Billerica Town (part 5 of 17)
Part 5 of 17 of the account of this town in History of Billerica, Massachusetts, with a Genealogical Register, published 1883. 15,911 words, covering 11 settlements. Source changes inside the text are labelled at the exact paragraph where the next book begins.
Contents
5 sectionsThe section headings the book prints inside this chapter, on this part. Each one jumps to where it begins.
Parts
17 pagesThe source prints this as one continuous account. It is split here so no single page grows too heavy to load; the text runs straight on across the parts and nothing is omitted.
The chapter
15,911 wordsReproduced complete and unedited from History of Billerica, Massachusetts, with a Genealogical Register, published 1883. The text is machine-read from scans, so expect recognition errors: misspelled names, dropped words, and stray characters. Nothing has been corrected, because correcting a proper name invents one. The headings below are the books' own; source changes are labelled in place.
"Jo: Danf : an Inhabitant amongst you. hath, for some time since, proposed himself as desirous to joyne w'^ vs in ch. fellowship, and hath obteyned Liberty from y« ch at Cambridge so to doe. as by JJ^ to vs from that ch is manifest to vs. And whereas we have been in some doubt about it since that time, as being hopefullj^ persuaded that ye longing desires of their soules, after ye enjojang of ye Ordinances of X. amongst yourselves, would have set them vpon y'' worke of Gathering a ch and ordeyning an Officer in y^ place; and that ye experience and observation of ye said Jonathan would have led you to have encouraged him in his desire after ye Ordin : in taking him amongst you in ye s'' worke and vnto the same : or otlierwise, in case of personal exception ag^' him, as regularly unmeete for fellowship, to have cleered yo'selves in the matter. But perceiving that neither this nor that is attended by you, so as we. for o^ partes, are readj^ to apprehend, had we been in yo^ case, it had concerned vs; Therefore, we have thought fitt to write vnto you, to desire you would speedily and with the first opertvmity ^nforme vs of these two things : First, whether indeed you bee, or doe intend soone to bee, in hand w"i y® s^i worke of gathering a ch. and within what space of time tliere is an intendment or likeljhoode of accomplishing the same? and whether j^ou. doe intend to accept of ye s<5 Jonathan amongst you vnto the worke? and, if not this or not that, then, if we maybe so far in yo'' favor, we should look at it as an act of Brotherly Love, to be enformed from you, of the grounds w'^^', if we may apprehend Just, you shall have vs (thro' y^ grace of Christ) in a readiness to strengthen yo"^ hands in what maj' concern vs. If otherwise, we shall desire to act o"" owne apprehensions as in what we shall conceive o^ duty, and in particular in reference to s*! Jonathan, without just cause of offense to you, in case you doe not lay before us grounds of conviction to the contrary. How meete we ma}^ find liim for Fellowship, we can not yet determine. To rob you of him, in case meete, far be it from vs. To receive hiin, you regularly judging liim unmeet, and so to retayne him to vs, when once you have a ch amongst you, be it as far from vs as ye other. Testimony from amongst you. we doe (in part at least) expect; and on y^ other side, as you will approve yo'selves faithful to Jesus X., and to the soule of y^ s<^ Jonathan, we doe looke you should, and hope you will, orderly remove matters of just offence, if any there be, or I seasonably and regularly enforme us.
"Seriously we doe desire you would not slight (as we dare not conclude you will) this, o^' Addresse vnto you, by a silent Answer, or by retarding a returne to vs from you, but that you would let us, within a short time, heare from you. and for the interim we commend you to y'= Guidance of y good Spirit of God and rest, Yo''* &c.
of 2, '61. Also about Jon: Daford: when voted that we should proceed to tryal witli him, in order to his joining. A Testimony vnder Mr. Whiting's. W'". French. Jam : Parker's hand being Eedd." A month later. "12 of ;J, '(51. On this day Jonath. Daftbrd joyned in covenant with this ch. promising to attend y" IJule & order of y** Gospel, as touching joyning tlie ch at Billerlca, if once gathered, or else to remove his station to this or sonje other Towne where a church shall bee." Mr. Danforth kept his promise and took letters of dismission to the church in Billerica. "1.5:11:65."
The formation of a church was felt b}' the fathers of New England to be serious business, not to be lightly or hastily undertaken : and the importance of membership was viewed in the same light. We can not read this record between the lines without suspecting some difference of opinion among these Billerica men, and that the dela}- of the church organization is partially explained by that fact. To the valuable record of the Chelmsford pastor we are indebted for fuller light on this subject. The church in Billerica was organized, 1(563, November 11 ; but the accounts of the town treasurer^ intimate the pi'esence of a council here in the April previous. Of this hitherto mysterious council, its object and result, IMr. Fiske fortu- _ nately gives us the full ^tor3'. His record brings out the fact that Billerica was agitated by the question, so serioush' disturbing the churches of the day, respecting the relation of baptized children to the church, and whether they could acquire, b}' infant baptism alone, the rights of citizenship in the State.
" Billerica's case. "On 12 of 2'^ 63, Ave received let^ fro M'' Whiting & ye Breth" for ye Pastor & Bi-ethren to joj^ne with y*" other messengers of X^ in counsell to be given y"' about y''^ proceeding to X'^ state. Bro. Burge being chosen with ye pasf. Attendance was accordingly thr given on 27'ii of 2^, as appoynted, whr met us the messengers of ye X of Ooburne : but Cambr
& Watertowne messengers ea not, being as seemd by L>'s Hindred by Prvd. The messengers of y^ 2 s'' X^ befoi-esfi. being p^sent, were desired by y« Breth of Billericay, notwithstanding, to hr y« case & if possibl.y to help yn ; Accordingly, it was Attended upon tlie desire. & on the 2d daj% being the sitting day. Mr. Whiting & the rest, on both apprelieusions. met. But we could not co to state y"^ qu between them till the Afternoon. So after we had made many assaies with them togethr & ap^te. At length finding: 1. That yf was a willingness & desire on both p^tes, to joyne together in ye worke of gathering a X & carrying on of y^ ordin : amongst them, notwithstanding y^ ditterance of y'' Appi'hensions aboute Children's state in y'' X concerning y^ [?] 2. That ye dissenting brethren to Mr. AVhiting's p'te had declared thereof :
"2. yes children, being baptized, are vnder the care of ye Church, w<='' is to see to y^ pious [nurture?] in ye heart & feare of God, & to be catechized. &c. Onely so' of y'" would not have vnder ye pow'' of ye X to be censured, tho so' of y'" yielded it y' [?] now members, & might be *exco'icated if desei'ving. only )'« could not convej' any right of membersh to y'' Childr. nor could thr childr be i-eputed meuibrs, vnless y'^' Imediate piits were in full colon vpon this account. The following question being drawne vp & p posed, was consented to, on all hands, to be The Question."
"Qu. Suppose an equall number of persons differing in thr opinions aboute childrens intereste in the Church (both Infants &, Adult) & both willing to practice their Opinion: How may such psons Joyne together according to a Rule & live together in church state according to a Eule?
" 1. That the two dissenting parties doe each of them choose equality (su])pose fower). each of y'" of y"^ owne App'hensions, to be the matter of ye foundation. 2. That these all mutually & joyntly doe take & give satisfaction, each to other, touching there meetnes vnto this greafee worke. as in all other Respt^. 3. That if there app any just cause of laying by any one of these vpon the fores^^i account, that then One othr pson be chosen, according to ye first fposal, in his Roome : 4. That each trouble not the Other as to the nuitter of there appf'hension aboute the question betweene them, othrwise than by a Meeke, Brotherly & modest reasoning out the case of difterence by the Word of God. as occasion is offered, for the mutual help one of another. 5. That the matter of difterence as to the case of children simply beco no barr or lett to anj% othrwise fitt to be received in, or added to them.
"Postscr. And we doe hope, thro the Lord's help, that if you can thus joyne in all Brotherly love & goe on together in the due exercise of the same Love, forbearance & Tenderness: you may longe continew together with the Lord's blessed p'sence in the I'nidst of you, cleering up his will & way more fully to you in his owne season : wh'^'i we shall pray for on yo'' Behalves.
The men who were interested Iq and moved bj- such questions as these had mental powers of no mean order. It is not eas}' for us fully to understand their position, but it does uot become us to underestimate them or smile at their difficulties. They were dealing at first hand with fundamental problems of church and state, and they had not the light of two hundred and fifty years' experience to guide them. This possible church, outlined by the April council, smacks suspiciously of Presbj^terian eldership and authorit}'. It can hardl}' be the same as the foundation which was actually' laid six months later. Again the Chelmsford record aids us : -
fro y* eh. attended y^ eh. gathering at Billericay where they all made a Relatio of y^ worke of grace & consented in a written profession of faith ; & Mr. Whiting ordayned pastor. y« daj'^ comfortable.
The assembling of this council and its proceedings must have formed a notable day in the lives of the fathers. It will help us revive the memory of the scene, if we recall the names of those who were likely to have composed it.
Roxburv was represented certainly- 1\y its junior pastor, Samuel Danforth. He was the colleague of John Eliot, the devout and active Indian missionary, whose marvellous translation of the Bible into the language of the Indians was printed that ver}- year. His labors among the natives at Wamesit must often have led him through Billerica, and it is pleasant to think that he also was probabh' present. Lynn must have sent her pastor, Samuel Whiting, Sen., the father of our candidate. And the mother church at Cambridge would not fail to share with her pastor, Jonathan IMitchel, in the joys of the day. Chelmsford, which had received as settlers a church already organized, with its pastor, John Fiske, gave gladly the hand of fellowship to a nearer sister. Concord, Woburn, and Andover would complete the circle of neighboring churches, and their pastors were Peter Bulklc}', the cousin of Mr. Whiting's mother, Thomas Carter, and Francis Dane. The first minister of Boston, John Wilson, ma}' have been present with his church; and Thomas Shepard, who had been Mr. Whiting's classmate at Harvard College, as pastor of Charlestown. Maiden, Reading, and Watcrtown would make up twelve churches, and their pastors were Michael Wigglesworth, the poet, John Brock, the devout, and John Sherman, the eminent mathematician.
Whether all these were present or not, it was a grave and reverend council which convened here on that November da}'. Our old town perhaps never had a more notable assembly. The candidate was most carefully examined in his doctrine and experience. He would have occasion to exercise all the logical skill acquired in his
Religious Histort
Harvard training and displa^-ed in his graduating thesis, on the question, ''An detur Maximuui et Minimum in Natura." There was at least one sermon, and the organization of tlie chnreh at the same time ma^' Iiave required anotlier ; and, if the custom of a hiter day then obtained, the candidate preached his own ordaining sermon. The possible duration of these public services is suggested in the Woburn experience. There, when the church was organized, Mr. Symmes introduced the services and ''continued in pra^'er and preaching about the space of four or five hours." What would follow such an introduction wc may imagine ! Whatever the order or length of the services, that litde thatched m?eting-honse was well filled In- a congregation too much interested, as well as too devout, to betray weariness or to thank their descendants for sympathy.
It is due to this first and eminent pastor of Billerica that we glance at the home and influences which had aided in moukUng his character. The}' will help us to understand better, not onl}' this man himself, but others of his charge, fathers of the town. Rev. Samuel Whiting, of Lynn, was the father of our Samuel. Like John Cotton, of Boston, he gave the name of the English towh in which he was first pastor to his New England home. His father, John Whiting, and two of his brothers were mayors of the English Boston, and warm friends of their pastor, John Cotton, in whose Puritan convictions the}' shared. Samuel Whiting was born, 1597, November 20, and took the degrees of A. B. and A. M. at Emanuel College, Cambridge, 1G16 and 1620. Receiving orders, he was three years a famil}- chaplain, and then installed at Lynn R-'gis, in Norfolk. Here, after three years, his earnestness and iijdependence made him obnoxious to the Bishop of Norwich, and charges of nonconformity were made against him. But tlie d.'ath of King James relieved him, and ""the Bishop v.-as willing to promise his friend the Earl of Lincoln, who interceded for him, that he would no furth.^r worry him, in case he would begone out of his diocese where he could not reach him." He therefore removed to Skii'beck, near Boston his old home. Here he labored for some years, not less faithful to his non-conformist pi'inciples on account of persecution, until the pressure of the times under Charles drove him forth, as it did Cotton, Hooker, and so man}* of the noblest and best men and women of England, in search of peace and "freedom to worship God," in America.
his second wife, Elizabeth St. John, and here our Samuel, her eldest child, was born, 1G33, March 25. His mother was of a family still older and more notable. She was the daughter of the Riglit Hon. Oliver St. John, a member of Parliament. Her brother Oliver married a cousin of Oliver Cromwell, and was one of the first law3-ers and most progressive men of Ei^gland. He defended John Hampden in the great case in which he resisted the King, on the question of the payment of ship money, and made that name immortal among the defenders of liberty. Later he became, under Cromwell, the Lord Chief Justice of England.
His sister, Mrs. Whiting, added grace to her name by tlie beauty of her person and the worth of her character. Her noble and gentle blood proved its true quality, by the faithfulness with which she performed . the dnt^' and bore the hardships of her 'position as the wife of the humble country minister. Her rank and w^ealth did not bind any fetters around the freedom of their religious convictions ; and when the Puritan minister would leave all that must have made England dear, she w^as read}' to face the hardships and perils of the wilderness with him and prove herself his true helpmeet. Coming of such a stock, from such a home, with the best training which the times had to give, the 3'oung pastor of Billerica was qualified to magnify his office and make his mark upon the rising town.
No records of the church are in existence until the settlement of the third pastor, in 1747, and on what basis of doctrine or covenant it was organized we know not. A renewal of covenant took place at that time, and it is sufficiently probable that the covenant then used, and found in the first book of the church's records which has been preserved, was identical with that wdiicli was adopted by the fathers. It is as follows : -
'' We, the Church of Christ hi Billerica, hoping it will have a tendency the better to preserve peace and Order among us, and cause us to be more circumspect in our walk and conversation, renewedly to covenant with God and one another, thereby binding ourselves by an act of our own to walk in tlie way of God's comniandnienta, being sensible of our proneness to backslide; Tho we are unworthy of such a transaction, yijt IJenouuciug all confidence in our Selves and llelying on Christ alone for help, do covenant as follows, viz :
'-We believe the Scriptures of the Old and Xew 'J'estament to be given by Inspiration of God, and promise by the Help of the Divine Spirit to govern om- Selves, both as to faith and practice, according to that perfect
Keligious History
Rule; and we also engage to walk together as a Ch of Christ according to all those holy Rules of the Gospel respecting a particular Church of Christ, so far as God hath or shall I'eveal to us his mind in tliat respect.
"AV'e do accordingl}^ Recognize the Covenant of Grace, in wliich we acknowledge our Selves professedly devoted to the fear and service of God, Our Supreme Lord, and to the Lord Jesus Christ, the High Priest, Prophet, and King of his Church, unto ^yhose Conduct we submit ourselves, on whom alone we wait and hoi)e for Grace and glory, to whom we bind ourselves in an Everlasting Covenant never to be broken.
*" We likewise give our Selves up one to another as fellow membei's of one Body in brotherly Love and holy "Watchfulness over one another, for mutual Editication. and to Subject our Selves to all the Hol}^ administrations appointed by him who is the Head of his Church, dispensed according to the Rules of the Gospell. and to give our constant attendance on all the Publick Ordinances of Christ's Institution ; Walking orderly as becometh Saints.
'-We do likewise acknowledge our Posterity to be included with us in the Gospel Covenant, and, Blessing God for so Rich a favour, do promise to bring them up in the Xurture and admonition of the Lord, with the greatest care ; and to ac^cnowledge them in their Covenant Relation according to tlie Rules of the Gospel.
'"Furthermore, we promise to be careful to our utmost to keep vip all the Ordinances of the Gospel among us. and to admit to our Counnunion all Such as shall desire to Join themselves to us. If in a Judgment of Charity we can be satisfied they ai-e qualified therefor. And to walk in all Regular and due Communion with other Churches of our Lord Jesus Christ.
"And now. since we have thus bound ourselves in Covenant to God .ind to one another, may the good Lord pity us and pardon our frailties; Humble us out of all confidence in our Selves; and may the grace of Christ, which is sufiieient for us, be aftbrded unto us; and he who is the great Shepherd of our souls Lead us into the paths of Truth and Righteousness for his Xame's sake, and at the last Receive us all into his heavenlj' Kingdom. Amen.
Church met, havhig been Regularly notified & warned, & unanimously voted and testified their consent to the aforewritten Covenant, and then- Resolution to adhere to and govern themselves bj' it.
The last clause suggests the influence of the question which early agitated the churches, as to the terms of comnuinion and church membership. At the beginning, in New England, only members of the church could vote or hold office. This fact did not result from the bigotrj' of the fathers. It would be as reasonal)le to reproach them for not having invented the steam-engine or discovered the circulation of the blood. Church membership was everywhere the rule of civil pri^ilogos. The very occasion of their trouble was, the extension, before unknown, which they were giving to those privileges and the right of suffrage as a factor of their new Commonwealth. In England the practice was to baptize all children in infanc}", and regard all as church members who had not been excommunicated. Persons appointed to office, civil or militar}', must "qualify" by receiving the communion in the church, and many received it for this purpose and neglected it for every other. The fathers had been educated in this school and had no experience in an}- differing ftom it. It was to them a large and doubtful assumption that civil privileges in the Christian State they were rearing could be safelj' extended to non-communicants. But their spiritual enlightenment convinced them that to sprinkle an infant with water did not make him a child of God, and they could not recognize tlio discipleship of those who gave, in mature 3'ears, no "credible evidence of regeneration." They were thus brought into practical difficulty. A generation of baptized children were coming to maturity, many of whom had not united with the churches and were by that fact excluded from rights and duties in which their activity was important to the common welfare. Moreover, the children of these non-communicants were growing up withont baptism, which, in the mother country, the}' would have received. What was to be done? The debates grew earnest and serious, and the result was the calling of a synod by the General Court, consisting of the elders and messengers from all the churches. This was held in 1GG2, and Samuel "Whiting, the father, was a moderator of the body and had much influence in shaping its result. What is known as the Half- Way Covenant was the fruit of these deliberations. Some of the ablest divines in the synod opposed, but the majority decided : "a"". Church members, who were admitted in minority, understanding the doctrine of faith and publicly professing their assent thereto ; not scandalous in life and solemnly owning the covenant before the church wherein they give up themselves and their children to the Lord and subject themselves to the government of Christ in the church, their children are to be baptized."
On this compromise the practice of the church in Billerica rested. In fifty years of Dr. Cumings's ministry he admitted one hundred and ninety-nine persons to the Half-Way Covenant and three hundred and seven to full communion. The practice fell into neglect ; there is no record of its formal discontinuance.
From the Town Records we glean items illustrative of the religious life of the church and its relations with its pastor. The first sexton was William Haile.
'-12: 12: 02. by order & advise of y Townsmen, I did agree [John Parker Avas clerk and first 'townsman,' or selectman, and speaks in the first person] witli Will' Haill to Iveep y^ meeting-house clean for 1 year for 2!)s. Also he doth ingadge to digg y*^ graves for sueli persons as shall dye in tliis Town, he being paj-d for y^ same 18 pr a grave, or more, if it doe apere to ))e worth more, as the Xater of the digging shall require or the season of the year shall fall out. to hinder him in the work by frost or the like, then the said Will' is to have a hand to help him if Xeed require."
The last name is ohf.curc ; it ma}' be Ranalls, but is not found elsewhere. These pa^'ments of the minister's rates were often, perhaps commonl}', made directly to the minister and his receipt taken ; a practice which might easily produce some confusion in the accounts of the town with him. When persons fell into arrears, in "clearing with Mr. Whiting," the case would be reported to the selectmen, as thus appears : -
'''19. Om 66. The selectmen do order and inipower the constable to collect of several! y^ inhabitauee & proprietors amongst us those severall suuies of money, due to Mr. ^yhiting. our minister, according to a bill given in to the selectmen under ]N[r. AA'hiting's hand, for his yearly maintenance ; and in case any person shall neglect or refuse to pay in y"" same, aeording to order to Mr. Whiting, then the constable shall distraine such persons for their areers, aeording to law."
'-^29 : 11 m 67. In town meeting it was agreed that for the futer Mr. Whiting shall have all his corne paid in to him at such prises as the court shall set for y« country rate annually. Also it was farther declared that the towne had formerly agreed to give Mr. Whiting one pound of butter upon every milch cow. annually, in part of pay."
'-That in case y« constables be forced to distraine any pson or psons for their dues to Mr. Whiting." * * they "shall not ttdce any lands or horse flesh, or anything that is not equivalent to wheat or other graine or porke at the countr}^ rate prise, both for the supply of jMr. Whiting's family and for the market,- which is the specia mentioned in the towne covenant with Mr. Whiting * * to be delivered at ^Ir. Whiting's house at their charge w^io are distrained.
Religious History. 1G7
The matter of arrears in salar}* occurs in the Records every three or four years, the constables I'eceiving charge to see that delinquents "cleared with Mr. Whiting." In 168"), a list is given of forty persons whose arrears amount to £32, 18.s\, 10c/.
"The Kevereud Mr. Whiting propounded that the one part of the Covenant on the toAvn's part with him had not in his api'ehencion been fulfilled, the town haveing engadged above the seventj' pound per annum for to -better our pastour's maintenance as god should better our estates,' which had not yet bene done by any town act : for altho tliere had frequently^ bene over plus in the Rates, it had bene disposed of by the Towne for the payment of what afiually could not be gotten; y'^ Eevereud Mr. AVliitiug at the same time declared his readiness to comply with anything which was Kationall, and the town at the same time manifesting their thankful acknowledgement unto Mr. Whiting that had so far accepted what this pore place had been capable of dohig for him," etc. * * "The town do agre to make good the severall Rates that have bene comitted unto the Reverend Mr. Samuell Whiting, in the severall sums as they have bene comitted unto him, ever since the beginning of eightj^ four, & to see that they are paid in unto Mr. Whiting upon the account of making good the other part of the covenant above or besides the seaventy pounds ; & for the future we do engadge to alow Mr. AVhiting his firewood, auually, above his seventy' pound, in the same specie as before.
above said voat sent unto the Reverend Mr. Whiting by two of the inhabitance, to propound unto his consideration. & was Readilj'' aoepted unto the great satisfaction of the inhabitance."
In 1698, December, the arrears due Mr. Whiting were found to amount to £64, 15s., 4cZ., almost a year's salary. The pastor desired that if anj* one claimed to have paid ivhat had not been credited to him, it should be allowed; The constables and selectmen were enjoined at length to secure the paj-ments due ; and, in case of their failure, the town promised "to satisfie rationally the person or persons that shall bring this discharge" from Mr. Whiting.
Four years previously, when the second meeting-house was built, Mr. Whiting had made an offer to the town "either to give fivetene pound to the Town in desprat delfts, such as he should point out unto them, or ten pound in the undertaker's [builder's] hand, or six pound in sillver toward the purchasing of a bell"; in return for which he' was to have "a seat for his famil}' for his propriety." The town accepted the first offer, and in 1698 voted to "grant unto the Reverend Mr. Samuel Whiting that pue that his famih' now sits in, so long as he contiuues our minister. * * And in ease an after ministei* shoukl request that puo, rather than another, then the town do cngadge to build another of the same demencion and workmanship, and to confirm it unto Mr. Whiting as his propriety forever." * Whereni)on Mr. AVhitiug ''did discount fivetene pound of the debts given in to tlie Town this dnv."
- With tlic growtli of the town the primitive meeting-house Ijecame too small, and, in 1G79-80, it was shingled and a gallery put in. Samuel Frost covenanted to build the galler}- for '20 shillings in silver, and G pounds, 10 shillings "-in this present town rate." He was to erect it
the beainos; * * to make one seat in front. & to floor it on the backside to the rooffe of the house; & set a bench behind it, such an one as that place will admit of. And two seats on ea(;h side, upon the beames, the foremost of each seat to come down as low as the undor side of the beames, that Is. the under side of the Joyce to be even with the chamfering of -the beames, & so all three fore seats to be even at y« bottom. The seats of the fore side seats shall be over the beames, and but a little above them. The hindmost side seats shall be behind and above the beames. each seat to be comely closed with rails and booi'ds. as is usiall in such work, the fore seat with ballisters. The floors made comely and close joynted, to preserve th;^ dirt from falling- downe. All the seats to be finished comely, aconling to the usiall mafier of such worke. with a suilieient paire of staiers to them, and a floor to cary to the seats, the hind seat at the west end to reach from roofl'e to rooffe. And to make a casement window of two foot square in the cleare. and put it up at y^ east end of the house above the collarbeame. To find all the stuffe and nails and boords and carting. at his owne charges; all the timber to be sound and good, and the work all well wrought, workmanlike, acording to y"-" nature of such worke (glass exempted), and the work to be done by y** last of March next."
"8. 1693. In reference to a new Meeting house, the town voted their willingness, and desire that Capt. Hill, Mr. Crosbey. Leift. Willson, and Sergt. Eichison should uudertake the same, to begin and finish. Redding fleeting house to be the pattern in most respects ; also, the;, are willing to <jive three hundred pounds, one quarter of it in money and y*-' seats of y® old raeetingliouse what may be of use, acording to disc;ours about it. The Town Appoint Capt. Danfoi-th, Leift. Tomson. Cornit Starns. and Joseph ^Valker, Sen., to draAV up a bai'gain with the aforesaid undertakers; to order when the said house shall be finished and when the money shall be paid, and in what and at what tearines the inhabitants shall be imployed about it. Also, they order that when y« Court shall have approved our
Town orders, a list of every man's estate shall be taken acording to former agreement, and y^ charges of said house assessed and to be collected according to agreement with the undertakers."
July 9, 1694. Provision was made for staging for raising the nieetiug-house. Sundry inhabitants were appointed to provide posts and others to dig holes for them ; '"the next second da_v, being the 16 of July," was appointed, and "all persons capable of labor" were "to apear b}' seven o'clock in the morning at the second beat of the drumb." The clerk, good Deacon Tompson, completes his account : - ^
--The service was .jitcnded upon the dav apointed by about forty and five hands of our towne the first day. and the towne generall}' came together the second day, and manj^ other out of other Towns, sum that came to inspect us and several that were helpful to us of other Towns ; and the third day we concluded our worke with our own Town's help ; perticuler persons provided for them selve? and friends; no considerable harm done, not a bone broken ; we had the heipe of our Reverend ])astour to desire god's blessing and protection, and when we had finished our work we concluded with a psalm of praise and returning thanks unto god by our Keverend pastour.''
In December it was voted tliat there should be two pairs of stairs, not four, to the gallery ; and a proposition was rejected to have the pulpit set forward far enough to haA-e one seat behind it.
The matter of seating persons in the meeting-house cost the fathers no little anxiety. As early as IGGl this appears in the record, already given:'' "2!'), 11'", 166.;," it was ordered, "That the Towns men in being shall order the seating of persons in y*" meetinghouse which are not seated at the p'"sent, and to remove, alter, and change prsons already- seated, acording to their best discretion." After this a special committee is appointed occasionally, once in two or three years, to discharge this duty, until in 1679 it was again committed to the selectmen. Rank, wealth, and social standing were the factors in determining the place where persons should sit, and there was ample room for jealousy and trouble, even among the plain 3-eomanrv of Billerica, on this subject. "Mr. Richard Daniel, Gentleman," whose wife was a daughter of a knight in England, had, it is safe to say, one of the best seats.
appointed, "Namely, Capt. John Lane, Corp" Jonathan Hill, Mr. Simon Crosbe}-, Serjt. Jacob French, Serjt. Samnel Manning, Mr. Edward Farmer, Mr. Joseph "Walker, John Shcad." * "At the same meetng the Town apointed Capt. Jonathan Danforth & Lt. John Sternes and Joseph Tomson, to apoint such persons where they should have their places in y^ meeting house and their waves, who were appointed to place the other inhabitants." Which of these committees was first to assign the other their seats is not clear ; but it is to be hoped that the}' knew and had no heart-burnings about it. The result of their labors gave so little satisfaction that it was voted a nullity the next year, and a new cammittee of five was to bo. appointed. But no record was made of the appointment or action of a second committee, and probably the effort to improve the previous arrangement did not succeed.
The material for the spiritual history of tlie town is very meagre. For the first centur}' we have almost nothing, except hints of the town record relating to the pastor and the successive meeting-houses. Of Mr. Whiting's personality we have no glimpse, nor of the qualit}- of his preaching. The collection of his mss. sermons, once in possession of the late Rev. C. B. Thomas, of Concord, Xew Hampshire, which was taken b}' him to Missouii, would give light on this point, but has probably gone the w:ay of the Alexandrian Library. That he was a faithful minister, worth}' of the respect and love accorded to him by two generations here, can not be -questioned. He brought the earnestness of a Puritan and the culture of Harvard to his long and self-den3-ing labors ; and the absence of an}- hint of doubt or disaffection in all the years of his ministrj' bears testimony to the wisdom with which he filled his high oflice. His house was the "main garrison" of all the dark war days; and he was the trusted counsellor of Danforth, Tompson, and others, in all their important and trying secular matters, as well as spiritual. Ihe wisdom of this world was combined with that from above to a degree rarely equalled in the earl}' Xew Elngland ministers, and Mr. Whiting held an honorable place among them.
That he had opinions and convictions far in advance of his century is pleasantl}' shown in this record, 30 October, IGDo "At this meeting our Reverend Paster, Mr. Sam\ Whiting, did set at liberty and free from his service, Simon Negro, who hath been his servant about thirty and one years, being now about forty years old. The which said Simou Negro the town of Billerica doth accept as an inhabitant amongst themselves." Does the countr\- aftbrd an earlier prophecy of the great Emancipation Proclamation ! This faithful servant, it ma}' be added, received, in 1709, a grant of seventeen acres of land; and, in his will, which bears date a few days after Mr. "Whiting's death, "in consideration of the respect which I have and do bear to my Master's family," he gives them his homestead and the land west of Concord River, granted as above. In the recital of Mr. Whiting's children he names "Samuel, of Dunstable, now in captivity."
But the labors and hardships of his ministry began to show their effect, after more tiian forty years. A hint of this has been given from Judge Sewall's Diary;"' and the coincidence, even of language, is curious, that Mr. Tompson makes this record two months earlier than Judge .Sewall's call. A town meeting was to be held "August 10, 1702, to agree about providing of help to suppl}- the Reverend Mr. Samuell Whiting's place, being in a weak & languishing condition." The action taken was as follows : "The}' do agree to make a free Contribution to gratify persons imployed by us, to the valine of ten or twelve shillings pr. day, to be given unto him by the Deacon out of such contribution ; who, with the Asistauce of Mr. Simon Crosby, are desii'ed both to receive the Contribution & to take speciall care that we be suplied with a minister from Daj' to day, untill further order, or that our Reverend pastor is sum what able to suply as formerh'."
Another meeting was held, October 12, and committee sent to consult with Mr. Whiting "whether we should call one at present, in order to a settlement among us, or to desire some help onelj- for this winter season." The lesult was that a temporarj' supply was deemed expedient. Mr. AVhitiug proposed, if his salary were made up in full, to "diet the minister that might come to help." There was much discourse about the matter, but on account of his weakness, naturally several were "averse unto it." "After much debate it seemed no help that could l>e [)rocured to suph' in the ministiy at present, except that it was done out of that which we had usulj' & annually granted unto the Reverend Mr. Samuell Whiteing. A matter ver}- grievous unto severall amongst us."
A committee was appointed to seek help until spring. '- Mr. John Fox was desired and Mr. John Whiting next to him." ]\[r. Fox proposed to supply until May, for fifteen shillings per Salibath, in silver, and his expenses. The town proposed that he should "find himself," and he, it seems, consented, as he was paid for eighteen Sabbaths, £13, lO.s. Mr. Fox was the son of the pastor at Woburn. His father died while he was preaching in Billerica, and in November he was himself settled in Woburn, remaining pastor until his death, in 1756. Mr. John Whiting, above named, was the son of Rev. Joseph Whiting, brother of the pastor here. He was settled at Concord, in 1712, and for man}' 3'ears was pastor there. We ma^' infer that Mr. Whiting was able to resume his labors in May, and we know that ' ' he did not see his way clear at present to abate of his salary for the encouragement of another."'' He continued to discharge his miuistrv five 3'ears longer, when his disability, by reason of age or infirmity, became such that the town proceeded to employ a colleague.
"-At a general Town meeting, Jul}' 7, 1707, the inhabitants of the Town made choj'ce of Mr. Samuel Ruggles, of Iloxbur}', to help Mr. Whiting in the work of the ministry, for one 3'ear next ensuing, in case the Town & Mr. Ruggels can agree upon terms." Captain Tompson and Captain Lane were appointed to treat with Mr, Ruggles. Mr. Whiting proposed to abate £20 of his salary if the remaining £50 were paid him, and the town voted to pay Mr. Ruggles £40 per 3-ear Avhile Mr. Whiting was able to assist him, and £80 for a settlement. The latter was increased to £100. The}' also voted that "four or five acres, or as much as can be conveniently spared, of the comon land, westward of the meeting house and Rubish meadow, shall be sold to help pay the hundred pounds to Mr, Ruggles, he to have the refusal of said laud." And it was finalh' stipulated that "after Mr. Whiting's decease the Town will make Mr. Ruggles his sallery as good as ever Mr. Whiting's sallery was befour Mr. Ruggles came to Town."
September 8, 1707, the town granted him "eight acres of land, for four pounds an acre, on the common westward of the meeting house, bounded by Enoch Kidder west, b}- Rogers south, In' a highwa}' nortli, and east by a streight line from the southeast corner of Capt. Danfortli his paster to the northeast corner of Rogers his orchard, by the pound." This was the familiar corner on which now stand Mrs. Osborn's house, the Beuuett Library, and the First Church. It ma}' have inckided the site of Mr. Morey's store and the Post Office. Here Mr. Euggles built his home and lived for forty 3'ears.
The formal agTeement embodying these stipulations is recorded, (Vol. II, p. 267). It was also agi-eed that he should receive ten pounds annually and provide his own firewood ; and that, if he removed without the consent of tlie major part of the town, he should return the hundred pounds "settlement." The fact is noteworth}-, that we have no hint of the church being consulted or having any voice, as distinct^ from the town, in all these negotiations. In fact the town and the church were felt to be one, and no distinction occurred to these good men. Sixty years later, when Dr. Cumings was settled, they had reached the stiige of a separate consciousness. The employment of Mr. Iluggles for a year was evidently at first as a candidate onlj* ; but the result being favorable, he was ordained, 1708, May 19.
The venerable senior pastor was spared for five years longer, rounding out, in serene age, one of those pastorates which constitute an epoch in the history- of any community. His parish was wide, extending with the town from Concord and the modern Acton to the Merrimack and Andover. For fifty-six years he preached the gospel to hearers who came five and six miles to listen. They heard two sermons, and we ma}' be sure they were not short ones. The modern demand for a sermon not over half-an-hour long would have surprised these fathers as much as would the railroad, the telegraph, or a daily newspaper. They sought at church not merel}' spiritual food, but much of the intellectual and social stimulus which their children draw from other sources,, and hence would listen without weariness and eagerly, and go home to discuss sermons which a modern audience would not tolerate. The demands of such a ministry- Mr. Whiting satisfied with honor to himself, ''holding forth the word of life," and winning souls to his divine Master. He baptized the children and buried the dead ; but he did not alwaj's, probablj' not often, perform the marriage service. The fathers thought that it smacked of popery for the minister to many them, and went to the magistrate instead.
Casting in his lot with the 3'oung town, and meeting patiently and bravely the hardships it involved, he reaped his reward in the respect and aftection which surrounded his old age. His influence was stamped upon the character and histor}' of the town. At last his work wns. done. Jonathan Danfbrth, companion and friend of many years, died in September, 1712. Then, on Febrnary 15, the dearer companion of all his joys and sorrows was taken away. Witliout her tlie good man could not live, and death separated them but thirteen days. On the last day of February, 1712-3, the faithful shepherd went to his rest. Cotton Mather tells us, and we may thank him for the item, that he died "an hour before Sunset." And, not for their poetry but their truth, we may repeat the lines :
"Whiting, we here behold, a starry light, Burning in Christ's right hand, and shining brigljt; Years seven times seven sent forth his precious rays, Unto the Gospel's profit and Jehovah's praise."
The pastorate of Mr. Ruo-gles continued a few months more than forty years, and was terminated by his death, 1748-9, March 1. Little is known of his ministry and character, and the family history given elsewhere includes nearly all that can be said of him. The rapidity with which oblivion covers the lives and deeds of men has a striking illustration in the scantiness of our knowledge of Billerica's second pastor. For more than a generation this gentleman lived and labored, a foremost figure in the life of the town, preaching the gospel from week to week in the pulpit and by the way, satisfying so well the lofty Puritan ideal of a pastor that no whisper of dissatisfaction is preserved. Yet what manner of man he was, or what were the characteristics of his ministry, we have no hint. But lives happy and useful are often quiet, sounding no trumpets, and this is the just account of many a rural pastor whose record is on high.
A negative inference is suggested b}' the, absence of Mr. Kuggles' name from all the narratives and testimonies which, in his later years, grew out of the presence of Whitefield in New England, and the controversies which accompanied him. Jonathan Edwards was settled at Northampton in 1727. With the insight of a master mind he detected currents in the life of the churches of perilous tendency. The old Half- Way Covenant was filling them with members who gave "no credible evidence of regeneration," and even opening the pulpits to men of the same class, while the duty of communion as a "means of grace" was urged upon unconverted men. Edwards, and after him Whitefield, brought all their great powers to bear against these errors, and no small stir was the natural consequence. If the churches accepted the revolutionaiy doctrines, man}' feared the loss of civil privileges along with those of communion. Edwards was di'ivenfrom Northampton to the wilds of Stockbridge, and Whitefield was assailed with bitter opposition. lie was not tlie first or last reformer not always temperate or wise, and good men were divided in opinion. Testimonies and counter-testimonies multiplied and the lines were tighth' drawn on every hand. There were few of the ministers whose names do not appear and whose position was not recorded on one side or the other. Mr. Ruggles was one of the few. This may be partiallv explained by the fact that the infirmity of age began to tell upon him early. Yet the suspicion is natural that he s.ympathized with the position of his son-in-law, Mr. iNIorrill, of AVilmington, of whom tradition relates, that when Mr. Whitefield had an appointment to preach there, he rode all over town and warned "his people not to attend the service. The result Avas natural; a first-rate notice and a great congregation.
The building of the thii-d meeting-house occurred during Mr. Ruggles' pastorate. The vote to build was passed, 1737, September 15th, and a building committee was appointed in November, consisting of Dea. Samuel Hill, Benjamin Tompson, Esq., Joshua Abbott, P"ns. Benjamin Shed, and Sergt. Benjamin Frost. Timber was to be made ready for building the next summer. The size of the house was to be G0X40, and 26 feet "between joynts." It was to be thirt}' feet north of the former house, and must have stood near the present Soldiers' Monument. The raising took place, 1738, Ma}- 24th, and March Gth following, the town voted, "after large debate," to "sell the pue ground in our new meeting house, under such Restrictions and Regulations as the town shall hereafter see best, which money coming b}' the sale of the pues shall be improyed towards the finishing our new meeting house." In May, it was voted, "that when any pue is granted to any man, in our new meeting house, that the man and his family shall sit in said pue, if there be conveniency of room in said pue." In the earlier meeting-houses pews had been few. The first mention of one is in 1670, December, when Mr. Daniel had "liberty to make a pue in the east end of y^ meeting house, where he did desire it" ; and Mr. Whiting had a pew in the new house in IG'Ji. If thei-e were any other pews before 1712, they are not alluded to. But, 1711, November 16, the town granted "liberty to build pues in the vacant Ijlaces in y*^ meeting house, and to cut of two or three feet of tlie deacon's seat." March 17, it was "voted, that those persons that had the grant of pues in the meeting house shall be at the whol charge of building them, and that those two persons that shall Joyne upon that place that is granted for Mr. Whiting's pue shall be at the charge to finish that pue. Also, that every man that shall have the grant of a pue shall be oblidged himself and his wife to sit there, and to keep it filled with such a convenient number as shall be judged fit l^y the committee that shall be appointed to Kegulate that affair. Also, it was voted, that there should be liberty to build pues behind the body of seats below, taking away the hind seat, and so taking as much of the Allej' as is convenient, and not to streighten the passages." .Simon Crosby was granted a place "on the North side, between Mr. Whiting's pue and the old pue at the east end of the pulpit"; Captain Tompson, "between Mr. Whiting's pue and the East door"; Lieut. Samuel Hill, "between Mr. Ruggles' pue* and the West door, Mr. Ruggles his pue to be taken in to the middle of the window"; Enoch Kidder and Simon Crosby "ters, that place between the west door and the stay"; Quarter. Nathaniel Page and Job Lane, Jun^, "that place behind the bod\' of seats, at the upper end of the men's seats"; Joseph Crosb}', "behind the women's seats, joining to Mr. Page and Job Lane" ; Dea. Samuel Hunt, "behind the men's body of seats, joining to Mr. Page." It was also voted, that the west door should be cut and hung to open at the middle; and the three deacons, with Major Lane and Oliver Whiting, were appointed a committee to regulate the matter of the pews. The deacons were Joseph Tompson and, probably, Joseph Foster and John Sheldon'.
From this record it seems that ten pews were built in the old church before and behind the two rows of long seats or benches on which the men and women sat, separated by the central passage. Tn the new church, the committee chosen to "order who shall have the pues" were instructed, "so far as they have respect to pa\% to govern themselves only by real and personal estate." But the town was not pleased with the result and appointed another committee "to assess the value of the pue ground." Their report assesses twent}'- two choices at sums from £15, 18s., to £5, 12s., reaching a total of £254. It was then voted, 1739-40, March 4, that "the highest payers of the two Rates that was granted for the building our new meeting house shall have the offer successively of the pue ground at the price set on them," and the next Monday a meeting was held, at which "the heirs of the pue ground" were to declare their "acceptance or refusal of their right." The twenty-two tax-payers who would be entitled, on this condition, to the pues, if all accepted their right, were in order as follaws : John Stearns, Simon Crosby, William Stickue}', Jonathan Bowers, P^lizabeth Osgood, Benjamin Tompson, Andrew Richardson, William French, Seth Ross, Joseph Farley, John Shed, Joseph Davis, Samuel Sheldon, John Needham, Oliver Farmer, Joshua Abbott, Benjamin Shed, William Crosby, John Hill, Nathaniel Richardson, Thomas Ross, and Jacob Walker. These pews were placed doubtless around b}' the walls, leaving the centre to be filled with long seats, where those not provided for in the pews would find a place.
The old house was sold for £40, the town "reserving such seats as the}- had occasion for in finishing the new, and the glass of the pue in the south front galerie, provided l)y the proprietors of the said pue, and the window that Mr. Samuel Uanforth provided." It would be interesting if we had a sight or intelligible description of this reserved glass and window. The cost of the house was provided for by one rate of £500, two of £250 each, and b}- the sale of the pews for £250, making a total of £1250. Whoever is curious to do so, can trace minute details of the expenditures as they are recorded, (Vol. Ill, pp. 101-2, 137-38) . For "framing," Ens. Benjamin Shed, Sergt. Benjamin Frost, and John Button were paid " 13 - 06 - 08," each, and a large proportion of the names of citizens appear, credited with labor, lumber, nails, or other items. This house served the town for sixty years, when the present First Church was built, in 1797. The old house was then sold to the contractor for building a town- and school-house and reconstructed, with reduced dimensions, [on the east side of Main Street near. There it was so used for a generation, and many of the older people of to-day attended school pin this venerable building. It then passed into private hands and was used as a hall and store until 187G, when it was burned with the adjoining hotel, which stood on the corner of Andover Street.
The early years of Mr. Ruggles' ministry were signalized by the appearance of a bell. At a meeting, 1710-11, March 9th, it was voted, "that the money that the land was sold for to Capt. Reed, on the west of Concord River, shall be laid out, to buy a bell for the meeting house." Captain Lane and Lieutenant John Stearns were appointed "a committy to provide a Bell for the Town, not exceeding sixty pounds prise." The land sold to Captain Reed was a tract remaining after the land divisions of 1708-10, and consisted of five hundred and sixty acres, bounded "southwest by Concord, one mile ; and on the Nor west by the Major's farme, upon a streight line about
384 poles, and partly by Verginia meadows ; on the north east by the la«d of Kendal Patten about 323 poles ; and south east by the Bloods' land, in a crooked line, about 292 poles." Previous grants of meadow were excepted. The price is not stated, but was probabl}' £50, as more than that sum is said to be in bank, and the balance of the £60 was to be raised if necessary by a town rate. For the hanging of the bell, the town agreed, 1713-14, January 18, with James Hosle}' and Ben. Frost. They were to do all the wood work, make the stairs, platform, and door, and provide the "Irone work of good Irone," for which they were to have pa^', and hang the bell "fit to ring" ; for all which they were to receive £4 and aid in raising the bell.
This bell was used until 1753, January 23, when a committee was appointed "to take down the bell and convey it to Boston and dispose of it in the best way the}' can towards the procuring another ; and indent with some Gentleman for another, * and to Run tlie hassard of said Bell from Ingland to Boston ; the bell to l)e i)rocured by said committee is not to exceed five hundred pounds in weight." At the same time the town voted to sell "so much of the hind seats on the lower floor on the south side of our meeting house, on each side the middle or broad aWoy, as will be convenient for six pues, three on a side, to be sold to the highest bidder, * in order to purchase a meeting house bell."
This second bell, it appears, came from England, and was probably the same which was "cracked" by violent ringing on July 4th, 1842. The memory of our older citizens recalls the fact that it bore an inscription including the name "Billericay," a form of the word which English workmen would be very likely to use. But the facts disprove the pleasant tradition that the first bell in town was a gift, suitably inscribed, from the English Billericay. And it is hardly possible that such an incident could have occurred at any later date and left no trace in the Records of either town.
Of the congregation in Mr. Ruggles' da}' we have an interesting glimpse in a seating list, which has been fortunately preserved. It is without dale, but must belong to the old meeting-house, and after 1733. If we assume its date as 1736, we can not be far from the fact. The occupants of the ten pews are, of course, not included, and, if two families occupied each pew, these would add twenty names to the one hundred and fifty of this list. But about thirty of the 3'oung men seated in the side gallery were not married, and the number of families iu the congregation, judging from this record, must have been near one hundred and forty. The deacons were seated in front of the pulpit, and their wives with the widows, and two other ladies are speciallj' provided for. In the two front seats we see the twenty men who are dignified with the title of "Mr." Of the first ten, Mr. Richardson, aged fifty-six, was the youngest.
History Of Billekica
The question of a colleague for the pastor came before the town, 1746-7, March 3, and a committee, Benjamin Tompson, Esq., Capt. Thomas Kidder, and Dea. Joshua Abbott, was appointed, to confer with Mr. Euggles. The}' reported that be was "very free," and "desired that the town would proceed in that affaire." Another committee, of seven, was then directed to "desire Mr. Ruggles to assis with them in calling in some of the neighboring ministers to keep a Day of prayer, to seek divine direction in that affaire." Ou the report of this committee, April 6, the question arose, whether ' ' the Town would proceed to hear any Gen" to preach upon probation," and "it passed in the negative by a great majorit}'." Plainly the mind of the town was made up as to the call to be given, and a j-oung Harvard graduate, who taught the school in 1746, had won their hearts. It is not in evidence that the proposed "Day of prayer" was held. The church waived its legal right to the first vote in the choice of a pastor, and, "at a General Town Meeting," April 28: "The church and town unanimously voted and made choyce of M"". John Chandler, of Andovev, to settle in the work of the ministry amongst ns, witli the Rev*^. Mr. Saranel Rnggles, our aged Pastor." They promise him, "in a Reasonable time," £600, old tenor, as a settlement, and a salar\' of £200 while Mr. Rnggles was able to carry on a part of the- work, and to add £100 more after Mr. Rnggles' death. The answer of Mr. Chandler was delaj'ed for farther negotiations. He asked that the settlement be paid in two years, and, if he outlived Mr. Rnggles, that the ministrj' land, which was west of Concord River, might be sold, and "laid out either for mowing or pasturing within half a mile of the meeting house," he to have the improvement of it, during his ministrj', in either location. Tiie town consented. But the uncertain value of the currency' still embarrassed them. To meet the difficulty the town voted that the salary should be at a standard of twelve shillings a bushel for Indian corn and sixteen shillings for rye. Mr. Chandler proposed instead, that the standard be between ten and twelve shillings for corn and thirteen and fifteen for rj'e, and to this the town assented. They also offered him £20 a year for " fewel for his fire," but, "it appearing that it was more accommodating to Mr. Chandler to have wood in the stead of it," they promised him twenty cords of wood annually. The salary was payable semi-annually.
When tliese engagements were embodied in a formal covenant, the way was prepared for Mr. Chandler's ordination, which occurred, 1747, October 21. "Eight churches came together to carry on the solemnity. The Rev'^ Mr. Rogers, of Littleton, began with prayer ; the Rev"* Mr James Chandler, of Rowley, [brother of the candidate,] preached, from John, iii : 11 ; the Rev** Mr. Phillips, of Andover, gave the charge and also added an exhortation to the people, wherein he pressed upon 'em the particular duties of a people towards their minister ; and the Rev'^ Mr. Bowes, of Bedford, gave the Right hand of fellowship. No objections were laid in against their proceeding in the ordination b}' an}' person whatsoever."
An ordination was a great event in those days. In preparation for this the town appointed a committee to "make suitable and descent provition, at the Town's cost, for Mr. Chandler's ordination, at one or two places, for all the ministers and messengers, and IMr. Chandler's Relations, and for steudants of harvard CoUedg, according to their best prudance." The}' also reserved the front seats for members of the council, and the front seats in the gallery for the church members.
Mr. Ruggles' work was nearly done, and his colleague and successor was installed none too soon. He died, 1749, March 21 ; and the town voted £150, old tenor, for the expenses of his funeral.
A formal and soleitin renewal of covenant was made soon after Mr. Chandler was ordained. The articles of faith then used and recorded have been given above. Whether this was the first form of confession, or an earlier confession was then repeated, and, if so, whether with or without change, we are not told.
The pastorate of Mr. Chandler began under bright auspices, and for eleven ^-ears was prosperous. He was a man of good ability, and the church was united and happy in his ministry. But a cloud arose, and the end came soon and in trouble. It is due to the truth of history that the facts, condensed from many pages of the church record, be stated. Mr. Chandler's wife died, 1757, June 28. It is charitable to suppose that grief for her loss and the absence of her good influence ma}' have prepared the way for a measure of indulgence in "spiritual" consolations which were not from above. That he kept the means for such indulgence the contents of his cellar, as shown by his inventor^', reveal, though it is doubtful if he had more than the best of his neighbors. He was married, 1759, January 18, to Elizabeth White, of Haverhill, a cousin of his first wife. Soon after the church record tells us : "Feb. 18. The Sac'. omitted, by reason of some being dissatisfied at y*" chearful behavior of y" pastor at _y*^ bringing of a second Wife into his house, when a large concourse of people assembled. The Pastor sta3-ed the church after services and gave leave for the congregation to stop also ; and represented his case to 'em in what he then apprehended its just light, upon which they A'oted to pass over the offense, sit down satisfied, and that the Sac'' should be administered to 'em by the Pastor the next Lords Day." This record, like the long account of following troubles, stands in the very neat handwriting of Mr. Chandler himself, who shows througiiout a frankness and apparent honesty which wins respect and sympath}- for his weakness.
The trouble, however, continued, and was too deep to be so easily disposed of; and, in August, articles of complaint were laid before a Council, with specifications of four cases in which the pastor's weakness had been manifested. The Council met, September 18, consisting of the First and Second Churches in Cambridge and that in Chelmsford. They found three of the charges sustained ; but, in view of a confession, to be read to the church and congregation, the}' recommended its acceptance, and that "whatever hath been orievous and ofl'ensive in y" Pastor" be overlooked. The}' proceed to a frank and faithful statement to Mr. Chandler, and appeal to him tenderly to free himself from reproach by a sober and godly life, and remind the church of the good character he has maintained among them "till of late," and that "the sin which he has fallen into is what you have not * so much as suspected him of till y^ last winter" ; for which reason they urge the members of the church to pray and strive together for the recovery and usefulness among them of one who might be so good a pastor. But the evil could not be exorcised, and, 1760, June 5th, another Council convened and the church with them, when a show of hands so "discouraged the pastor as to tarrying," that by advice of the Council he tendered his resignation and it was accepted. Two years later Mr. Chandler died here, at the early age of thirty-eight.
This sad stor}' does not stand alone. Concord had a similar experience. Nor need the occasional lapse in this way of a minister surprise us. "When every cellar \vas stored with cider, and good Deacon Abbott would be as sure as an}' other to invite the minister to drhik whenever he called, the wonder would l)e if here and there one did not stumble. But, while we give sympathy to the unfortunate young pastor, the bright morning of whose ministry was so soon and sadl}' overcast, we may also with joy set up a waymark of progress, and deny tliat "the former days were lietter than .these."
Gleanings From The Records
The limits of this volume permit but meagre \use of the earl}' Records ; and beyond the selections on special topics, in other chapters, we can only glean items here and there. The following explains the origin of our first and admirable "Book of Grants": "12, 10, 1665. The Town did agree with Jonathan Danforth, to collect and transcribe all former grants and records of lands, granted to perticular persons by the Towne of Billerica, into another booke, so farre as perticular persons interested therein shall desire it ; and the}' agree that the said Jonathan shall for his laboure have fourpence for every perticular grant or record that shall be thus transcribed by him." In making this transcript he was authorized, conferring with the selectmen and proprietors concerned, to "put an eshew to all difficult things," or adjust questions and conflicts of lines and bounds. When the work was done, "27, 9"% 1666, The Townsmen, with much pains and care having examined the same, comparing them with the originall copies, The Towne, by this deliberate act of theirs, allow, approue, owne, confirme, & establish y'' same, to stand and remaine as legall and ethentic. And, by this act of theirs, do disallow, disowne, and make a nullit}' of whatever record or grant has been recorded in y^ old towne booke, or in any other scroule or paper, so farre (and no farther) as the}' artj in any wise repugnant and contrary to what is recorded in y'' new towne booke."
The Restoration of Charles II, in 1660, in England, displacing the Commonwealth, gave much anxiety to the Puritan Commonwealth here, and its enemies used the opportunity, striving to produce embarrassment and trouble. It was represented that the people were dissatisfied ; and, to repel this charge, man}' of the towns presented addresses to the General Court. The following is' that of Billerica : -
"'The Humble Representation of the Inhabitants, both ffieenien and others, of the Town of Billerica, Humbly Shevveth : That whereas we have vnderstood that there have bin complaints made vnto our Soveraigne Ivord the king concerning our dissatisfaction in this coUony with the present Government, we whose Names are subscribed, tlie Inhabitants of the Towne above mentioned, being not a little Sensible what occation of Discouragement would be laid upon j^ou, and what reproach and blame would Justly fall vpou vs, if such complaints should be true, have thought it our dutj^ (both for the vindicating of our owne Innocency and for the promoting of anything, in an orderly way, which may tend to the incouraging of your hearts and strengthening of your hands, in the discharge of your great jtrust) to testify vnauinujusly that Ave doe Rest Satisfied in the present Government, and that we have cause to bless God for our i^ast and present pretious and peaceable enjoyments, desireing that God would make you farther Instrumental for the continuing of our mercjes and pl'iveleges. both civil and ecclisiasticall. to his honour and the good of vs and our posterity. And we doe reingage ourselves and promise (by the help of God) to be faithful, obedient, and servicable (to our vtmost power) to the present Authority (so long and orderly established by patent amongst vs) in all things, according to God, as by duty, equity', or oath wee are bound therevnto ; thus hoping that this our Aplycation vnto yoiu* selves shall be accepted as a testimony of our vnfeigned fidelity and sincere Aftection to y'" selves and to the good of this comon wealth, wee comit you to him who is Able to direct you in all the weighty matters you have in hand and remaine y's in all humble observance.
If these signatures were autographs this paper would have added interest, but nearly all are in the handwriting of Parker or Danforth. Those of Ralph Hill and the Brackets are probablj' exceptions, and possibly one or two others.
agreement December, 1606, to aii.y sale or gift to a person not an inhabitant, or even to a resident, except that a person holding more than a ten-acre right might so transfer a five-acre right or less. And parents could give rights to their children if the town on request declined to do so. Timber cut on the "commons" was after a short time to l^e free to any person, "in case such timber be not hewen, or riven, or fier wood cut fit for carting" ; and, in IGGG, all were forbidden "to cut an}' green trees upon y'" comans for fier wood for the space of two years," upon penalty of two shillings per tree, large or small.
"24, 4"% 67. The selectmen, meeting at shawshin house, did there receive of the towne stock which was in sarg"' Parker's hand" : 68 lbs. of powder, at £6, 16s., bullets and lead, 5S lbs., and match, 50 lbs. This was ten clajs after Mr. Parker's death, and the place was of course at his residence, and this record proves, in comparison with early usage (see ante. p. 7), that more than one place w^as known as Shawshin House.
"26, 6'", 69. The town did order & impower the selectmen in being to procure a fjxt beast (with some of the townes land) and send it to ]Mr. Davie as from the towne, ly way of thankfulness for his good service for the towne." The gentleman thus rewarded was Mr. Humphrey Davy, of Boston, who had represented the town in the General Court, 1666-69. Two months later: "By vertue of y" former order. The selectmen bought a fatt beast of John Dunkin & agreed Avitli him to give him land for it." He was to drive the animal to Boston and present it to Mr. Dav}', and was to receive twenty acres, if he had choice of location, or twenty-fiA'e acres, if the selectmen laid it, ' ' as the}' Judge maj* be most advantage for y*^ town." The result is given in the grant to Dunkin elsewhere.
The following gives an idea of the eai-ly life here : "11, 9, 70. Thomas Richardson, Ijeing convicted of taking two loads of cedar from our swamps and transporting y" same out of town contrar}- to our towne orders," is fined thirty shillings, which Thomas^ Foster paid for him, he agreeing to build twentj'-two poles of "four-raile fence" for Foster. Benjamin Parker and Samuel, Manning incurred similar fines, as did John Tidd and Robert Eames, of Woburn. The latter promised to pay his fine ' ' in shoes at James foules at Woburn," and the former in "cooper's ware." Plainly currenc}' was scarce in those days, and barter in some form the condition of most pa^'ments. March 27, 1671, "Mr. Whiting is granted liberty to take in a peece of comou land by Tliomas Button's fence, by y'' swamp side, to make a garden of for several 3eers, but not for propriety." In 4670 one share of the minister's rate of John Stearns, who had died, was laid upon Thomas Duttoii,.Jiiid we ma}' infer that Mr. Button had purchased Mr. Stearns' land.
The question of the basis of rates was now seriously agitating the town. The earl}' method {see p. .55) was to la}' assessments upon the "rights" or fractional parts thereof. But progress and changes, as some prospered and others did not, would make this basis very unequal. The subject was debated in 1668, but a change required substantial unanimity, to which some were not ready to consent. In 1671 the town voted, that all public charges for the future should be borne by persons and estates, and divisions of land be made, one-half in the same way, the other half by "rights," as formerly. But the agitation was not ended, and, "4, 10, 72. It was agreed to desire the help of Lieut. Hinchman, Sargent James Parker, & Mr. Jn". Smedley, to give us their advice in these our difficulties." This committee came as requested Becember li), and the next day the town was called together, and every person present, thirty-flve in all, signed an "order" for the future." They recite the agitation and great difficulty which lay "in either peaceably maintaining our wa}' of raising our publick charges, agreed upon in our first foundation order ; or getting in to another way with such a vnanimous consent as might tend to righteousness and peace" ; and refer to meetings held, and propositions of a "major part" to which some would not assent. The "order" proceeds: "That whereas, acording to our first agreement in giving out our accommodations, all pul)lick charges was laid vpon euery alotment acording to the proportion of their grants, whither a ten, eight, six, five, or three acre lots, and that whither persons were resident in the town or not. * Now, for y*^ easing some persons amongst us and proprietors with us (tho not inhabitants at p''sent), who complain of their burthen in y^ former way, The Town do agree that for the space of three years next ensuing, from y" first of May last past, we will lay two third parts of our publick charges in the town, both civill & ecclisiastical, vpon persons & estates in the town acording to the valluation of y" country rate, and the other third part vpon y*" alotments or first grants, acording to y" first foundation order, whither persons be resident or not ; and that after these three years be expu-ed, the major part of the inhaljitants, agreeing, ni:iy alter this way, which being orderly done and entered in their town book, this agreement shall be nullified ; otherwise the town shall continue in this way." The names of Ilamlet and Kemp are not signed to this ordei'. In Noveml)er, 1685, the town agreed, "that from this day forward all pHviledges shall cease to pay Towne charges."
The Cambridge "rights" to land in Billerica were not yet all purchased, and mone}' received by the town was oc-casionally appropriated for this purpose. In 1672 a rate for the same object was levied equal to half the minister's rate. For the "encouragement" . of those who paid this tax leave was given to take cedar for a thousand shingles for each ten shillings paid, while those who refused were to be "abated" so much in the next division of land. As a farther measure of relief from the burd?n of Cambridge claims the selectmen were ordered, "29, 10"', 1673," in case they have an^' encouragement, "to petition >-* generall Court for a further grant of lands, to help us cleare those entanglements." This they did in May, 1674, asking for one thousand acres in the wilderness, but receiving a negative. The petition was repeated the next year and encouragement given, as they had liberty "to find out a parcel of waste land and present to the next session of y' C*ourte, who will l)e read}' to accommodate them so farr as may hv done." But the disturbances of "Phillips War" probably delayed the matter, and it was not until 1681, October, that Billerica appears again at Court, describing "two parcels, one on the .Souhegan and another next Nathaniel Walker's farm, north-west of (Iroaten," as suiting their needs. The magistrates "consent," but "the deputies consent not," and the town failed to obtain the aid it sought." Forty years later, 1716, November 12, the town voted, that "a petition be preferred to the General Court for the land that was asked for in the j-ear 1676" ; but the Court was still deaf to their ap[)e;d.
A record is found, "27, 11, 72," -like many of similar tenor afterwards: "Simon Crosbee is chosen to keep a house of public entertainment." The price of corn was fixed, in 1672, thus: "the towne do order, that y^ prise of corne for y" rates to be paid at tliis year (the court not having set y* same) shall be paid at : indian corne three shillings p bushell, and other graine at y* prise y'' Court set it at last 3^ear ; only in case that afterward it shall appear that indian corne is not worth four pence p bushell more than it was
3'^ last year, in y" market in generall, then ever}^ man shall be responsible to their severall rates four pence p bush : and have it added to each man his just proportion 3-^ next j-ear."
The brothers Champney had returned, after a few 3-eai-s' residence here, to Cambridge, and serious differences had arisen with them about taxes, the arrears amounting to £8. These were adjusted in 1673, the town accepting an offer from Daniel Champney, who "did tender to resigne up all future claims of priviledg in reference to what was granted to his father b3' our towne upon y^ resignation of his lot of three hundred and fifty acres, sealed in our great deed, and to give 3-^ towne a full title to that fift3' acre lot that was by Camliridg granted to Thomas Bridge, and to pay y" towne in hand twenty shillings by Simon Crosbee & so quitt scores."
The " swinej'ards" were important offlcers in the early life of the town, and in 1674 a full page of record is devoted to rules b3- which they were to be governed. Yokes, to be sufficient, must be "in length perpendicular, three inches below the bottom sole and six inches above the cratch or upper sole, and three inches wide outside on each side of y'' crosse peices." And every swine was to be "ringed in the Nose, either with one sufficient ring in y^ middle of y'^ nose or else with two rings within half an inch one of 3*^ other." The penalty for neglect was to be sixpence each, one-half of which the officer had for his troul)le, and if he could not fiud the owner the animal was to be imi)Ounded and the officer had the whole fine.
Items concerning the "diet" and care of "old Stephen Fisher" recur often from 1668 to 1682; and aid was occasionall3- given to others. "17, 9'", 76. John Durrant's famil3- being in an aflflicted condition, it is agreed that they shall have some relief from the town, & do desire & order Samuel Manning to see to their necessitves & relieve their extremities, so farr as he can obtain anything suitable of y*' neighl)ours," and those contributing were to receive an allowance -in the next town rate.
These groups of families are b}' neighborhood ; the first southeast of the village, the second southwest, the third east of and partly in the centre, the fourtli in the centre, and the last nortli. The omission of Carrier, Daniel, Farmer, and Toothaker is worth^^ of note. Mr. Daniel had probably returned to England, and Mr. Farmer was in Woburn. Another list is given in 1679 in which Simon Crosby takes the place of Joseph Tompson and John Sheldon that of Richard Hassell, as titbing-men, and the names appear of James Butler, Edward Farmer, Peter Fassitt, George Grimes, Daniel Mackginnis, David Meades, John Stearns, Roger Toothaker, and John Whitticur. In 1682 the last list is given. James Frost and Jacob French take the place of the two last-named tithiug-men ; and new names are those of Thomas Carrier, Benjamin Muzz}', and John Wilson. Tithiiig-men are mentioned occasionally, but their appointment and lists of families are not recorded.
An important early custom was the annual summons to brushcutting by the highways. In 1677 the record mentions the summons b}' squadrons, the work being in charge of Sergeant Hill, Sergeant Foster, Corporal French, Sergeant Tompson, Jonathan Danforth, and Samuel JManning. Some names appear in this, but not in the tithing-men's list of same date, as Thomas Carrier and "his man John Levistone," Edmund Chamberline, Simon Black, Daniel Bl}^,
Isaac and Samuel Stearns. The east squadron was to woi"k one da}' at home and "3-^ 2"'' day vp at towne." And the condition of things "at towne *^ is more vividly suggested b}' the fact that Danforth's men were to do their work "-between his house and y*^ meeting house."
"19. 1, 1675 ^^e received an order from y^ selectmen of Cambridg to run yf' bounds between us, on y« 29 day instant. The selectmen sent their order back again, and underwrlt the same as followeth :
" 'Gent'", if this your order had come to our hand one day sooner, our towne might have had y'^ cognizance of it & have impowered us to have acted in it. All that we can say at present is this : That this time six j-ears j'our selves sent to us to con)e down to you, to come to an agreement about it. We attended your order, and made two Journeys to you about it. We offered to chuse a committee of indifferent men to determine it (which was acording to our articklcs of agreement), but you refused to act, for want of power from your towne. Wee have heard notliing from you since that time, tho we have expected it; for us to send to meet at y*" line acording to your ordeuis but loss of time, vntill we come to an agreement what to do and wliere^to run. We are yet ready to wait upon you for an agreement about it, as soon as you please ; in y^ mean time we remain your Humble serv"'*,
The place which Harvard College had in the hearts and plans of the Colon}' is shown in a record, "20, 10", 1678. Simon Crosbee was appointed to collect w' was 3'et behind to 3'^ colledg contribution & to transmit it to y*" colledg oner seers, acording to y^ order of 3*^ gen'. Court." A letter,^ dated " 14, 8, 1678," illustrates the subject more full3' : -
"Mr. laine: This day Mr. Whiting and the Selectmen made choice of yourself to returne an answ'' to y^ Ilonr^i generall Court, vpon y" 18"> day of this instant, (which is acoi'ding to their order,) in reference to our contribution to y^ colledge ; and our Answer which we desire your self to returne is this : AYee have bin very diligent to gather what is at present to be had, and sent it into Mr. Manning, of Cambridg, acording to y*^ court order; and there yet remaines about six pound, 8 shill. 10 p; y^ most of it we hope we shall get as soon as corne is marchantable ; we have faire promises for it; but some psons that did contribute with us are gone to England and left no order for y'= payment of it, therefore we question whither we shall ever get it ; for those that yet are in this country (tho removed out of our towne). we shall do our utmost indeauor to gather y^ same spedily as maybee ; not further to add but o"^ Humble service psented to y*^ Hon'^'' Court, we take leave, earnestly praying for y'^ Lord's presence & blessing to bee with you in all yo"' weighty affairs.
It cost these plain farmers of Billerica something in their povert3' to raise such a sum for the College. But they understood its importance to them and their children, and cheerfulh' taxed themselves to do their part.
'- As to a list of the number of males & rateable estate in our towne, wee have sent the list that was taken the last August, and returned from the commissioners meeting. As to the number of families, there is al)out liuety that are able to bare vp publick charges ; there is more of the aged, that are Helpless, y^ widdows & poor persons, that want releife, ten in nuuiber, which is all.
to ye annual alowance to our reverend paster, our agreement is seventy pounds p anni, in Country pay. as for scliools. we liave no gramei" schooles ; ensigne Tompson is appointed to teach those to write & read that will come to him ; also severall School Dames. As for tithing men, we haue flue in number; their names are [as above], and all swoi-ne to the faithful discharge of theire seruice acording to law. As for j'oung psons and inmates, we know of none amongst us but are orderly. And Ensign Joseph Tomi^son is chosen to attend the Honourd f'ourt. acording to said warrant."
Henry Aldin, 1 pson & estate *01 Michael Bacon, 3 pson & est 12 John Baldwin. 2 pson & est 07 jonath Baldwin, 1 pson & est 02 Peter Bracket, 1 pson & est 04 Simon Crosbe, 2 pson & est 11 Simon Crosbe Jun, 1 pson 01 Tho Crosbe, 1 pson 01
Tho Dutton, Sen, 1 p & est 03 Tho Dutton, Jun, his estate 04 John Dutton, 2 pson & estate 04 Joseph Ellice, 1 pson & est 03 John f rencli his estate 02
Jacob french. 3 pson & estate 12 Patrick Fassit, 2 pson & est 08 Stephe Farr, 1 pson & estate 03 Sami' frost, 2 pson & estate 07 James frost, 3 pson & estate 09 Joseph foster, 1 pson & estate 06 Georg farlee, 1 pson & estate OG Sam' farlee his estate 02
Nath Hill, 4 pson & estate 13 Jonath Hill, 3 pson & estate 10 Georg Grimes, 1 pson & est 04 Abra Gorton, 1 pson & estate 03 Heny jefteson. 2 psons & est 06 James Kidder, 1 pson & estate 03 Eaph Kidder, 1 pson & estate 02 Steph Kidder. 1 pson & estate 02 Enoch Kidder. 1 pson & est 02
These lists afford interesting information and comparisons. The first inchides forty-seven names and forty-five polls ; the later, seventy-three names and one hundred and three polls, marking the comparatively rapid progress of nine 3"ears. In 1679 it snrj>rises us to find that, next to Mr. Lane and Captain Danforth, Thomas Carrier has the highest list. At that time Mr. Lane is the only person who pays more than half-a-pound ; in 1688 Mr. Patten is highest, and there are eight who pay more than half-a-pound. The absence from the list, in 1679, of the names of Baldwin, Kittredge, and Stearns is observable, while that of 1688 adds, among others, Ditson, Dunkin, Dutton, Farmer, (Trimes, Page, and Wilson.
In November, 1680, Samuel Manning was granted six acres of swamp, on condition of his building "a good and sufficient Damm or Damms, to drowne that swamp commonly called the mill swamp." He was to raise the water "one foot higher than at present," and "to keep the said swamp vnder water two j-ears together from the time of the first finishing of the same, and to maintain the wholl worke of damms, slewces, and water courses, for the space of seven years from y^ first finishing, as aforesaid ; and to keep the same vnder water all the winter seasons," and to leave all in good repair at the end. This Mill Swamp was on Content Brook toward the outlet of Long Pond.
Another side of the life of those da}'s is seen in the record, "16, 1, 1681," when James Speen, Indian, received £8 for four wolves' heads, brought to Constable Sheldon.
The following curious record occurs : "8, 11"', 82. The selectmen at the same time did order, that whereas Edmond Chamberlain, b}' order of j*" Count}- Court, * was ordered to submitt himselfe to y^ gouermeut of 3-'^ select of this towne, the^' do order him, y* said Edmond Chamberlain, to live with his master, Joseph Walker, for y* space of six moneths next ensuing, after the manner of a Journeyman, to attend family orders and gouerment therein acording to law. Also, not to make an}' bargain with any man without his master's approbation ; and at the end of six moneths, as aforesaid, to declare to the selectmen where he intends to reside and what courses of life he intends to lead, and his said master engageth to have a speciall inspection unto his s'^ seruant in y^ interim, and to
Jn 1084 a measurement of Captain Gookin's farm proved that it contained one hundred and fifty acres more than the grant, whicii was five hundred acres. It was then owned by Robert Thompson, Esq., and the town sold him the excess on pa_yment in his behalf, l)y AVilliam Stoughtou, Esq., of £23 in silver. ''18, 10'", 1G84. Lt. Tompson laid out in mone}' at Boston eighteen shillings. G'', for Roger Toothakar's family, for which hee bought 4 pair of shoes, one pound whalebone, 1 yard farrindine for caps, and one blue Apron."
In 1686, "Simon Crosbee, who formerly hath kept a house of publick entertainment, doth now refuse to hold it any longer, & Nathaniel Tay being desirous to take it up is alowed, b}^ authority" of the selectmen, to do so. But Mr. Crosby did not long refuse to entertain the public, and in 1688 the selectmen at their meetings had "victuals and Drink" of him. His license as innkeeper is preserved at Cambridge, and he was commonly the earl}- landlord of the town. The charges for which he received pay are now amusing and remind us of Falstaff's "intolerable deal of sack," including such items as " cydar 14P, liquour 2^"; "four suppers 16", drink 8"" ; "2 potts of cydar" ; "a pot of rosted cyder" ; "half a pint of rhnm," and many like these. In Januar}-, 1692-3, a meeting was held with the County Commissioners, Major Thomas Henchman and Mr. Mather Johnson, for the inspection of the list. One day they had "eight diners, besides our drink, 00-04-00." Another da}' : "we had drink before dinner, a pynt of rum, 00- 01 ; a pot of cyder and jill of Rhum, 00-00-05, and six pots of cider, 00-01-00 ; and a dinner for eight persons, 8 pence per man, 00 - Oo - 04 ; and eight pots of cider, 00-01-02." The list made up at this meeting included 111 oxen, valued at £2 per ox ; 220 cows, valued £1, 10s., per cow ; 77 horses, at 40s. per horse, and 280 sheep, at £4 per score. The number of polls, besides the superannuated, was 92, assessed 10s. each; and "cituations & stock" were assessed "21, 05, 02."
This was the period of the witchcraft troubles and trials, to which, however, the Billerica Records make no allusion. The aid given to Toothaker's family betrays his neglect of them while engaged in the Salem fooleries ; and the .deaths of Mrs. Rebecca Chamberline and John Durrent, "in y*" prison at Cambridge," in September and October, 1692, suggest the inference of Mr. Farmer, that the charge on which they were imprisoned was probably witch- craft. A Billerica woman, whose later residence had been Andover, Mrs. Martha Carrier, became one of the most notable of the sufferers, being executed at the same time with the Rev. George Burroughs. Her bearing at the trial is distinguished by courage and good sense, and must challenge the admiration of those who examine the drearj^ literature of this terrible delusion. Her own child of eight testified, that her mother made her "touch the book; it was in Andrew Fuller's pasture, Elizabeth Johnson was thei'e * her Aunt Toothaker and cousin, when she was baptized" ; and Roger Toothaker bore swift witness in language too filthy for quotation.® That good men could trust such testimony, and rest such action upon it, is an unexplained marvel of human credulity.
-^ Wee command you to warn & give notice unto Capt. Danforth, John Rogers, [and others], that they and everj- one of them be and personally appear at y^ Court of Oyer & Terminer, to be held by adjournment at Salem, on Tuesday next, at Ten of y"^ Clock in y^ morning, there to testify ye truth, to the best of their knowledge, on certain Indictments to be exhibited against Martha Carrier, of Andover. And hereof they nor you are to fail at your utmost peril, making return hereof vnder your hand. Dated in Salem, July 30, 1692. & in ye fourth year of our Reign.
Provenance
Text from History of Billerica, Massachusetts, with a Genealogical Register, published 1883, in the public domain in the United States and digitised by the Internet Archive. The settlements listed against this township are matched by point-in-polygon test of each Geographic Names Information System coordinate against the Census Bureau's county subdivision boundary, not by name.