant and reap without expecting to hear a warwhoop ; and Mr. Whiting could write his sermons undisturbed by a sentinel's tread, and preach without having guns stacked at the church. Groton was less fortunate, in its greater suffering, and it was not till the spring of 1678 that its exiled inhabitants were able to reoccupy their deserted homes.

The Indians And Wamesit

'^ Whereas, by an order of this Hon^d Court, May the last, for the levying of 10 single country rates, it was ordered that the frontier towns, which wei-e considerably Aveakened in persons or estates by reason of y enemie, should represent their condition to this Court.

"-These are humbly to entreat this Hon'^'^ Court to consider the condition of our towne, being weakened both in psons & estates by reason of the distress of the war. by reason of some persons removing from us the last winter & spring into other inland towns, & have paid their last 10 rates in those places to which they went ; others put off their cattell or took them to other towns, (for fear of losing them here by ye enemie.) & so are lyable to pay rates where they are, or else have spent great part of them in billetting gamson souldiers.

''Six persons & their families removed out of town & paid elsewhere, so that. Whereas, our single country rate in Aug.. 1675, was 14. 07. 09; when we took an exact list of all, according as the law directs, y^ whole was but 11, 10, 3. We humbly intreat this Hon^d Court to give order to the country treasurer to abate us such a proportion as our rate falls short of what it was, that so our inhabitants may not be burthened beyond the true intent of y^ law, especially considering that part of that estate that paid in our town the last year, do pay these 10 rates in other towns, & we nevertheless pay o^ full rate, according to law. Also, we humbly intreat this Hon'"'^ Court to consider o'^ poor towne in reference to the great charge we have been at in keeping garrison soulders for the defense of towne & country, both the last j^ear & this sumer, which in all does amount to as much as 12 men's billet 35 weeks, or 120 weeks of one man, the bm-den of the same lying upon some few men, others there not capable to do it ; also many of our inhabitants are grown very low, several persons at this time having no bread corne; yet considerable families to provide for; & in genei-al we all drew very heavily, not knowing how to pay our dues & maintain our families.

'"We humbly intreat this Hon""*! Court to consider our low condition & abate us in our after rates, as in your wisdom you shall see meet; so shall you further oblige your appear, answer to Billerica was not made until 1677, October, and after a second petition had come from the selectmen. Then the Town Record says :^^ "the Court ordering that those families which did depart y* towne should pay their ten rates to us, notwithstanding their payment of them elsewhere." Seven names follow of the persons concerned: "John & Robert Blood, Mih : Bacon, Tim: Brooks, Josia Bracket, J"° Poulter, & Jos : Foster" ; and the sum which the constables are ordered to collect was thirty-one pounds, "and to add or abate for transportation."

In June, 1677, an expedition, numbering two hundred Indians from Natick and forty English soldiers, was sent, under Captain Benjamin Swett, of Hampton, to the Kennebec, where the Indians were reported to have six forts well furnished. It ended in disaster ; and one Billerica soldier who was involved has left a record of it in his petition for relief. ^^ Thomas Button states that he "was imprest from Billerica and sent to the eastward." He was in "that fatal scirmish in which Capt. Swett, the worthy commander, was slain, and almost all his offisirs, with about 50 men and 21 more wounded." Button was one of the wounded ; "shot through the side of my belt & through the left knee, «&; fell down not able to help" himself. He recites a long story and asks, with apparent justice, for relief from the General Court.

Chapter Viii Indian And Military History

From the close of Philip's War, in 1676, a period of peace with the Indians ensued for fifteen years. These j^ears were not, however, free from anxiety and frequent alarms. The most interesting incident in the Indian history of Billerica during this period was the procuring of an Indian Deed. It is found in the Middlesex Records, Vol. IX, p. 274, and, omitting much legal phraseology, affirms, "that Sarah Indian, daughter of John Tahattawan, John Thomas and his wife Robert, John Nomphow and his mother Bess, all of Weymesitt, and Thomas Waban and his mother, the relict of old Waban, of Natick, deceased ; For and in consideration of the full and just sume of 13 pounds sterling, silver. New England coj^ned, to them well and truly payd, by Jonathan Danforth, of Billerica, for the use of said town of Billerica ; i. e. to Sarah aforesaid, 5 p., to John Thomas and his wife, 50 shillings, to John Nomphow and his mother, 3 p., to Thomas Waban and his mother, fift}- shillings, etc.. Have granted * * all and all manner of Indian right and claim to that whole parcel of land, granted b}^ the General Court of this Colony, to be called by the name of Billerica, lying on both sides of the Shawshin river, and on both sides of Concord river, bounded by Merrimac river North, Andover North east, Woburn South, and Concord West, to have and to hold * * without the lawful claim of any Indian whatsoever."

The date of this deed is, 5 June, 1685. Whether the motive which led to the acquisition of an Indian title at this late day was purely benevolent may be doubted. A conflict of claims as to the bounds of the town on the west side of Concord River had arisen. The bounds of the grant from the General Court were obscure, and, in 1684, the Bloods had obtained an Indian deed to quite a large tract, claimed also by Billerica, in the vicinity of the present Carlisle

Village. The line described in the deed to Blood was "to begin at the North corner of Mr. Allen's farm," or not far from opposite the Two Brothers rocks, "to begin to state a straight line over the highest place of the great hill, called by y* Indians Puckatasset, till it come to Chelmsford line," inclnding all the land between the Bloods farms and Chelmsford line, "till j'ou come to a little brook at Concord village, [now Acton line,] and so down to the great river by Concord old bonnds." This description includes meadows which Billerica had gi'anted to her own citizens twenty j'ears earlier, and to which her right was confirmed, in 1700, by the General Court. When Billerica obtained her Indian deed, it was probably felt to be prudent to secure whatever title the natives could give, and not leave the benefit of it to the unjust claim of the Bloods.

With the increase of English neighbors, the Indians at Wamesit found their home there less satisfactory-, or the prices offered for their lands more so, and gradually sold their reservation. "Wanalanset, Sachem," and others sell to Jonathan Tyng, 1687, December 2, two parcels, of which one was on the east of Concord River, and is described as containing " the old Planting ground, which the Indians, who were the former proprietors thereof, and their associates, used to employ & improve, by planting, fishing, & Dwelling thereon, for many years past, and contains 212 acres, more or less; and is bounded by Merrimac river four score pole, and so runs in a straight line nearest the south, to take in the greatest part of the old Fort Hill ; and bounded south b}' the fence of the old Indian field, and West by Concord river." ^

Tliis description includes less than half of the five hundred acres granted by the Court to the Indians there ; but it is improbable that they would have sold this angle between the rivers first, and, if the}^ did not, then this is the date when the Indian title there ceased.

Mr. Tyng, however, deemed his Indian title not quite sufficient, and petitioned the Governor,- reciting that he had given satisfaction to the Indians to leave the same, and pra3'ing for a grant of the said lands, under "such moderate quit-rents and acknowledgment as to yo"^ Exc^' shall seem meet."

The Winthrops had alread}' raised the question, whether the lapse of the Indian title would not open the way for them to reclaim thej full bound of their earlj' grant. When the Indian reservation at

Indian And Military History

Wamesit was taken from their grant, the Court gave them leave to locate an equivalent elsewhere ; but, for some reason, they did not avail themselves of this permission. Thej^ may have anticipated the depai-ture of the Indians, and preferred to retain the chance of recovering here. For this purpose, as early as 1679, Mr. Wait Winthrop presented a petition to the Court. ^ After reciting the fact and motives of the grant to his grandmother, he adds that "about y^ yeare 1661 or 1662 some psons, zealous To settle 3" Indyans in some civil and ecclesiastical state, moved y'' Gen' Court to gi'ant pt of s** laud, called, as I suppose, Waraeset, for an Indian plantacon, which y" Gen' Court granted, ordering y^ like quantity or value of other lands To be laid out to us in Lew thereof." He explains why the interests of the family were not defended, in opposition to this action, and proceeds to say, "that noe land hath been laid out since for our family ; and Though God has pleaded our Right by expelling y* Indian inhabitants and leaving 3'^ land in statu quo prius, 3"et I have informatcon that some English have, 1)3' Addresses to 3'" Honr*^ Court, petitioned for 3* same or part thereof. M3' humble request therefore is, that That which was soe long agoe, and upon such good and grateful consideracons granted to us, ma3' not be disposed from us, or, if an3' grant to that purpose be alread3' made, the same ma3' bee suspended Till our Cla3'mes and right ma3', at 3'*^ Appointment of this Hon'ble Court, further appeare." The Court, however, seems not to have favored Winthrop's petition, and Mr. T3'ng secured the title, which he sold to Borland, in 1687.

The peace secured by Billerica and other towns from Indian assaults was precarious and maintained onl3' b3' constant vigilance. In 1689, Dover suffered a deadl3' assault, in which Major Richard Waldron, one of her oldest and foremost citizens, was barbarousl3^ murdered. European policy was perhaps the occasion of this outbreak, for the Revolution in England gave the French, who ruled Canada, a pretence for instigating this attack. Five da3's litter, July 12, Lieutenant Henchman reports^ Indian spies around the garrisons in Dunstable and asks for relief, "20 men or more," a request soon repeated b3' the selectmen of that town.

There was need enough for the military company which existed in Billerica, and of which an interesting glimpse is preserved in a report to the "onered govinev and counsel and jentlemen represent- atives," giving account of the choice of officers, 1689, June 17.* Captain Danforth led the company out, gave them liberty of choice, manifested his own unfitness for the place and willingness that another be chosen. Only those who were twenty-one j'ears old voted. They took Captain Danforth at his word, and gave him only twelve votes, to thirty-five for Lieut. Joseph Tompson. Sergt. John Marshall was chosen lieutenant and Oliver Whiting ensign. Samuel Frost, whose spelling is marvellous, if he was "Clark," makes this return, and craves confirmation of the company's choice from the authorities. The representatives confirm it, but the governor and council "consent not"; and, disregarding the popular will, they "insist that Danforth remain Captain and Tompson Lieutenant, though Oliver Whiting is allowed as ensign."

In 1690, the English, moved by these constant perils, and feeling that there would be no security as long as the French held Canada and sent their Indian allies on such blood}^ expeditions, laid their plans for the reduction of Canada. The result was disastrous. With great effort and cost an expedition set forth under Sir William Phipps against Quebec. But the delays were so great that it did not arrive in season for action, and could onl}' return discomfited.

In this expedition Billerica was represented by no less a person than Captain Danforth, as appears from an order, ^ dated July 15, 1690, "that Capt. Danforth, now going forth in their Maj'^' service, in the intended expedition for Canada, have liberty to hire some meet person in said town to serve his domestic occasions in his absence, and that the said person be exempted from impress to any public service other than attending duty in town during said expedition."

In "1691, the Indians fell upon Dunstable, September 2d, and murdered Joseph Hassell, his wife Anne, his son Benjamin, and Mary Marks. Hassell's father Richard lived for a few years in Billerica, and was a ty thing-man here in 1679. They came again to Dunstable, September 26th, and killed Christopher Temple and Obadiah Perry. The latter, when fleeing from Dunstable on the alarm of 1675, had been permitted to hire in Billerica and resided here for some j'ears.

The following winter an expedition was sent "to the Eastward," in which a son of Billerica did good service. Belknap, in his History of New Hampshire, repeats the account of it from Mather's Magnalia : "A young man being in the woods near Cochecho was fired at by some Indians. Lieut. Wilson immediately- went out with eighteen men, and finding the Indians, killed or wounded the whole party, excepting one. This struck a terror and kept them quiet the remainder of the winter. But on the tenth day of June, an army of French and Indians made a furious attack on Storer's garrison at Wells, where Capt. Convers commanded ; who, after a brave and resolute defence, was so happy as to drive them off with great loss."^

Capt. James Convers was from Woburn, and his plucky lieutenant was John Wilson, of Billerica, who richly deserves to have his long forgotten part in this expedition recorded here for remembrance in Billerica. He came from Woburn in 1683, and built the mill, which long bore his name, on Vine Brook ; and there no doubt he lived. In 1700, he was granted three pounds for service and use of his own horse at this time.

The Indian assault so long dreaded and guarded against fell at last upon Billerica soon after, and two homes were made desolate. This sad event occurred, 1 August, 1692, and the place was near the turn in the road by Mr. Russell's house, a half-mile south of North Billerica. In the earl}^ clays, there was a "cross-roads" at this point, an old road running south towards Fox Hill and the village. On the east side of this I'oad, and south of the other, now leading to the Rev. Elias Nason's place, was the home of John Dunkin, who, in 1670, received twent3'-fiVe acres of land here for the "fat ox," presented by the town to its deputy, Mt. Huraphrej' Davy, of Boston. He married Joanna, daughter of Henry Jefts, and died in December, 1690, of small-pox, leaving seven children. His widow married Mr. Benjamin Dutton, whose father Thomas lived not far south on the same road.

The other fated family lived opposite, or on the northeast angle between the two roads. Zachary Shed was the son of Daniel Shed, one of the early settlers. He married Mrs. Ann Bray, in 1677, and their home was blessed with five children at the time.

Of the circumstances of this attack we know nothing. None of the histories of the period mention it ; and Danforth's record, giving the names and adding simples "all slain by y^ Indians," is our only iauthority for the fact of this first Billerica massacre. Lancaster suffered a similar attack two weeks earlier. Whether the same or other Indians came here, and whether it wei-e in the morning, at noon, or in the night ; wliether the homes were burned or left to the smitten surAdvors, we can not tell. We only know that in each, the mother with her eldest and youngest child perished at the bloody hands of the savages ; but that is enough to stamp the dark da}' in the memor}' of Billerica, and make it fit that we glean and record all the little that we can of such sufferers. Mrs. Button was thirty-six years of age, one of the earliest natives of the town. Her daughter Mary Dunkin was sixteen, and her son Benoni, "son of her grief," was less than two, born two months after his father's death. If Mrs. Shed's age were the same as her husband's, she was also thirt3'-six ; her daughter Haunah was thirteen, and Agnes was a child of two 3'ears. None seem to have been made captives in this assault. Four families at least were living as far north, or beyond, which were for some reason spared b}' the savages. Mr. Shed's brother Daniel lived beside him. Beyond wa's Roger Toothaker, who at this ver}' time was wasting his time and substance in pursuit of the witchcraft delusions at Salem, and leaving his famil}' to charitable aid ; and farther north were John and Thomas Rogers, and probably John Levistone ; names all involved in the still more dreadful experience to come. The wives of both the Rogers brothers were sisters of the Sheds, and of these four brothers and sisters living within a mile of each other and of North Billerica, the family of Daniel Shed onl}' escaped in both attacks.

The Records, Februar}' 27, 1692-3, show us the vigilance which the town needed to maintain under these trying circumstances. " At a meeting of the milicia in Bilerika, both of horse & foot, in observance of a warrant from our honoured Major, for the renueing of watching and scouting in our Town, ordered b}' the militia presnt that the watch at Capt. Hill's & in the centure of the Town, & a corporall for the end of the Towne, be careful!}^ observed, & notice unto the other outskirts of the Town to stand upon their gard, & to require to keep such a watch in their several quarters as the}' are capable of keeping.

' ' At the same time it was agreed upon by the milicia, both gf the hors and foot, that a petition be drawn up in behalf of the Towne, to be sent by our deputie, Capt. Hill, & b}' him to be presented unto his excellency & y^ honoured Cowncell & Representatives assembled, or when assembled, for some easement of our scouting required of us, or metigations iu our public charges ; this was agreed upon

Indian And Military History

Another aspect of the life of these anxious patriots comes out in the subjoined line of the record : ' ' We expended this evening at Bro. Crosbey's two pots of Rosted cider."

Six months later we find the following order, addressed by Thomas Hinchman, Sergeant-Major, to Lieutenant John Lane, of Billerica, 23 August, 1G93 :* "By virtue of an order from the hour''' Lt. Govern'', bearing date 22 Aug., 1693, these are in his majisty's name to require you forthwith to Impress eight Troopers out of yo' troop und"" yo"" command, well appointed with arms and ammunition for his majisty's service ; four of which are to be daily Imployed as a scout about yo' town, especially towards the great swamp. The other foure you are to send to me, upon moon-day morning Nexte : you are also to send to me the names of the sold'* imprest who are to enter into sarvice on said moon-day. Wreof you. may not fail."

With watching and service like this, diversified with witchcraft excitements and trials at Salem, and with an assault on (iroton, 27 July, 1694, in which William Longlej-, the town clerk, his wife and five children, with two other children, were slain, the people of Billerica passed these trj'ing 3'ears. The second massacre fell upon them, 1695, August 5, four days more than three years after the first. The town clerk, who rarely turns aside from official record to mention incidents, gives four lines to this massacre:^ "This day received that awful stroke by the enem}' of fivetene persons slain & taken, more sad than that we met withall three ^-ears before, when we mett upon the like occasion." Mr. Farmer's narrative of this event was the result of careful inquiry- sixty ^ears ago, and is as follows '}°

"-In the northerly part of the town, on the east side of Concord Kiver, lived a number of families, who, though without gan-isons and in a time of war, seemed to be under no apprehensions of danger. Their remoteness from the scenes of Indian depredations might have contributed to their fancied securitJ^ The Indians came suddenly upon theui in the day time. Dr. Mather, the only early writer who has mentioned the event, says it was reported they were on horseback, and from that circumstance - were not suspected for Indians, till they surprised the house they came to.' They entered the house of John Rogers, son of one of the earl}' settlers, about noon, and while from the fatigues of the daj' he was enjojing repose upon his bed. they diseliarged one of their arrows, wliieh entered liis neck and pierced the jugular vein. Awakened with this sudden and unexpected attack, he started up. seized tlie arrow, which he forcibly withdrew, and expired with the instrument of death in his hand. A woman being in the chamber threw herself out of the window and. though severely wounded, effected her escape by concealing herself among some flags. A young woman was scalped and left foi- dead, but survived the painful operation and lived :for many years afterwards. A son and daughter of Mr. Rogers w'ere taken prisoners. The family of John Levistone suffered most severely. His mother-in-law and five jn)ung children were killed and his eldest daughter captured. Thomas Rogers and his oldest son were killed. Mary, the wife of Dr. Roger Toothaker. was killed, and Margaret, his youngest daughter, taken prisoner. Fifteen persons wei'e killed or taken at this surprisal. The records of the town give the names of fourteen who were killed and taken into captivity. Ten were killed, of whom five were adults. Though the Indians were immediately pursued by the inhabitants of the center of the town, yet so eftVctually had they takeu precautions in their fiight. that all ettbrts to find them were unavailing. It is said they had even tied up the mouths of their dogs with A\ampum. from an apprehension that their barking would discover the direction they had taken. The shock given to the inhabitant's by this melancholy event was long had in painful remembrance." And, in his BiUcrica. Mr. Farmer adds: "Through the lapse of years, it is difficult to give a very circumstantial account of it, and the few particulars I have collected ought, perhaps, to receive some deductions from the brevity of human memory."

The name of one sufferer on that day has escaped record. The other fourteen belonged to the four families already named. The family which was smitten most heavily was that of John Levistone. The site of his house has not been identified, but it was doubtless near that of John Rogers, probably southeast^ He was a Scotchman, and first appears in the employ of Carrier. He had married, in IG81, Margaret, the daughter of Thomas Ross, another Scotchman, who lived on the west side of Loes Plain, near Miss Allen's, and whose wife was Seeth Holman, of Cambridge. She had now been a widow about four months, and was cither visiting or living with her daughter, Mrs. Levistone, when death came so terribly at tlie hand of tlie savages. The parents escaped and their eldest son John ; but the daughter Sarah, aged eleven, was made captive, and the five younger children were all slain. Their names were Seth, Thomas, Mary, Margai-et, and Alexander. A more desolating sorrow could hardly fall upon a happy home in an hour.

England may be dug from the cellar. He was nearly fift3^-four yeai's old and had lost his wife, Mary Shed, seven years before. Of his six children, four escaped ; but Daniel, aged twelve, and Mercy were made captives.

Thomas Rogers, a younger brother, lived near. The spot has not been identified, but it was probabl}^ ver^' near where the village hall and school-house now stand. His first wife had been Hannah Shed, and after her death he married Mary Brown, a step-daughter of his father. He perished with his eldest sou Thomas, while his wife with two children escaped. It is a reasonable conjecture that the father and son were surprised awa}' from their home.

There was one other victim of that bloody day, whose case was if possible more tragic. She was the wife of Dr. Roger Toothaker, and her home stood at the point where, in later yeai's, the Middlesex Canal left the Concord River. Tradition sajs it is still standing, as the ell of the old brick Rogers' house. Her personality and trials deserve special notice. Her name was Mary Alleu, and she was sister of that Martha Allen who married Thomas Carrier and was a victim of the witchcraft delusion at Salem three years before. Not only was Mrs. Toothaker's sister thus fatally involved, but her husband, with more freedom and foil}', neglecting the claims of his family and disregarding the a^Dpeals of the selectmen to return to his duty, left wife and children to the charity of his neighbors. Two of the children were apprenticed b}- the selectmen to Joseph Walker and Edward Farmer. Trials like these were mingled in the bitter cup of Mrs. Toothaker, with the Indian alarms and the massacre of her neighbors. At last the warwhoop of the savages sounded her death-knell, at the same time that her j'oungest daughter Margaret was borne into captivity-. If the remembrance and sympathy of later generations could aflTord any compensation for the sorrows of such a life, we might search far to find a person better entitled to them than Mary Allen Toothaker.

The agitation and alarm which ran through the town, as the tidings of this bloody work spread, we can form slight conception of. The day was Monday, not, as some traditions affirm, the Sabbath. The "garrisons" would be soon filled with excited women and children ; the men would prepare for defence and attack, for pursuit of the retreating foe was the first impulse ; every nook, every tree and bush would be watched for a concealed foe ; and for many days the dread of another and deadlv blow must have shaken their hearts.

Three weeks passed and the alarm continued. Colonel L3-nde, of Charlestown, was commissioned to pursue the foe, and his report discovers to us glimpses of what Billeriea was passing through.

'-Aug. 23. 1695.^^ Receiving commission from the Honorable William Stoughton. Lieutenant-Goveinor, Comniander-in-Cliief over all the province of ^Massachusetts, with instructions for his Majesty's service in the county of Middlesex : persuant whereunto I went that night to Billeriea, where I found about tliree liundred men in arms from Woburn. Reading, Maiden, Medford. Cliarlestov\n. Cambridge, AV'atertown. under conduct of ]\rajor William Johnson. Major Jei-emiah Swaine. Major Wade, Capt. William Greene, Capt. John Greene, Lt. Remington, Lt. Homan, Capt. Gerfield," Sergeant Bond, and Mr. Sherman.

"That night we maivhed to the river of Merrimack, guaixled the fords, there being three between Andovei- and Chelmsford, with about foity men at each foi-d, and with about one hundred men encam])ed that night at Prospect Hill, that lies between Chelmsford and the river, on the northern side of the great swamp ; leaving the remaining forces to guard the town. As soon as it was light, on the 24th of August instant, we sent men to thi^ top of the said hill, where we had a view of the said swamp and the country far about, but could discover no fire anywhere. Thence we proceeded to range the woods between Andovei' and Chelmsford, but finding no sign of our enemies, we rendezvous at a place called Sandy Pond, about eight miles from Billeriea eastward; from whence about eleven of the clock that day we went to the great swamp, dismounted half our men. the other half talcing their horses. We caused the men on foot to pass through the swamp in a rank, each man at a distance as much as was convenient ; appointed to i-endezvous again at Prospect Hill ; Major Johnson, with about forty men, compassing the swamp on the west side, and mj-self with the rest of the soldiers on the east side. Our men on foot, with nuich difficulty having got through the swamp, gave us account that they saw a new track and smelt Indians in one place, but did not judge by their track there were above two ; having again rendezvous about four o'clock, afternoon, near Prospect Hill, having before noon ranged the woods belonging partly to Andover to the eastward of Prospect Hill, we proceeded to range the woods towards Chelmsford; rendezvousing again near the time of sun setting at the chief fording place on the Merrimack below Hunt's gan-ison, where 1 advised with all our officers. Having no prospect of doing service against the enemy, considering the evil that had accrued by drawing oft all forces at once, 1 left a guard of ten men to guard that ford, under the

12 This "Capt. Gerlield" was Benjamin Garfield, of Watertown, and his name has already appeared (p. 81) as a member of the committee appointed by the General Court to run the important lines and decide the contest between Uillerica, Concord, and Chelmsford. He was the sou and grandson of successive Edwards, of Watertown, and was the aucestor of James A. (iartield, our lamented President, whose recent death has filled the world with sorrow. The line of descent is Edward, i Edward,- Benjamin, ^ Thomas,'' Thomas,'"' Solomon," Thomas,' Abraham,* who married Eliza Ballou, and settled in Ohio.

direction of Hunt and Foster, of Billerica. until the 29th day of August instant, at night, and then to be dismissed witliout further order. Marching then up to Billeriea town in diverse parties, we rendezvous at the Ordinary, wliere paying off the army with thankful acknowledgments for their ready and willing service, at their request I dismissed them according to their desire, to make the best of their way home, whicli without doubt they attended: though with difficulty by reason of the darkness of the night.

"P. S. We have left about five hundred of bread in the hands of Capt. Datiforth, who was ilot so prudent in the disposal of some of wliat was silent as. in my way home I was informed, he should have been. I directed him at my coming away to preserve wliat was left until furtlier order. Yours, as above. J. L.

"Aprill 6, 1696. Training day evening. At a meeting of the commision officers, both of horse and foot, by vertue of a warrant from our Major, we new erected our watches and ordered the repairing of garisons, and appointed the masters of them and the number of souldiers belonging to them, and otlier persons & families.

"At the same meeting the comitiou officers with the selectmen ordered that the remainder of the old pouder be dispersed among the severall gai-isons acording unto the number of souldiers appointed unto them, to be eaqually distributed, and the master of the garison or the masters of the severall garisons unto whom the pouder is distributed to becom responcible for it. and to secure it and return it, or tlie valine of it in money, except there be occation for to make use thereof in tlieir own defence.

--The same day the selectmen compounded with our drummers, John Shead & Samuel Frost, To pay forthwith unto John Shead twenty shillings, to clere with him while that day ; & to pay to Samuel Frost ten shillings, & to clere with him while that day ; but it hath not been attended."

Account was taken in July of the ammunition stock in the hands of Capt. Danforth. It consisted of a barrel of powder, 110 pounds, part of an old barrel, 68 pounds, lead, 120 pounds, flints, 130, bullets, 38, and match "sufficient."

These savage and desolating assaults on Billerica are incidents of what is known as "King William's War," dascribad by Mather, in his De(:('n)iiinii Lnctiio,siu)i, and extending from 1688 to 1698. There is no evidence that either of these attacks were preceded by any warnings, or that any other towns suffered at the same time.

The dusky foe chose to fall upon some unsuspecting settlement and beat a hastv retreat before neighbors could rally to the i-eseue. This method of warfare must have been peculiarly trjiug, and demanded ceaseless vigilance. Of the situation and anxiet}' of the time, we have a picture in a letter of Christopher Osgood, of Andover, which must apply nearly as well to Billerica. It is dated, 1696, Aug. 14,^' and describes the danger, a number of men having been impressed from the town for the eastward expedition, the river being low and fordable, and the enem}' coming between Exeter aud Haverhill. "The people of our Town ai'e under such discouragements to stand their ground, that they are in y'' amazement of their spirits about contriving to break up and Remove, and every one to shift for their lives, though it be to y*" loss of their estates ; and some garrisons already are upon removing, and extremity of fear and dangers will not suffer men to know their duty"; for which and other reasons, he "makes our speedy application to y"" honor for present relief." Another letter relates, "that William Peeters, belonging to Samuel Blanchard's garrison, went to his house with one Hojt to fetch his horse, and not returning search was made and* both men were found killed and scalped. The house was about half a mile from the garrison, on the Bildrekey road, in an open plaj-n plase."

During all these years of danger, the inhabitants must have grown unpleasantly familiar with the trouble and annoj'auce, as well as the peril, of garrison life. Houses not ample for a single family must be made to serve often a half-dozen families for shelter and defence ; and the comforts of life could have had small consideration. No list of the "garrisons" is given after 1675, but that changes and additions were made after so long a time is certain. The tradition is probable, that the Manning house, still standing on the Chelmsford Road, was in use as a garrison ; and it is certain that Samuel Hunt's house at Wamesit was so, and from its exposed situation it was probabl}' the most important. It stood a half-mile south of the Merrimack, at "Hunt's Falls," on what is now the farm of John Clark, somewhat south of a line connecting Mr. Clark's house and that of General Butler, and about equally distant from them. It was just east of the limits of Lowell. Here scouting parties must often have made a rendezvous, as they passed and repassed from Chelmsford to Andover, Prospect Hill, and the Great

In the history of these Indian Wars, the name of .John Lane conies into view as the leading militar}' man in the town. He appears in rapid succession as lieutenant, captain, and colonel, and is often mentioned. He is in command of a troop in 1693, and, in 1696-7, Februar}' 12, received this order from Maj. Jonathan T^mg, of Dunstable:" "Having advice from the Lt. -Governor, that at the spring near approaching, it may be expected that the enem^^ will make fresh attacks, both by sea and land, I do therefore order that you make inquiry into the state of y^ troopers under your command, and see that every one of them be mounted on a good, serviceable horse for war, and furnished with a good, well-fitted carbine, besides pistolls, and to see that the whole troop be in Readiness to pass upon duty ; and in case of alarum upon * Discovering the approach of the enemy by sea, you are hereby ordei-ed with the several Troopers under your command, forthwith to repair to the port or place wuthin your county where the Alarum is first given, there to receive and attend to further orders," etc. But no call came to such service, and the nearest approach of the Indians during the years 1696 and 1697 was at Dunstable, Haverhill, and Lancaster.

Captain Tyng, of Dunstable, writes, 1696, September 1,'* of one person killed and one taken captive -'yesterday, both belonging to my garrison." He sent a negro and a Spanish Indian to do some haying across the river, and a soldier, a Plymouth Indian, to guard them. As they did not return and the dogs barked and howled, he became alarmed and sent word to Dunstable and to Captain Bowers, of Chelmsford, who speedily mustered twenty men, crossed the river, found the men dead and the Spanish Indian asleep.

In 1697, Mai'ch 15, came the attack on Haverhill, immortalized by the heroism of Hannah Dustin, who was taken captive and borne as far as the Contoocook. There, on an island in the Merrimack, aided by her nurse and a lad who were taken with her, she joined consummate womanly tact and masculine heroism, killed and scalped ten of her captors, and reached her home safely with her trophies not man}' days after.

to bring the glad news to America, and, eleven days later, the treacherous Indians fell once more upon the settlements at Lancaster, burned two garrison-houses, and killed twenty-one, wounded two, and took six captives. This massacre brought special sorrow to Billerica, for one of the victims was the Rev. John Whiting, the 3'oung pastor of the church, and .son of our Billerica pastor. It is said that he was oftered quarter, but chose rather to "fight to the last than resign himself to those whose tender mercies are cruel."

The welcome peace was little more than an armistice, and, in 1703, another ten years' war broke out, known as "'Queen Anne's War." A practical sign of its coming took the form of an order from Major Tyng to Capt. John Lane, 1702, April 22, requiring him "forthwith to take effectual care that there be strict execution of the act for regulating of y^ Malitia," and especially to inspect the force and see that it was duly provided with arms and ammunition. This order was not neglected. In the T>\a.ry of Judge Sewall, we have a glimpse of the fruit which it bore,'" and also of Billerica's aged pastor. Monday, 1702, October 26, he writes: "Waited on Gou"" to Wooburn ; dined there. From thence to Billericay. Visited languishing Mr. Sam' Whiting. I gave him 2 Balls of Chockalett and a pound of Figgs, which very kindly accepted. Saw the Company in Arms, led by Capt. Tomsou. Went to Chelmsford."

"Cambridge. 5 Nov., 1702. '"Sir: I desire you with two of your troops to repayr to the towns of Marlboro". Lancaster, Groten, Chehnsford, and Dunstable, and there deliver severally the letters given you. and encourage the officers in their duty, agreeable to the several Directions. You are also to labor, by all means, to speak Avith Wotanunmion and the Penacooke men, and to assure them of friendship with the Gouernor and all the English; but that we are fearful the french Indians will be amongst them soon and do mischief to the English, and that therefore we must have our scouts out. and if they will come and reside in any propper place near the English, they shall be welcome; if their hunting will not allow that, they must keep a good Distance from the English towns, and send one man only to Colonel Tyng, when they would speak with me, and they shall be welcome at all times, and 1 will never depart from my friendship to them if they will continue friends. Let the officers in the several towns use all prudence not to make the first breach, and let me hear from them on every ocation."

Of training and guard duty, we may be sure that the Billeriea farmers had enough ; and the kind of service often called for is suggested by another order from Colonel Tyng to Captain Lane,

1703, September 3:'" "These are to order 30U forthwith to give out your warrant to 3'our soldiers in Chelmsford, to watch, Two in a night and the daj- following, at the wading place at Wamesit ; and to continue in that service till they have gone Round. The soldiers are to keep at the said wading place till they are relieved, as the custom hath been, by Capt. Bowers' men." In 1704, more serious work awaited these soldiers. Early in that 3'ear, or in February, 1703-4, a party assailed Northampton, surprised the guard, and made captives of Rev. John Williams, the pastor, his wife, and manv others. Mrs. Williams, with two of her children and more than twenty other captives, were put to death. Mr. Williams was afterwards redeemed, and published The Redeemed Captive.

In July following, a force of seven hundred French and Indians again invaded Massachusetts, and finding Northampton well guarded, turned eastwai'd and fell upon Lancaster, Jul}" 31. The Boston News-Letter tells the story briefly : ' ' On Monda}^ morning past, the enemy, French and Indians, fell upon Lancaster, about four hundred of them, assaulted six garrisons at once, where the people defended themselves verj' well until assistance came in from all parts by the governor's order, so that in the evening there were three hundred men in the town. And the enemy was beaten off with loss, but are 3'et hovering on the head of those towns, to make some farther impression if not prevented." The meeting-house was burned, with several dwellings and barns, and Lieutenant Wilder was killed and three soldiers ; but the rail}- was so prompt and the defence so vigorous, that the loss of life was smaller than in the previous assault. Among others, twelve Billeriea soldiers went to the rescue, and fortunately Captain Lane has preserved their names for us. They were " Samull Hill, Corporal, John Needham, Clark, Raph Hill, Centinell, John Farmer, Samull Hunt, Andrue Richardson, Thomas Ross, Nathanell Bacon, Samull Hill, Junr., William Grimbs, John Hunt, Steven Richardson," with four men from Chelmsford and three from Groton. "These nineteen were sent out * August y'' forth,

In November, Colonel Tyng received from the (General Court £24 for building four blockhouses, one in Dunstable, two in Chelmsford, and one in Billerica. A blockhouse is referred to in the Records,'^ "nere Andouer line," and may be the same.

It was probably in the same year, 1704, that Robert Parris was murdered, with his wife and daughter, at Dunstable ; and Joseph Hassell, Samuel Butterfield, and Samuel Whiting, Jr., taken captive. Thus a second time did the bittei'uess of these trying times enter the home of the aged pastor of Billerica. This son afterwards returned, but the injuries and sufferings borne probably shortened his life.

To this period belongs an incident reported b}' tradition. It is good enough to be true, and comes with sufficient directness to strengthen its probability. We have it from Mr. Leander Hosmer, who is a grandson of the heroine, Mary Lane, daughter of Colonel John Lane. During a period of alarm, the familj- was left with only one man on guard. A certain stump excited the suspicion of Mar}-, as she looked out of the window, and she called upon the man to shoot it. He declined, and laughed at her apprehensions. At last she told him that if he would not shoot, she would take the gun and do it herself. This she did, and the stump rolled over, a dead Indian.

The 3'ear 1705 passed without special incident, but, in 170G, a second attack at Dunstable alarmed Billerica and called out her militia in defence. A scouting party under command of Captain Pearson, of Rowley, was surprised at Weld's garrison, the Indians being equally- surprised, and a blood}- encounter followed in which a number were slain. Another party fell upon Blanchard's garrison, and killed Mr. Blanchard, his wife, a daughter, and Mrs. Hannah Blanchard. Seven days later, July 10, there was another encounter between the troopers and Indians, in which Joseph Kidder and Jeremiah Nelson, of Rowley, were killed, and John Pickard, of Rowle}', was mortally wounded, dying in Billerica, August 5th. Billerica was prompt in sending relief, and the Papers of Captain Lane give us : -

-' A List of the Xaiues of the Troopers which sei'ved under my command to the reliefe of Dunstable. July the fourth, seventeen hundred and six, being- twenty-nine men, two days, with the sustenance.

Indian And Military Histoey

"Those which served under me in my march to Groton and Dunstable and Dracut, from the 11'^ August to the 13*, by Command from his Exelency, are as followeth ; and served 3 days and found their own sustenance.

Two other rolls are found which must be of a date near this time, but the nature of the service is not mentioned, except that one roll is headed: "The Names of the men that went the rouns with INIager Lane." Most of the above names reappear, and these in addition :

These names of men who were ready to meet the hardships and dangers of this Indian warfare, in defence of their imperilled homes, are as worthy of honored remembrance from a grateful posterity as those which we carefully record and tenderl3'' cherish, in the later wars of the Revolution and the Rebellion. .

In the unsuccessful expedition of 1707 against Port Royal and that which had a better issue, in 1710, we may assume that some of the sons of Billerica had a part, as well as in the disastrous invasion of Canada by way of the 8t. Lawrence, in 1712. But the only record found of this period is another roll among the Lane Pitper.s, giving the names of twenty-six men all found above. The service is thus explained : -

"BiLiHACY. September 18, 1708. "Reseved of Capt. John Lane the sum of eight pounds, three shillings and sixpence; 1 say. reseved by me foi' the solgers that bilar3' [sent?] unto Chelmsford and Groton.

Another ten years' peace came, in 1713, with the treaty of Utrecht, and was most welcome to the wear}' colonists. But the time had not arrived when they could safely remit their vigilance. In 1723 came another outbreak. It was more brief than the earlier wars, ending in two 3'ears ; but it is stamped more deeply in the memory and imagination of later times, by the heroism and tragic incidents of the Love well expedition.

--September 4th. they fell on Dunstable, and took twO in the evening; next morning. Lieut. French with fourteen men went in quest of them ; but being wav-l:iid. both he and one half of his company were destroyed. After that, as many more of a fresh company engaged them, but the enemy being much superior in number overpowered thera, with the loss of one man and four wounded.''

A muster-roll is preserved,^" dated 1722, July to November, which gives these Billerica names, under command of Sergeant Jonathan Butterfield, of Dunstable : John Farmer, William French, P^benezer Frost, John Patten, Joseph and Thomas Pollard, William 8tickney, and John Whiting. They were probably employed in scouting and guard duty. When the outbreak came, one soldier from Billerica, and no doubt others with him, were emplo3'ed in more distant service. Tliomas Westbrook writes from York, 1724, April 21, that "Lt. John Lane has been so imprudent as to suffer his men to kill sundry Creatures belonging to the people of the Count}' of York." On summons, "he did not deny the fact, and made satisfaction to the people."

A few months later, the government offered a bount}' for the scalps of Indians, as a measure of defence. Capt. John Lovewell, of Dunstable, at once raised a company of thirty men and set out on an expedition into the wilderness ; struck the Indian trail about forty-four miles above Winnipesaukee, and soon returned w^ith one scalp and a captive boy, for which they received, January 7, £200.

Again he set out, January 30, with a larger company- of eightyeight men, came up with the Indians by the pond which has since borne Lovewell's name, in Wakefield, New Hampshire, killed the whole party of ten, and returned to receive a bount3' of £1,000.

The third and more memorable expedition set out with fortyseven men, 172.0, April lo. Its story has been often told and can not be repeated here. The swift march into the wilderness, the discovery of the Indians by Lovewell's Pond, the fierce encounter, in which the leader, with Chaplain Frye nnd nearly a third of his com|)any, lost their lives, at a cost to the savages of their chief, Paugus, and so many of his men, that the tribe never rallied from the blow : sermons and songs, chapters and volumes, have been devoted to the recital.

Beyond the general interest of the Colony in this brave and in fact successful, though costly and sad, enterprise, Billerica had special connections with it. Jonathan Kittridge, who fell with Lovewell, was from this town, as was Solomon Keyes, one of the survivors. Chaplain Jonathan Frj^e, of Andover, who died of his wounds, and is commemorated in the name of the town of Fryeburg, Maine, was a teacher in Billerica, in 1724. And Lieutenant Seth Wyman, who succeeded to the command when Lovewell was killed, and with a« much skill as courage continued the contest and brought off the survivors, had a Billerica wife, Sarah Ross, and was of that Wyman family which lived just east of the Woburn line and was often intimately connected with l^illerica history.

again, and a declaration of war between England and France, in 1744, stirred New England with the summons to arms. During the peace, the French had fortified and garrisoned Louisburg. It was a very strong fort, and in hostile hands was a constant and serious menace to the English colonies. Governor Shirley at once instituted a correspondence with the Government and the other colonies, which resulted in an expedition under Sir William Pepperell, who sailed from Boston, 1745, March 24. His entire force consisted of four thousand troops I'rom the various colonies ; and he was aided by four war vessels, mounting one hundred and eighty guns. The siege was prosecuted with singular courage and skill, and resulted in the surrender of the stronghold on the sixteenth of June. The whole enterprise was well conceived and bravely executed, and reflected the greatest credit upon the New England j'comanry, whose character it illustrated. "The plan for the reduction of a regularly constructed fortress," it has been well said, "was drawn b}' a lawyer, to be executed by a merchant, at the head of a body of husbandmen and mechanics."

Billeriea was well represented in this expedition. Only scattered and imperfect rolls of this heroic service are preserved f^ but gleaning from these and ignoring, as we are entitled to do, the lines then recently drawn of Tewksbury and Bedford, we may record these names, most of which certainl}' and all probably belong to the old town : Captains Josiah Crosb}', Peter Hunt, and John Stearns, Lieutenant John Lane, Ensign Samuel Hunt, Corporal Solomon CrosV)y, and Privates Nathaniel Cumings, Samuel Farmer, Samuel Galusha, John Hill, Francis Kidder, Thomas Richardson, Jr., and David Tarbell ; and perhaps William Thompson, as the difljereuce in spelling does not weigh against the identity of this soldier with our William Tompson, so prominent a citizen during the Revolution. Doubtless other names should be added to this roll of honor.

Emboldened bj' this splendid achievement. Governor Shirley pushed forward plans for an invasion the next year of Canada. France, on the other hand, alarmed by the fall of Louisburg for the safety of her American possessions, sent a powerful fleet under the command of Duke D'Anville. The design was supposed to be the rectovery of Louisburg, the desolation of the New England towns, and perhaps the conquest of the Colonies. The alarm was great and not unreasonable, and the troops found service nearer home than Canada, repairing forts and awaiting the dreaded attack. Praj'ers went up from the churches for the discomfiture of the enem}'. And when the glad news came that storms and dissensions had utterly disabled the mighty armament of France, the relief was widely recognized as the interposition of God in answer to pra^'er, and jo3'ful thanksgivings were offered to him.

In the defensive military operations on the Connecticut River of this period, soldiers from Billeriea had a share, and in one disaster were the principal sufferers. Fort Dummer, in Brattleborough, was the earliest post establ'ished above Northfleld, in 1724, and twenty 3-ears later a fort was built at ''No. 4," which was the origin of Charlestown. Around these posts very vigilant and useful scouting and some bra\e fighting were done, under the command of Capt. Josiah Willard and Capt. Phineas Stevens. In the muster-roll of a company which served under Captain Willard from February 10 to October 6, 1748, at Ashuelot, now Hinsdale, New Hampshire, the following Billeriea names are found : Josiah Crosby, Jonathan French, John Frost, Samuel Hill, Benjamin Osgood, and Joseph Kichardson, and probably Daniel Farmer. Whether William Hill and Reuben Walker were unrecorded sons of the town is not certain.

On June 16, a squad of fourteen men set out from Ashuelot for Fort Diunmer by way of Colonel Hinsdale's fort.^- The party was waylaid opposite the mouth of Broad Brook by a large company of Indians. The surprise was complete and disastrous. Three men were killed and scalped, and, by a singular fatality, they were all from Billeriea, - Jonathan French, John Frost, and Joseph Richardson. Seven were taken prisoners, of whom one was killed at the first encampment, William Bickford, and his body buried a month later. Four escaped across the river, one of whom, Daniel Farmer, was severely wounded. In response to the great gun from Fort Dummer, a relief party went up the next day from Northfield. They found and buried our Billeriea dead, scoured the country and found ''great signs of the enemy," showing that a large Indian force had been in ambush around the forts for several days.

of Chelmsford, November 12, and Joel Johnson, of Woburn, earl}' in October. They all suffered great hardships, were imprisoned till August 29, and Osgood with most of the others had to run the gauntlet. All were feeble and emaciated on their return, and Osgood died soon after from the effect of his sufferings.

Josiah Crosb}' was one of the four who escaped ; and of his experience we have an interesting account in a letter from John Farmer to Hon. Nathan Crosby. ^^ It differs somewhat from Mr. Temple's narrative outlined above, and on these points is less likely to be accurate.

''In 1748, he was a soldier on Connecticut river. He, with fifteen more, commanded by a lieutenant, was ordered from Fort Dummer to Fort Hinsdale, about four miles, and when they were within one mile of Fort Hinsdale the}' fell into an ambush of one hundred and twenty Indians and French, who rose and fired. The commanding officer ordered each man to take care of himself. Two men escaped by secreting themselves ; one reached Fort Hinsdale. Crosby ran up the river towards Fort Dummer followed by an Indian, who, coming up within a few rods of him, discharged his piece at him. The ball passed near his right ear; he then turned and fired at the Indian, who fell, and he saw no more of him. He ' pursued his wa}' up the river until he came opposite Fort Dummer, where he attempted to swim the river, but before he could reach the opposite shore his strength failed him, and he sank to the bottom and was taken out by men from the fort." So narrowly escaped the onl}' one of the five sons of Billerica known to have been in that fatal encounter. Few daj's have brought as deep and sudden sorrow to so many families in our old town ; none, perhaps, except those of the Indian massacres in 1G92 and 1G95.

All these tedious conflicts and trials of the colonists were incidents of the contest between England and France for supremacy in America. The prize was a brilliant^ one, and for more than fifty years it had been carried on steadil}- on the fields alternately of diplomacy and war. It reached at last a decision through a contest more general and severe than any which had been before undertaken, extending over seven 3'ears, from 1754 to 1761, and involving large armies, extensive expeditions, and incidents discreditable, disheartening, and glorious. The history of this final French and Indian

Indian And Military History. X45

War has never been adequatel}^ told, and justice has not been done to many of its actors and incidents. The later war of the Revolution has thrown this in a measure into the background, and Americans toda}' scarcelj^ realize its proportions or significance. Certainl}-, if France had retained power in the North and West, there would have been no room for the later developments of the Anglo-Saxon in America, and the Revolution with all its fruits would have been precluded. And the cost to the colonists is clearly and impressively brought to view in the list of Billerica's soldiers engaged in it.

The overture of this contest in 1754 finds Washington marching to a disaster in the west', and proposals for a union of the Colonies, which, if not at once successful, were prophetic. In 1755 Braddock appears on the scene, dying bravely but not nobly, while the young Virginia surveyor wins distinction from disaster. To the eastward an expedition of six thousand men takes the forts of Acadia, a success which led to the removal of the French neutral inhabitants, who refused to take the oath of allegiance, from thenhomes, and their dispersion among the colonists. This war measure, certainl}- harsh, perhaps necessar}', has supplied our great American poet with the material for an epic, by which the memory of it will be perpetuated wherever the language is spoken. In the north the issue of the campaign was less decisive. An army of six thousand troops marched from Albau}' for Crown Point. Fort Edward was .built, and a detachment under Colonel Williams was defeated, with the death of its leader, whose name is perpetuated in the college, the foundation of which he wisely laid. This disaster was compensated by the repulse soon after of a large French army and the death of its commander, the brave Dieskau. Still the enemy held and fortified Ticonderoga ; and an expedition from Oswego against Niagara was belated and abandoned.

In 175G Montcalm led the French against Oswego and held Ticonderoga and Crown Point successfully, the wishes and plans of the Colonies for their capture being frustrated b}* the incapacity and irresolution of the English leaders. Still darker seemed the English cause in 1757, when the army for the second reduction of Louisburg returned unsuccessful from Halifax, and Fort William Henr}- was sacrificed by a cowardly surrender to Montcalm. This surrender produced great excitement and alarm in New England, as it opened the wa}" for an invasion. Companies were immediately organized and marched to the rescue, thirty men enlisting from

Billerica. But it soon became clear that Montcalm did not intend to push southward, and after a march of forty or fifty miles the troops generally returned to their homes.

A change came in 1758, when the hand of the great Earl of Chatham was laid upon the helm in England. Louisburg capitulated to General Amherst, with an army of fourteen thousand, and Forts Frontenac and Du Quesne were taken. Abercrombie, with an arm}' of sixteen thousand, was repulsed in his expedition to Crown Point, and the death of the accomplished General Howe added to the disaster. Still the result of the campaign inspired new hope and prepared the way for the final and decisive struggle of 1759. To this end the war was carried into Africa, i. e. Canada. One column w'as to descend the St. Lawrence, another under Amherst was to go down the Champlain, while General Wolfe ascended the great river, the fortress of Quebec being the central point. The campaign proceeded with energ}' and decisive success. Pl'ideaux assailed Fort Niagara, and although he fell. Colonel Johnson, his . successor, soon received its capitulation and held control of the upper St. Lawrence. General Amherst led a force of eleven thousand men towards Lake Champlain, and the French abandoned Ticonderoga and Crown Point without a contest. But he failed to advance with energy and lost the opportunity to share and aid the attack on Quebec. To this, Wolfe came direct from England, with an army of eight thousand men and nearly fifty vessels. He arrived June 26, and pushed the siege with skill and courage until September 13, when he succeeded in gaining tlie Heights of Abraham, above the cit}', and compelled the bewildered Montcalm to give battle. He fell victorious, his brave antagonist being also raortall}' wounded, and the sceptre of France passed away, Amherst receiving tlie. capitulation of Montreal soon after. America w^as to be English and not French, and the issue of that day was decisive.

In all these years of arduous service the hardy yeomanrj' of New^ England bore their full share. Not for the first time, nor the last, the}' gave proof how successfidly they could turn from farm and shop to campaign and battle. In the office of the Secretary of State are ten huge volumes, filled with the mss. rolls and records of the military service of this period. They are replete with the materials for histoiy, and any careful student of them must l)e surprised at the extent and variety of the ser\dce of these yeomen.

BilleriCca did her part. I give below the names of her soldiers, as far as I have been able to glean them from these militar}' rolls. The list is necessarily imjoerfect. Of course I have been able to examine but a small part of the whole number, being guided by a general index in selecting such rolls, as by locality or names of known officers were likely to include names of Billerica men. Some of the rolls give the town from which the soldier came, but many do not, and the explorer is left in such cases to cull, if he can, by similarity of names or other circumstances, the men who should be credited to an}' town. In this process some names will be improperh' included, but others will be omitted. In this list the names which are unusual and do not appear, for instance, in the family' part of this volume, are given on the specific authorit}^ of the rolls. Their number is sufficient to prove that where this authority is wanting, some will of course be missed. I do not doubt that future and more careful inquiry will add names to this record.

For the convenience of students I arrange these names alphabetically, and indicate by an appended letter and explanation in most, but not all, cases, the general date and direction of the service. For the same reason I include the names recorded in the earlier war of 1745-8. The whole period of eighteen years includes thirteen of active hostilit}'. Billerica could hardly have contained at the time more than one thousand inhabitants. It is certaiulj^ creditable to the coui'age and patriotism of her citizens that during this period she furnished more than two hundred men in arms to the service of the State.

(c.) "Relief of Ft. William Henry," 1758. The capture of this fort by Montcalm aAvakened great alarm of an immediate invasion, and companies were hastily organized all over the State for defence. The Billerica men are found enrolled in two companies. One, commanded by David Green, had Josiah Fassett as ensign, and Joseph "Walker sergeant ; included seventeen men from this town ; and marched "unto y'' town of Marlborough, being about 25 miles." The other, with Capt. Thomas Flint, had Lieut. William Manning and Sergt. Abraham Stickney ; included fourteen from Billerica, and went as far as Shrewsburj^, " about 34 miles." On information there received they returned home and were disbanded.

(d.) Service towards Crown Point and Lake Champlain, 1758-9. Here Lieut. Simon Godfre}*, from Billerica, was killed in a skirmish near Fort William Henr}', 1758, July 20, a few daj's after the death of Lord Howe. Some of these men may have gone down Lake Champlain with General Amherst and been present when Montreal surrendered.

Of the men whose service is not designated, a large number went, in 1762, on an expedition be3'ond "Albany river," or the Hudson, the object I am not able to give.^*

2* The following references to The Massachusetts Archives give the volumes and the numbers of the rolls from which the above list has been gathered. I do not doubt that more extensive and careful examination than I have been able to make will discover additions and corrections for this interesting record.

entailed upon Massachusetts a heavy burden, in the cave of these homeless strangers. They were distributed to the various towns, and a large fjimily came to Billerica. Their presence appears in the treasurer's accounts for 1755. He is charged with bills exceding £11), the largest of which was for sundries, to the merchant Nathaniel Davidson. Otlier citizens are paid for board, pork, rye, meal, meat, beans, and medical care. In 1758, Mr. Davidson agreed to provide for the family one year for £30, and the selectmen presented a bill to the State, ^ "for providing for John Kiiig, his wife, and seven small children, and Ann King and her child," for the year preceding. The items amounted to £25, 3s., lO^d., including 10s., id. for seven months' rent. In 1759, the constable is ordered to receive from the State treasurer £30, 13s., 2d. for the same purpose. In November, 1759, a petition^" from the selectmen recites some of the facts and prays for relief. The family had been sent to Billerica in Januar}", 1755. King had then six children, and Ann his kinswoman had a child born soon after. She afterwards married John Mitchel, who had been quartered at Londonderry, but seems to have joined the family here, where a child was born. King's eldest daughter was also married and had a child, and there were fourteen in the family. King was an old man with a young wife, and all were in a pitiable state of dependence. The selectmen add that the wretched house they had occupied could not be rented longer, and, at that season, the}' could not build a new one suitable for so large a family. Other towns had been burdened less, and they therefore pray for the removal of the family or for other relief.

The Court granted their prayer, and directed the removal of the family at Billerica's expense to Dunstable, which was to receive and make suitable provision for them.

Chapter Ix Religious History

The New England town was not a finished structure until it had a church and a pastor. Charters and grants embodied this condition, and were forfeit if it were not fulfilled in a reasonable period. The Puritans thought "the blessed ordinances of God's word" indispensable to any community, and did not desire to be associated with or responsible for the existence of any town where these wervi not enjoyed.

In the petition of 1654-5 for the tract of land west of Concord River, mention is made of "Eevn'^. Mr. Miller and those that come along with him, who were so ingaged to us, your petitioners, that we are dayly in expectation of their coming." This was the Rev. John Miller, who had been ordained in England, had preached some time in Rowley as assistant of Rev. Ezekiel Rogers, the pastor, and then been for some years pastor of the church in Yarmouth. The negotiation to enlist him in the settlement of Billerica failed, and he remained at Yarmouth until 1662. He then went to Groton with the first settlers of that town, received a grant of a twenty- acre lot, and would have been installed the first pastor in Groton, but his sudden death, 1663, June 12, prevented.

The first pastor of Billerica was to be a young man, who might here put on the harness, and identif}- his name and influence with the histor}' of the town. Providence held in reserve the man for the place and the place for the man.

Religious History

--1. Wee do agree to give Mr. Samuel Whiting, Junr.. (our minister,) that house which is now vpon 7"= towneship, comfortably finished, for him, and his heirs, if he continues amongst us during his life. But if he shall remove from amongst us, then the said house with all the acomodations of the same shall returne againe to the towne. to be at their dispose ; or, if Mr. Whiting shall dye with vs. then the towne shall have the refuseing of the said house and all other acomodations aforesaid belonging to the same, if Mrs. Whiting do sell y^ same.

We do promise to give to him y" sume of fourty pounds per year.^ for his maintenance, for the first two years of his setling with vs, and for the third year fifty pounds, and for the fourth year sixty pounds, and for afterwards we do promise and ingage to better his maintenance as tlie Lord shall better our estates.

--3. We do Joyntly pmise to cary at o' owne charge, from year to year, so much of the pay (as doth amounte to twenty pounds) as shall be brought in to him in wheat or in otlier graine, or porke ; to deliver the same either at Mistick mill or at Charlestowne, which Mr. Whiting shall apointe, and to deliver the same at such prizes as such pay shall or doth at such times pass fro man to man, vnless Mr. Whiting and the Towne shall make any other agreement concerning the same.

^'ult. for his acomodations, we do promise to lay to y*' said house, a ten-acre lot, for his house-lot, and twelve acres of meadow, with other acomodations convenient to the same, 1. e. to grant to him all other divitions of lands and meadows, with other lots of y^ like quantity.

"It is agreed. That whatever charges Mr. AVhiting shall be at, in makeing his house and land more convenient for his comfortable susistence and livelyhood amongst vs, in erecting anj' more building, fenceing, or breakeing of laud, or clearing of meadows, and the like ; That in case the providence of god so- orders it that afterwards he shall remove from us, and so (by our former agreement) leave all his acommodations to the use of the Towne, the towne do proniise that what the whole premises shall be the better, at his leaving it. bj^ reason of liis cost and charges upon it. It shall at that time be returned to him by the towne. as it sliall be adjudged by men indifferently chosen."

It speaks well for the courage and faith of these founders of the town that, numbering only nineteen men, thej' were ready to put their hands to such an instrument and assume all its responsilnlit}'. It speaks well for the young Harvard graduate, of good birth and sterling ability, that he was ready to identifj- himself with the rising town and make liis home in this wilderness, when not even the little meeting-house of logs and thatch was yet erected.

Where Mr. Whiting preached for the first two years, we can only conjecture ; perhaps at John Parker's, where earl}- town meetings were held ; perhaps in his own house.

"It Is agreed, bj^ the major prt of the Towne, that Mr. Whiting shall liave 50 p. for this year, for his maintenance, and caring down corne, and making a well and hovell for his catell ; which is 10 p. more than o"" agreement for his yerely maintenance ; the caring his corne or other pay do^vTie to towne and getting his firewood included, to be done at Mr. Whiting's own charges."

In the accounts of the town, credit is given to John Baldwin, George Farley, and Ralph Hill, Jr., for "oxen to help fetch Mr. Whiting"; and to Ralph Hill, Sr., Samuel Kemp, John Marshall, James Paterson, and John Rogers, "for John for going for Mr. Whiting." It was no small undertaking to help the minister remove to Billerica, at that day.

When the earliest families had been five and six 3-ears .in town, when their number had increased to thirt}' and the}' had secured a minister, thej- were at length prepared to grapple with the serious problem of a house of worship.

'-09. 9. 59. it is Agreed by the major prt of the Towne, that there shall be a meeting house built this winter foiling ; tliirty f oote Longe and. twenty and f oure foot wide, and twelve foot high ; the studs to be 3 foot asunder, the Comittee apoyuted to agree with workmen, to bild and finish the said house, are Ralph Hill, Sen^., George Farley, Jonathan Danforth ; it is agreed, also, that the sides and ends shall be covered with bords and the Roof with thatch.'' inhabitants contributed labor and lumber liberally to its erection, but John Parker was the principal builder, as appears from the following :

''le. 10. 61. The town doe apoynte Tay, AVill'" Hamblet, & Jonathan Dauforth, as a Comitee to examine the acontes about y^ bildinge and finishing the meeting house, and to consider some way to propose to the towne for satisfying John Parker for his disbursements, what they in their judgment shall se meet, and in their best understanding shall eonseive ritasly due to him for the work done/'

"6 : 11 : 61. the comitee abovesaide did meet together with the Townsmen, and examined the aconts, and they make this return foUowinge : to the Towne, we doe finde that acordinge to his aconts (which we judg to be Just and equall) there is due unto him The Just surae of eighteene pounds, fifteen shillings, three pence, we say, 18 : 15 : 3, and in consideration of the nature of the pay disbursed by him, exceedinge the quality of the pay received by him from the Towne, we Aprehend that the Towne may do well to make up the former sume full Twenty poundes.

How Mr. Parker was paid has already appeared, in the account of the use made b}- the town of the land-grant of four thousand acres, received from the General Court, in Ma}-, 1661. {_See p. 47.]

No record remains of the completion or dedication of this house ; but we may be sure that the devout fathers of Billerica did not fail to consecrate it to the service of God, with due solemnity and rejoicing. A humble structure, it was in harmony with its surroundings ; and worship fervent and true went up to God from its lowly walls.

"25, 7. 1660. The towne doe give leave that Ealph Hill, Sen'".. George Farley, French. Ealph Hill, Jun^., and John Parker, and such other persons as make use of their horses to Ride to y^ meetinge, shall have liberty to make sum housing or housings to sett up for horses from time to time, without molestatione ; and to sett up y" saide houseing below the Hill between the meeting house and Goldinge More's barn, or in sum other place conv«enient for them."

More's barn was on Paul Hill's land, perhaps as far south as Deacon Lund's place ; and the sheds were probably near, or just south of, Mr. Hill's house.

In 1661 the town '^appoint Lieut, ffrench, John Parker, Ralph Hill, Sen., and Will. Tay, to sett in the Deacon's seat; and also the town do appoint & impower these four men, joyned with Mr. Whitinge, to appoint the rest of the inhabitants and proprietors belonging to the town, there severall places where they shall sitt in the meeting house, acordhige to their best discretion. * * Also, it is agreed, if any person or persons be agrieved in their beingseated, and they doe make known their grievance to the persons above said ; they are to consider of their grievance, and acte as they in their discretion shall see meete, in seating them elsewhere," No church was yet organized, and the citizens of Billerica sought occasional church privileges with neighboring churches. The Rev. John Fiske, pastor of Clielmsford,^ mentions such courtes}' to Ralph Hill and George Farley, and the case of Jonathan Danforth is given at length. The latter is too interesting an account of the way the fathers felt and acted on such questions to be abbreviated.

" Jonathan | He. about 7 of 12, '56, proposing himself e to this ch. Danford. j j.^^. fyUy^ygjiip. jf ^^s concluded to answer him as follows: Jonathan Danford. his desire being proposed to this ch., ['? 7 of 12], to joyne himself in fellowship w* vs, it was considered of, and agitated, and in fine determined by joynte assent to returne him tins answer, in effect as folloM^eth: Namely,

"That in case y^ ch at Cambridge shall graunt him a permission so to doe, yeelding vp wliat right thej^ have in him vnto this ch, and we shall receive satisfactione touching his being meetely qualified for y^ enjoj^m' of all church Priviledges, we shall v.illingly attend his desire to y'' receiving of him: otherwise we know no Kule of orderly proceeding with him, in this way ; he being by vertue of his father's covenant vnder the immediate inspection and charge (as we conceive) of y'' ch. of Cambridge.

-"Afterward, y" Elders of Cambr. Ch., writing to vs as from themselves their apprehensions as to this effect, they conceived we might, notwith- .stauding, receive y said Jonathan without offence to that ch."

" vpun 22 of l-^t-j 5G-57. It was returned thus: Jonathan Damford, his desire being vpon this day a 2"> time proposed to this ch, with L''^ from ye Elders of Cambr. Ch. The result of our ch. agitation amounted, in effect, to this, viz: that we, supposing he may be fitt to enjoy all ch. priviledges, can not otherwise but sympathise w''' him ; and therefore, as ye case to vs appears at present, we are not apprehensive we are orderly called as yet to satisfy his desire, for our parts, conceiving he belongetli to them whose w'e think he is, either plainely to disowne him or to dismisse him ; and, in case neither of these inaybee, we know no rule or reason why he may not firstly joyne himself in personall covenant with that ch, and afterward, as just cause is offered, to be either reconnnended or dismissed, or both, vnto vs. Or else, if by reason of his distance fi'om that ch, this be refused, whereas yet thei-e are, as we suppose, members of y''

1 AfSS. Record, now in possession of Mr. David Pulsifur, at the State House. For permission to make extracts from tliis Record, I am indebted to the courtesy of Rev. H. M. J^exter, D. D., wlio has a copy of the obscure origiual, which was made for liim by Mr. Pulsifer.

said ch residing nigher to him than any of ours, he seems called, for his owne parte, to sit still a while & wayte till God more fully shew vp his way."

''In 7, 59, Jonathan Dafford brings L^^ from ye ch of C'ambr.. wherein they resign vp all their right in him vnto vs to proceed with him.

-'After some long agitation, at 3 several times, and divers qu. in poj^nt of order proposed, y" case at length came to be stated, and ye case, as touching order vpon several grounds, concluded; and thereupon ye whole ch. agreed to send a l^ to y"^ Brethren at Billerica, to take off occasion of offence, and to cleere mor.e fully our way, as foUoweth :