Franklin Township (part 4 of 19)

The people of North-Carolina elected delegates to a Pro- -V vincial Congress, to meet at Newbem, August 25, 1774. The royal governor consulted his council, and with their advice iissaed his proclamation condemning the elections that had been held as illegal, and warning all officers of the king, civil and military, to prevent all such meetings, and especially that of certain deputies on the 25th instant. Neither the proclamation, nor the less official menaces of Gov. Martin, could prevent the assembling of the deputies ; and on the appointed day a deliberative assembly was organized at Newbem, independent of and contrary to the authority of the existing government. This assembly or congress, as it was called* elected William Hooper, Joseph Hewes and Richard CaswelL delegates to the General Congress to be held in September at Philadelphia, and invested them with such powers as may make any act done by them, '* obligatory in honour upon every inhabitant of the province, who is not an alien to his country's good and an apostate to the liberties of America." They re* cognize George the Third as sovereign of the province ; but^ as if to mock this profession of loyalty, they claim the rights of Englishmen, without abridgement, and swear to maintaiii them to the utmost of their power. One of these rights is de* fined to be, that no subject shall be taxed but by his own consent, or that of his legal representative, and they denounoe, in unmeasured terms, every policy that assails that most sar cred right.* The instructions to their delegates were in consonance with their resolutions. They contemplated a restoration of harmony with Great Britain, but pledged a determined resistance to aggression upon their persons or properties, and ** to all unconstitutional encroachments whatsoever."

It does not appear that the infant settlements west of the mountains were represented at Newbern. While the Congress of North-Carolina was in session at that place, her Western pioneers were laying the foundation of society, and her brave soldiery had volunteered in an expedition, distant, toilsome, dangerous, patriotic, against the inroads of a savage enemy : thus serving an apprenticeship in self government and self defence, which events transpiring on the Atlantic side of the mountain soon after rendered necessary and important.

At this period the colonial government claimed the sole right to treat with the Indian tribes and to purchase their lands, as one of the prerogatives of sovereignty. This claim furnished a new pretext to Governor Martin to vent his spleen upon the distant settlers. The purchase which they had made at Watauga of the Cherokee lands, was pronounced illegal ; the governor alleging, in his proclamation against it, that it was made in violation of the king^s inhibition of Oct. 7, 1763, as well as of an act of the Provincial

End Of Royal Government In North-Carolina

A second Provincial Congress was elected. It convened i at Newbern, April 8, 1775, the same time and place J- ( appointed for the meeting of the Provincial Legislature* The members elected by the people to one of these bodies, were generally the same persons elected to the other. ** As the Provincial Assembly, with but few exceptions, consisted of the delegates to the Congress, and as the Speaker of the former was also the Moderator of the latter body, their {NTOceedings are a little farcical. The Congress would be in session, when the Governor's Secretary would arrive, and then Mr. Moderator Harvey would turn himself into Mr. Speaker Harvey, and proceed to the despatch of public business. The Assembly, too, would occasionally forget its duty, and trespass upon the business of the Congress."*' Governor Martin had, as on a former occasion, endeavoured in vain, by the efficacy of an intemperate and argumentative proclamation, to prevent the meeting of the Congress. That body issued a counter-proclamation, by way of reply, in terms firm, moderate, forcible, respectfbl, and not less logical. *'0n the 8th of April, 1775, the Assembly wets dissolved by proclamation, and thus ceased forever all legislative action in North-Carolina under the royal government." "^

The Congress at Newbern approved of what had been done by their delegates at Philadelphia, and, in evidence of their continued confidence, re-appointed them delegates to the second Continental Congress. They also approved the Association entered into by that body, and firmly pledged themselres to adhere to its provisions, and to recommend its adoption to their constituents.

All this had transpired in North-Carolina before the battle at Lexington had been fought. The intelligence of that oocnrrence produced the most decisive effect. It not only stimalated resistance to arbitrary power, but precipitated a sererance from the British government. Meetings were iield throughout the province, in which the great whig princqiles of the day were asserted, and a cordial sympathy with the distresses of the people of Massachusetts was expressed. Hooper had said, "that the colonies were fast striding to independence," and Mecklenburg county was the first to sustain his declaration. In that county a Convention was called, which met on the 19th of May, 1775, at Charlotte. Abraham Alexander was chosen Chairman, and John McKnitt Alexander, Secretary. After a free and full discussion of the various objects of the meeting, which continued in session till 2 o'clock, A. M7, on the 20th, ^ It was unanimously

** I, JReaolved, That whosoever, directly or indirectiy, abetted, or in any way, form or manner, countenanced the unchartered and dai^^^erovt invasion of our rights as claimed by Great Britain, is an enemy to this country, to America, and to the inherent and inalienable rights of man.

^* n. Besolved, That we, the citizens of Mecklenburg county, do hereby dissolve the political bands which have connected us to the mother country, and hereby absolve ourselvea from all allegiance to the Britah Crown, and abjure all political connection, contract or association, with that nation, who have wantonly trampled on our rights and libertieBi and inhumanly shed the blood of American patriots at Lexington.

"' m. Besolved, That we do hereby declare ourselves a fr^ and independent people, are, and of right ought to be, a sovereign and self govenuag association, under the control of no power other than that of our Qm and the general government of the Congress ; to the maintenance of which independence, we solemnly pledge to each other our mutual cooperation, our lives, our fortunes, and our most sacred honour.

" IV. Resolved^ That as we now acknowledge the existence and control of no law or legal officer, civil or military, within this county, we do hereby ordain and adopit, as a rule of life, all, each, and every of our former laws - wherein, nevertheless, the Crown of Great Britain never can be considered as holding rights, privileges, immunities or authority therein."

Other resolutions were adopted, making provision for the new condition of things. A copy of the proceedings of the Convention was sent by express to the North-Carolina members of Congress, then in session in Philadelphia. These delegates approving of the spirit of their fellow-citizens and the elevated tone of the resolutions, thought them, nevertheless, premature, as the Continental Congress had not yet abandoned all hopes of reconciliation, upon honourable terms, with the mother country. The Declaration of Independence was not, therefore, presented to nor acted upon by that body. A copy was also addressed to the Provincial Con-

Doctor Sphraim Brevard

But the proceedings being published in the ''Cape Fear Mercury,*' at Wilmington, and thus meeting the eye of Grovemor Martin, called forth another proclamation, in which he thus notices the Charlotte resolutions : '' And whereas I have also seen a most infamous publication, in the 'Cape Fear Mercury,' importing; to be Resolves of a set of people styling themselves a Committee of the County of Mecklenburg, most traitorously declaring the entire dissolution of the laws^ government and constitution of the country, and setting up a system of rule and regulation repugnant to the laws, and subversive of his majesty's government, &c."

Doctor Brevard is the reputed author of the Mecklenburg Resolations. The names of the delegates, and of the master, spirits and patriots of the country through whose influence and popularity the resolutions were adopted, are Hezekiah Alexander, Adam Alexander, Charles Alexander, Ezra Alexander» Waightstill Avery» Ephraim Brevard, Hezekiah Jones B&lcb, Richard Barry, Henry Downs, John Davidson, William Davidson, John Flenniken, John Ford, William Graham^ James Harris, Richard Harris, Senr., Robert Irwin, William Kennon, Neill Morrison, Matthew McClure, Samuel Martin, Thomas Polk, John Phifer, Ezekiel Polk, Benjamin Patton, Duncan Ocheltree, John Queary, David Reese, William Willson, and Zacheus Willson, Senr.*

At this time hope was entertained of a reconciliation with England, and the thought of independence had been conceived by few. Even Mr. Jefferson, in a letter to Dr. William Small, under date of May 7, 1775, said : " When I saw Lord Chatham's bill, I entertained high hope that a reconciliation could have been brought about. The diflference between his terms and those offered by our Congress, might have beeu accommodated, &c."t

A month after the Charlotte Convention, the people of Cumberland county entered into an association. They say : ^ Holding ourselves bound by that most sacred of all obliga- tions, the duty of good citizens towards an injured oountfy, and thoroughly convinced that, under our distressed circaoistances, we shall be justified in resisting force by force, do unite ourselves under every tie of religion and honour, and associate as a band in her defence against every foe, hereby solemnly engaging, that, whenever our Continental or Provincial Councils shall decree it necessary, we will go forth* and be ready to sacrifice our lives and our fortunes to secure her freedom and safety. This obligation to continue in foroe until a reconciliation shall take place between Great Britain and America upon constitutional principles - an event we most ardently desire." Mecklenburg still stood alone in the - bold position she had assumed of absolute independence.

A similar association was also entered into by the people of Tryon county, on the 14th August, but, like the preceding, was limited by the ''reconciliation to take place upon constitutional principles."

On the 20th of August the Provincial Congress assembled at Hillsborough. The royal governor had fled from his palace, and taken refuge on board his majesty's ship Cruiser, in Cape Fear River, from which he issued his proclamation, vainly hoping by these harmless missiles to intimidate the patriot freemen of North-Carolina. The Provincial Assembly had been prorogued - dissolved, rather - no vestige of the royal government was left, and a Whig Congress had assumed the control of North-Carolina. Still professing allegiance to the king, it denied his authority to in;pose taxes ; and its members took an oath to support the Whig authorities of the Continental and Provincial Congress. They declared, unanimously, that North-Carolina would pay her due proportion of the expense of raising a Continental army. and appointed a committee to prepare a plan for regulating the internal peace, order and safety of the province. ** This was the most important committee ever yet appointed by popular authority, and it achieved one of the most difficult and trying ends of the Revolution. It substituted a regular government, resting entirely on popular authority, for that of the royal government, and annihilated every vestige of the power of Josiah Martin. Nothing but the idle and vain

The Provincial Congress of North-Carolina met again, ^ i 4, 1776. The following extract from its Journal, si ( '* that the first legislative recommendation of a d ration of independence by the Continental Congress, i nated, likewise, in North-Carolina. It is worthy of rec that John McKnitt Alexander, the Secretary of the Chai Convention, Thomas Polk, Waightstill Avery, John i and Robert Irwin, who were conspicuous actors in the ceedings in Mecklenburg, were active and influential i hers of this Provincial Congress from that county.f

^ Bemdvid, That the delegates for this colony in the Contioenti gross, be empowered to concur with the delegates of the other cc in dedariiig independency and forraing foreign alliances, reserving 1 colony the sole and exclusive right of forming a constitution and la this colony, and of appointing delegates from time to time, (under 1 lection of a general representation thereof.) to meet the delegates other colonies, for such purposes as shall be hereafter pointed out

This resolution, thus unanimously adopted by the Con at Halifax, was presented by the delegates of North-Cai to the Continental Congress, May, 27, 1776 - nearly six \ before the national declaration of July 4th was made.

Before the Congress which thus recommended independ was debated the project of a civil constitution for North-i Una* The idea of a constitution seemed to follow that dependence ; and, accordingly, on the thirteenth a comn was appointed to prepare a temporary civil form of gc ment. The subject, after discussion, was postponed t

An ordinance was also passed, '' empowering the gov to issue a proclamation requiring all persons who ha any time, by taking arms against the liberty of Am< adhering to, comforting or abetting the enemies there by words disrespectful or tending to prejudice the ind dence of the United States of America, or of this sti particular, to come in before a certain day therein mentioned^ and take an oath of allegiancQ. and make submission, on pain of being considered as enemies and treated accordingly.'' Also an ordinance ''for supplying the public treasury with money for the exigencies of this state, and for the support of that part of the continental army stationed therein." The form of two of the Treasury Bills is here given.

These issues of the North-Carolina Treasury for expenses incurred by her patriotic militia in the cause of independence, are still found in great abundance in the scrutoires and chests of the old families and their descendants in Tennessee : valueless now, but still proud remembrancers of past sacrifices and toils. Of this money, it has been well said, it vindicated our liberties, but fell in the moment of victory.

The device of the volunteer levelling his rifle and the motto chosen for him, are peculiarly appropriate. ''Hit or miss'' is a homely but significant phrase, and is expressive of the noble sentiment of the patriot Adams, uttered about the same period: - ^**Sink or swim, live or die, survive or perish."

We have chosen thus to throw together, in a connected view, the action and sentiment of the several colonies at the dawn of the Revolution, and to give in more detail, and with a less rapid recital, the early participation of our mother state^ North-Carolina, in the cause of liberty and of freedom, and in the Declaration of Independence. It is no ordinary achievement thus to have laid the foundation of free and independent government. Every review of these illustrious events increases our admiration of that enlightened love of freedom, that noble spirit of independence, and that selfsacrificing and lofty patriotism, which glowed in the bosoms, animated the councils and nerved the hearts of those who, for the inestimable privileges we enjoy, pledged their mutual co-operation, their lives, fortunes and most sacred honour.*

Returning to the chronological order of events from which we have slightly departed, we find the small community on Watauga still living under the simple government of their own appointment, consisting of five commissioners elected by themselves. Before this tribunal all private controversies were settled. Its sessions were held at stated and regular periods, and as its business increased with the constant enlargement of the settlement, a clerk was found necessary. Felix Walker, Thomas Gomley, William Tatham and John

* See State Pamphlet^ published by North-Carolina, page 6 : Pitkin, Force's CoUectione ; State Papers ; Jones, Foote, Wheeler and Martin's North-Caroliiui ; hftTe all been referred to and consulted.

'^(^not now known. The laws of Virginia were taken as the standard of decision. Of this court, of its decisions and proceedings, little or nothing is certainly known. The records afe, probably, all lost. No research of the writer has been successful in discovering them ; he has examined in vain the several offices in Tenneseee, and also the state archives at Richmond and Raleigh. At the latter place, by the courtesy of Gov. Reed, the present Executive of North-Carolina, he was allowed free access to the public papers of that state. No trace of the records of Watauga Court was to be found ; but his pains-taking search was richly compensated by the discovery, in an old bundle of papers, lying in an upper shelf, almost out of reach, and probably not seen before for seventy-five yeai-s, of a petition and remonstrance from Watauga settlement, praying, among other things, to be an*

^ nexedf whether as a county, district or other division, to North-Carolina. The document appears to be in the han^- ^^Titingof one of the signers, John Sevier, and is probably Us own production. The name of the chairman, John Carter, is written by a palsied hand. It is remarkable that about sixty years afterwards, his grandson, the late Hon. W. B. Carter, from exactly the same Watauga locality, was president of the convention that formed the present constitution of Tennessee. The others are all names since, and at the present time, familiar to Tennesseans.

This document is, throughout, replete with interest ; is full of our earliest history ; breathes the warmest patriotism, and is inspired with the spirit of justice and of liberty. No apology is needed for presenting it entire in these pages rf in oommittee assembled, Humbly Sheweth, that about six years ago, Col. Donelson, (in behalf of the Colony of Virginia,) held a Treaty with the Cherokee Indians, in order to purchase the lands of the Western Frontiers; in consequence of which Treaty, many of your petitioners settled on the lands of the Wataugah, &c., expecting to be within the Virginia line, and consequently hold their lands by their improvements as first settlers ; but to their great distippointment, when the lin^ was run they were (contrary to their expectation) left out ; finding themselves thus disappointed, and being too inconveniently situated to remove back, and feeling an unwillingness to loose the labour bestowed on their plantations, they applied to the Cherokee Indians, and leased the land for the term of ten years, before the expiration of which term, it appeared that many persons of distinction were actaally mining purchases forever ; thus yielding a precedent, (supposing many of them, who were gentlemen of the law, to be better judges of the constitution than we were,) and considering the bad consequences it must be attended with^ should the reversion be purchased out of our hands, we next proceeded to make a purchase of the lands, reserving those in our possession in sufficient tracts for our own use, and resolving to dispose of the remainder for the good of the community. This purchase was made and the lands acknowledged to us and our heirs forever, in an open treaty, in Wataugah Old Fields ; a deed being obtained from the chiefs of the said Cherokee nation, for themselves and their whole nation, conveying a fee simple right to the said lands, to us and our heirs forever, which deed was for and in consideration of the sum of two thousand pounds sterling, (paid to them in goods,) for which consideration they acknowledged themselves fully satisfied, contented and paid ; and agreed, for themselves, their whole nation, their heirs, &c., forever to resign, warrant and defend the said lands to us, and our heirs, &c., against themselves, their heirs, &c.

** The purchase was no sooner made, than we were alarmed by the reports of the present unhappy differences between Ghreat Britain and America, on which report, (taking the now united colonies for our guide,) we proceeded to choose a committee, which was done unanimously by consent of the people. This committee (willing to become a party in the present unhappy contest) resolved, (which is now on our records,) to adhere strictly to the rules and orders of the Continental Congress, and in open committee acknowledged themselves indebted to the united colonies their full proportion of the Continental expense.

^' Finding ourselves on the Frontiers, and being apprehensive that, for the want of a proper legislature, we might become a shelter for such as endeavoured to defraud their creditors ; considering also the necessity of recording Deeds, Wills, and doing other public business ; we, by consent of the people, formed a court for the purposes above mentioned, taking (by desire of our constituents) the Virginia laws for our guide, so near as the situation of affairs would admit ; this was intended for ourselves, and was done by the consent of every individual ; but wherever we had to deal with people out of our district, we have ruled them to bail, to abide by our determinations, (which was, in fact, leaving the matter to reference,) otherways we dismissed their suit, lest we should in any way intrude on the legislature of the colonies. In short, we have endeavoured so strictly to do justice, that we have admitted common proof against ourselves, on accounts, &c., from the colonies, without pretending a right to require the Colony Seal.

** We therefore trust we shall be considered as we deserve, and not as we have^no doubt) been many times represented, as a lawless mob. It is for this very reason we can assure yoa that we petition ; we now again repeat it, that it is for want of proper authority to try and punish felons, we can only mention to you murderers, horse-thieves and robbers, and are sorry to say that some of them have escaped us for want of proper authority. We trust, however, this will not long be the case ; and we again and again repeat it, that it is for this reason we petition to this Honourable Assembly.

** Above we have given you an extract of our proceedings, since our settling on Wataugah, Nonachuckie, &c., in regard to our civil affairs. We have shown you the causes of our first settling and the disappointments we have met with, the rea- son of our lease and of our purchase, the manner in which we purchased, and how we hold of the Indians in fee Ample ; the causes of our forming a committee, and the legality of its election ; the same of our Court and proceedings, and our reasons for petitioning in regard to our legislature.

** We will now proceed to give you some account of our military establishments, which were chosen agreeable to the rules established by convention, and officers appointed by the conunittee. This being done, we thought it proper to raise a company on the District service, as our proportion, to act in the common cause on the sea shore. A company of fine riflemen were accordingly enlisted, and put under Capt. James Robertson, and were actually embodied, when we received sundry letters and depositions, (copies of which we now enclose yoOy) you will then readily judge that there was occasion for them in another place, where we daily expected an attack. We therefore thought proper to station them on our Frontiers, in defence of the common cause, at the expense and risque of our own private fortunes, till farther public orders, which we flatter ourselves will give no offence. We have enclosed you snndry proceedings at the station where our men now remain.

^ We shall now submit the whole to your candid and impartial judgment. We pray your mature aud deliberate consideration in our behalf, that you may annex us to your Province, (whether as county, district, or other division,) in such manner as may enable us to share in the glorious cause of Liberty ; enforce our laws under authority, and in every respect become the best m^jgllfiHiiiit^^^^^^^y ' ^^^ ^^i* ^^^' selves and constituents we hope, we may venture to assure yoU) that we shall adhere strictly to your determinations, and that nothing will be lacking or any thing neglected, that may add weight (in the civil or military establishments) to the glorious cause in which we are now struggling, or contribute to the welfare of our own or ages yet to come.

*- That you may strictly examine every part of this our Petition, and delay no time in annexing us to your Province, in such a manner as your wisdom shall direct, is the hearty

This document is without date. The original, now in the state archives at Raleigh, has endorsed upon it, '' Received August 22, 1 776." It had been probably drawn up in the early part of that year. Nothing has been found after the most carefal examination, to show what action was taken by the Provincial Council in reference to the petition. It is probable, however, that in the exercise of its now omnipotent and unrestricted authority, the Council advised the settlers to send forward their representatives to the Provincial Congress at Halifax, as it is known they did as delegates from ^ Washington District, Watauga Settlement." The name Washington District, being in the petition ftself, must have been assumed by the people petitioning, and was probably suggested by John Sevier, who, during his residence at Williamsburg, had doubtless known Cf>l. George Washington, now the commander-in-chief of the American army. It is not known to this writer that the authorities or people of any other province had previously honoured Washington by giving his name to one of its towns or districts - a district, too^ of such magnificent dimensions, extending from the Alleghany Mountains to the Mississippi. A most suitable tribute of respect to the exalted character and enlarged patriotism of the Father of his Country ! The pioneers of Tennessee were, probably, the first thus to honour Washington.

The District of Washington being, as is probable, in accordance with the prayer of the petitioners, " annexed" to North- Carolina, was thus authorized to send its representatives to the Provincial Congress at Halifax. That body assembled at that place Nov. 12, 1776, and continued in session till the 18th of December. A Bill of Rights and a State Constitution were adopted.

In the last section of the Declaration of Rights, the limits of the state, on the west, are made to extend '' so far as is mentioned in the charter of King Charles the Second, to the late Proprietors of Carolina ;" and the hunting grounds are secured to the Indians as far as any former legislature had secured,, or any future legislature might secure to them.

Amongst the members of this Congress were Charles Robertson, John Carter, John Haile and John Sevier, from **Washington District, Watauga Settlement."* Her remote and patriotic citizens, on the extreme frontier, thus participated in laying the foundation of government for the free, sovereign and independent State of North-Carolina. In that part of the Declaration of Rights adopted by the Congress, specifying the limits of the state, is the proviso, '' thai it shall not be so construed as to prevent the establishment of one or more govern^ ments westward of this state^ by consent of the legislature.^ This was inserted, probably, at the suggestion of the young legislators from Watauga. Iv their nurfiber - the last in the list as here given - was the futureGovernor of Franklin and of Tennessee. His fortune, as will be shown in the further progress of these annals, was hereafter hewn out by his sword and shaped by his wonderful capacities. Could he have been, at this time, preparing a theatre for their future employment and exhibition ?

The topography of Watauga has become interesting, and the modern visitant to that early home of the pioneers of Tennessee and the West, lingers around and examines, with intense curiosity and almost with veneration, the places consecrated as their residence or their entombment. The annalist, partaking deeply in this feeling, has used every effort to identify these localities. He has made more than one pilgrimage to these time-honoured and historic places. In all time to come they will be pointed out and recognized as the abode and resting place of enterprise, virtue, hardihood, patriotism - the ancestral monument of real worth and genuine greatness.

** Watauga Old Fields," already mentioned, occupied the site of the present Elizabethton, in Carter county. Tradition says it was once an ancient Indian village, of which, when Mr. Andrew Greer, an early hunter and explorer, first settled it, no trace remained but the cleared land. In confirmation of that tradition it may be remarked, that a short distance above that place, on the south side of Watauga River and immediately upon its bank, an ancient cemetery is seen, in which are deposited quite a number of human skeletons.

"The Watauga Fort" was erected upon the land once owned and occupied by an old settler, Matthew Tolbot. The land is now owned by Mrs. Eva Gillespie. The fort stood upon a knoll below the present site of Mrs. Gillespie's house, in a bottom, about half a mile north-east of the mouth of Gap Creek. The spot is easily identified by a few graves and the large locust tree standing conspicuously on the right of the road leading to EHzabethton. Let it ever be a sacrilege to cut down that old locust tree - growing, as it does, pear the ruins of the Watauga fort which sheltered the pioneer and protected his family - where the soldiery of Watauga fought under Captain Robertson and Lieutenant Sevier, and where the Courts of the Association were held, and even-handed justice was administered under the self-constituted legislature, judiciary and executive of the Watauga settlers.

Besides the fort proper, there were near, and within reach of its guns, a court-house and jaif These were, necessarily, of the plainest structure, being made of round poles. In 1782 the former was converted into a stable.

another fort. The land was then owned by Valentine Sevier, Sen., now by Mr. Hart. On Doe River was a third fort, in the cove of that stream. The Parkinsons forted here. The farm is now owned by Mr. Hampton. Carter Wo mack had a fort near the head of Watauga ; its exact location is not now known. During an outbreak of the Indians, men were sent from this fort to protect settlements lower down the country. Another fort stood near the mouth of Sinking Creek, on land now owned by Bashere, then by Dunjain.

Residences Of The First Settlers Of Watauga

James Robertson lived on the north side of the river, at the upper end of the island, on lands since the property of A. M. Carter, Esq., deceased, late of EHzabethton. Valentine Sevier, Jun., at one time lived where Mr. Hickey now resides, opposite N. G. Taylor's store. Valentine Sevier, Sen., owned the land now occupied by Mr. Hart. Colonel John Carter's residence was about half a mile north of EHzabethton, on the property still owned by his grandson, General James J. Carter. The house of Mr. Andrew Greer was on Watauga River, abont three miles above Elizabethtpn, near to the place where Henry Nave, Jan., now lives. Mr. Gretr was an Indian trader, and at a very early period, perhaps 1766, came with Julius C. Dugger to the West. They are believed to be the first white men that settled south of what was afterwards ascertained to be the Virginia line. After them came the Robertsons, John Carter, Michael Hyder, the Seviers, Dunjains, McNabbs, Matthew Tolbot, the Hortons, McLinns, and Simeon Bundy. The latter of these was the first settler on Gap Creek His house stood near the Big Spring, the head of that stream. Soon after the arrival on the Watauga of the emigrants above named, came the Beans, the Cobbs and the Webbs, and, subsequently, the Tip* tons and Taylors. Julius C. Dugger lived and died at a place still owned by his heirs, and known as Dugger's Bridge^ fourteen miles up the Watauga from Elizabethton. Mr. Horton lived at the Green Hill, a little south of the Watauga Springs. Joshua, his son, owned the present residence of Samuel Tipton, and another son, Richard, lived at the place now occupied by Mr. Renfro. Charles Robertson lived on Sinking Creek, on the property now owned by John Ellis* Ambrose Hodge lived where Wm. Wheeler now resides, on the road leading to Jonesboro, from Elizabethton. Mr. Honeycut, whose hospitality furnished the first home to James Robertson, lived about Roane's Creek, near the Watauga. Evan Shelby lived and died at the place now known as King's Meadows, in Sullivan county, near the Virginia line» where his grave is still pointed out. Michael Hyder lived on Powder Branch, a mile south of Watauga. His son has built his present residence near the site of the old mansion. James Edens settled near the Big Springs on Gap Creek, the place now occupied by his son.

The first mill erected in all the country, was on BufiTalo Creek. It belonged to Baptist McNabb, and stood near where David Pugh since lived. About the same time, another mill r was built by Matthew Tolbot on Gap Creek. The property is now owned by the heirs of Love.*

Oommenobmbnt Of Cherokee Hobtilfty

In August, 1775, Rev. William Tennent informed the Provincial Congress of South-Carolina, that Cameron was among the Over-hiU Cherokees, aud would soon join the disaffected with three thousand Cherokee gun-men, who will fight for the king. An Indian talk waa intercepted, which contained an assurance from the Cherokees that they were ready to attend Cameron^and massacre all the back settlers of Carolina and Greorgia, without distinction of age or sex.

In a letter to Lord Dartmouth, under date, Boston, June 12, 1775y Gen. Gage said : " We need not be tender of calling on the savages" * to attack the Americans.

1T76 \ ^ ^^^ ^^^ ^^^^ ^^^ settlor of Watauga, being in the ( Cherokee towns, suspected, from the conduct of Walker and another trader, that some mischief was intended against him. He returned with his furs, but left the main trading path and came up the Nollichucky Trace. Boyd and Dogget, who had been sent out by Virginia, travelling on the path that Greer left, were met by Indians near a creek, were killed by them and their bodies thrown into the water. The creek is in Sevier county, and has ever since been known as Boyd's Creek. A watch and other articles were afterwards found in the creek - the watch had Boyd's name engraved on the case. He was a Scotchman. This was the commencement of the Cherokee hostility^ and was believed to be instigated by the agents of the British government. One of its measures adopted to oppress and subjugate the disaffected American colonies, was to arm the neighbouring tribes and to stimulate them against the feeble settlements on their border. The southern colonies had expressed a decided sympathy with their aggrieved brethren in Massachusetts, and lying adjacent to the warlike Cherokee tribe, it was desired to secure the alliance of these savages against them in the existing war. £arly in the year 1776, John Stuart, the Superintendent of Southern Indian Affairs, received his instructions from the British War Department, and immediately dispatched to his deputies, resident among the different tribes, orders to carry into effect the wishes of his government Alexander Came- ron, a Highland officer, who had fought for America in the French war, was at this time the Agent for the Cherokee nation. Receiving from Stuart his orders, he lost no time in convoking the chiefs and warriors, and making known to them the designs of his government. He informed them of the difEculties between the King and his American subjects, and endeavoured to enlist them in favour of his monarch.

The Indians could scarcely believe that the war was real - a war among savages that speak the same language being unknown. This phenomenon confused them. The Americans, moreover, had friends in the towns, who endeavoured to counteract the intrigues of the Agent, and to gain time to apprise the frontier inhabitants of the danger which threatened them. But by promises of presents in clothing, the plunder of the conquered settlements, and the appropriation to their use of the hunting grounds to be reclaimed from the whites upon the western waters, Cameron succeeded, eventually, in gaining to the British interests a majority of the head men and warriors. '* This formidable invasion was rendered much less destructive than was intended, by the address and humanity of another Pocahontas. Nancy Ward, who was nearly allied to some of the principal chiefs, obtained knowledge of their plan of attack, and without delay communicated it to Isaac Thomas, a trader, her friend and a true American. She procured for him the means to set out to the inhabitants of Holston as an express, to warn them of their danger, which he opportunely did, and proceeded, without delay, to the Committee of Safety in Virginia, accompanied by William Fallin, as far as the Holston settlements'*

The westernmost settlement, late in the fall of this year, was in Carter's Valley. Mr. Kincaid, Mr. Long, Mr. Love and Mr. Mulkey, a Baptist preacher, were the pioneers. Their bread-corn was brought from the neighbourhood where Abingdon now stands. During that winter they hunted and killed buffalo, twelve or fifteen miles north-west of their settlement. They also cleared a few acres of land, but after they had planted and worked their corn over once, the rumours of a Cherokee invasion forced them to leave their little farms. In great haste and confusion all the families below the north fork of Holston recrossed that stream, and the women and children were conducted back as far as the present Wythe county.

The tide of emigration had, in the meantime, brought large accessions to the three points, Carter's, Wj^tauga and Brown's, and radiating from these centres, the settlers were erecting their cabins and opening their " improvements " at some distance from each, and approximating the boundaries of the parent germ, the whole began to assume the appearance of <MiB compact settlement. The policy pursued in Virginia and the Carolinas, under the direction of County Associatiims and Committees of Safety, had driven many to the new aeltlements. A test oath was .required of all suspected of dtflaffection to the American cause. To avoid the oath, and to eeeape the consequences of a refusal to take it or to sub- Uie test, many tories had fled to the extreme frontier. Brown's was the fhrthest point and the most difficult of aecess. In this seclusion they hoped to remain concealed: bttt whig vigilance soon ferreted them out, and a body of men, al the instance of John Carter, came from Virginia, went to Brown's, called the inhabitants together and administered to fliem an oath to be faithful to the common cause. After this^ Brovm's and Watauga were considered one united settlement, and appointed their officers as belonging to the same body.

The marder of Boyd by the Indians, and a rumour of the intrigoes practiced by Cameron, had put the frontier people iqKMa their guard against meditated mischief. The Cherokees had so long maintained friendly relations with them, that they had been lulled into a state of false security- While they had provided civil institutions adequate to the wants of the settlers, the military organization had been neglected. They proceeded at once to adopt defensive measures, and immediately appointed Carter and Brown colonels, and Womack major over their respective militia. It was deemed advisable, also, to take further precautions for the protection of the settlements against any attack that might be contemplated by the savages, and the more exposed fanpili^Mi went at once into forts and stations.

A fort, in these rude military times, consisted of pieces of timber, sharpened at the end and firmly lodged in the ground ; rows of these pickets enclosed the desired space, which embraced the cabins of the inhabitants. One block house, or more, of superior care and strength, commanding Ihe sides of the fort, with or without a ditch, completed the fortification or station, as they are most commonly called. Generally the sjides of the interior cabins forn^d the sides of tbs fort Slight as was this advance in the art of war, it was more than sufficient against attacks of small armsi in the hands of such desultory warriors, as their irpegcilar supplies of provisions necessarily rendered the Indians.* The place selected for a station was generally the cabin most centnd' to the whole settlement to be iM*otected by it. Often, how* ever, it was otherwise ; an elevated position, not surrounded by woods, clifis or other fastnesses, from which' assailanlt could deliver their fire under cover; contiguity to a spring; a river, or other stream of water, a supply of fuel ; - all these had their influence in deciding the place selected for a ibrt Sometimes the proximity of a number of adjacent settlers^ cultivating the same plantation, or working in the same clearing y overbalanced other considerations. A grist mill was often- a sine qua non in the selection of a site, and especially if, in case of a protracted siege, it could be enclosed by the palisades or commanded by the rifles of a fort.

The boundaries of Brown's settlement, on the west, extended down Nollichucky, below the mouth of Big Limestdne Creek, and that neighbourhood being the weakest and first exposed, a fort was built at Gillespie's, near the river, and a garrison was stationed in it. Another one was built at X. Watauga - another at Heaton's, known as Heaton's Station. It stood in the fork between the north and south branches of Holston, and about six miles from their confluence. Evan Shelby erected one on Beaver Creek,, two miles south of the Virginia line. There was one, also, at Womack's, and three or four miles east of it, on Holston, John Shelby also built a station. In Carter's Valley there were several.f

During these preparations for defence, other information reached the Watauga Committee, confirming the previoos intelligence of approaching invasion. On the 18th of May they received a copy of a letter addressed by Mr. Stuart» under date May 9th, to the frontier people. The circumstances attending its delivery were exceedingly suspicious^ and gave rise to the gravest apprehensions. The lettar and the affidavit of Nathan Read« who was present at Mr. Charles Robertson's house at night, when it was delivered, are here given :

** Wattaoa. - ^This day Nathan Read came before me, one of the Jufrliceft of Wattaga, and made oath on the Holy Evangelists of Almighty God, thai a stranger came up to Charles Robcrtson^s gate yesterday evening - who he was he did not know - and delivered a letttr of which this Is a true copy. Sworn before me the 19th of May, 1776.

" Obntlembk - Some time ago Mr. Cameron and myself wrote you a letter by Mr. Thomas, and enclosed a talk we had with the Indiana respecting the purchase which is reported you lately made of them on the levers Wattaga, Nollichuckoy, &c. AVe are sincein formed that you are under great apprehensions of the Indians doing mischief immediately. But it Is not the desire of his Majesty to set his friends and allies, the Indiana, on his liege subjects : Therefore, whoever you are that are willing to join his Majesty's forces as soon as they arrive at the Cherokee Nation, by repairing to the King's standard, shall find protection for themselves and their families, and bo free from all danger whatever ; yet, that his Majesty's officers may bo certain which of you are willing to take np arms in his Majesty's jusl right, I have thought iit to recom* mend it to you and every one that is desirous of preventing inevitable min to themselves and flirailies, immediately to subscribe a written paper acknowledging their allegiance to his Majesty, King George, and that tbey are ready and willing, whenever they are called on, to appear in arms in defence of the British right in America ; which paper, as soon can no longer be satisfactorily identified. Convinced as he was of the value and interest these sites would have given to tlii^i work, the writer has endeavoured, in various ways, to aaccrtain them, with the view of perpetuating them in a dia£:ram or map, to be iosertcd in this volume. These endeavours have been fruitless. From BOOfi correspondents, iu a few countie-*, ho has procured eomo information on the -abject From others he learus that the early settlers arc no longer there to impart the desired knowledge, and from others no reply has been received to hit inqiiinN. Public attmtion in Tennessee is respectfully invited to this sobjoct be desiroua of knowing how they are to be free from every kind of intuit and dan^r, inform them, that his Majesty will immediately land an army in West Florida, march them through the Creek to the Chickasaw Nation, where five hundred warriors from each nation are to join them, and then come by Chota, who have promised their assistance, and then to take possession of the frontiers of North-Carolina and Virginia, at the same time that his Majesty's forces make a diversion on the sea coast of those Provinces. If any of the inhabitants have any beef, cattle, flour, pork or horses to spare, they shall have a good price for them by applying to U8, as soon as his Majesty's troops are embodied.

Henry was the brother of John Stuart, and Deputy Superintendent oflndian Affairs, and in that capacity had been sent to the Cherokees by Cameron. The letter was doubtless handed by some incognito loyalist from South-Carolina, at the suggestion of Col. Kirkland, to whom such negotiations were familiar. Charles Robertson had emigrated from that Province, and it may have been, was known to some of the disaiSected back-settlers there. They mistook their man. They knew the spirit neither of Robertson nor his countrymen. None could have been more prompt nor more vigorous in spurning the bribe and disregarding their threats or resisting the execution of their plans.

Mr. Jarret Williams, on his way to Virginia from the Cherokee villages, came to Watauga and communicated additional confirmation of the hostile intention of the Indians. It will be found in the subjoined affidavit, afterwards published in the "Philadelphia Packet" of Aug. 13, 1776.

" FiNCASTLK, 88. - The deposition of Jarret Williams, taken before me, Anthony Bledsoe, a Justice of the Peace for the county aforesaid, being first sworn on the Holy Evangelists of Almighty God, deposeth and saith : That he left the Cherokee Nation on Monday nighty the 8th iust. (July) ; that the part of the Nation called the Over-hills, wore then preparing to go to war against the frontiers of Virginia, having purchased to the arbount of 1000 skins, or thereabouts, for mockasons. They were also beating flour for a march, and making other warlike preparations. Their number, from calculation made by the Raven Warrior, amounts to about six hundred warriors; and, according to the deponent's idea, he thinks we may expect a general attack every hour. They propose to take away negroes, horses, and to kill all kinds of cattle, sheep, &c., for which purpose they are well stocked with bows and arrows ; also, to destroy all com, bum houses, Ac, And he also heard, that the Valley towns were, a part of them, set off; but that they had sent a runner to stop them

(31 all weie ready to start. He further relates, that Alexander Cameron informed them that he had concluded to send Captain Nathaniel Gueeti William FauHn, Isaac Williams and the deponent, with the Indians, till they dime near to Nonachucky ; then the Indians were to stop, and Guest and the -other whites, above mentioned, were to go to see if there wer« any King's men among the inhabitants ; and if they found any, they were to take them off to the Indians, or have a white signal in their handa, or otherwise to distinguish them. When this was done, they were to Ul on the inhabitants, and kill and drive all they possibly could. That OD Saturday, the 6th instant, in the night, he heard two prisoners were brought in about midnight, but the deponent saw only one. That the within Williams saw only one scalp brought by a party of Indians, with a prisoner ; but, from accounts, they had five scalps. Ho also says he beiard the prisoner examined by Cameron, though he gave a very imperfect account, being very much cast down. He further says, that the Cherokees had received the war-belt from the Shawnese, Mingo, Taawah and Delaware Nations, to strike the white people. That fifteen of the s«d nations were in the Cherokee towns, and that few of the Cherokees went in company with the Shawnese, &c. That they all intended to strike the settlers in Kentucky ; and that the Cherokees gave the said Shawnese, &c^ four scalps of white men, which they carried away with them. The said Shawnese and Mingoes informed the Cherokees that they then were at peace with every other nation ; that the French were to BUpply them with ammnnition, and that they wanted the Cherokeea to join them to strike the white people on the frontiers, which the Cherokees hj|ve agreed to. And the deponent further saith, that before he left the nation, a number of the Cherokees of the Lower towns, were gone to fall on tiie frontiers of South-Carolina and Georgia ; and further saith

The apprehension of danger excited amongst the remote settlers on Holston, was increased by the report some time after of another trader, Robert Dews. The amount of his statement made on oath was, '' that the Indians are determined on war. The Cherokees have received a letter from Cameron, that the Creeks, Chickasaws and Choctaws are to join against Georgia, South-Carolina, North-Carolina and Virginia ; also that Captain Stuart bad gone up the Mississippi with goods, ammunition, &c., for the northern nations, to cause them to fall on the people of the frontier."

Nothing could have so aroused, and exasperated, and harmonized public sentiment in Watauga, as the intelligeuise thus given, that these settlements were to be sacrificed to savage barbarity, incited by British influence. No wher«

"Fort Leb, July 11, 1'TYe. ^Dear Gentlemen : Isaac Thomas, Wm. Falling, Jarot Williams and one more, have this moment come in by making their escape from the Indians, and say six hundred Indians and whites were to start for tbia ibrt^ and intend to drive the country up to New River before they return. John Seyixb.?'

Fort Lee is believed to be the name of the fort at Watauga. Sevier was at the latter place at the Attack upon i^ July 21, and probably was there at the date of this laconic epistle.* Thus forewarned, the Watauga Committee lost no time in preparing for the approaching invasion. The forts were strengthened, and every measure adopted that could add to the security of their people. Having done everything that could be effected by their own resources, on the 30th May, the Committee sent an express to Virginia for aid and supplies of lead and powder. To their application Mr. Preston replies, under date June 3rd, 1776.

" Gentlemen : Your letter of the 30th ult. with the deposition of Mr. Bryan, came to hand this evening, by your messenger. The news is re^ly alarming, with regard to the disposition of the Indians, who are doubtless advised to break with the white people, by the enemies to American liberty who reside among them. But I cannot conceive that you have any thing to fear from their pretended invasion by British troops, by the route they mention. This must, in' my opinion, be a scheme purposely calculated to intimidate the inhabitants, either to abandon their plantations or turn enemies to their country, neither of which I hope it will be able to effect.

" Our Convention on the 14th of May, ordered 500 lbs. of gunpowder to each of the counties of Fincastle, Botetourt, Augusta and West Augusta. . . . And double that quantity of lead . . . They likewise

* The writer is indebted for this letter and the official report of the battle at tbe Island Flats, to the research and politeness of L. C. Draper, Esq. ^ orderedlOO men to be forthwith raised in Fincastle, to be stationed irhere our Committee directs for the protection of the frontier. * * - I sent the several letters and depositions you furnished me, from which it is reasonable to believe, that when all these shall have been examined Tigoiuoas measures will be adopted for our protection.

^ I have advertised our Committee to meet at Fort Chiswell oa Tuesday, the 11th instant, and have directed the candidates for commissions in the new companies, to exert themselves in engaging the number of men required until then ; I much expect wo shall have further news from Williamsburg by the time the Committee meets. 1 have written to Col. Callaway the second time for 200 lbs, of lead, which I hope he will deliver the bearer. This supply I hope will be some r^ Uef to your distressed settlement, and as I said before, should more be -wanted I am convinced you may be supplied. I am fxilly convinced that the expense will be repaid ydh by the Convention of Virginia or North- Carolina, on a fair representation of the case being laid before them, whichsoever of them takes your settlement under protection, as there ifl not the least reason that any one part of the colony should be at any -xtraofdinary expense in the defence of the whole, and you may be assured you cannot be over stocked with that necessary article ; ix should it please Providence that the impending storm should blow over, and there would be no occasion to use the ammunition in the general defence, then it might bo sold out to individuals, and the expense of the whole reimbursed to those who so generously contributed towards the purchase.

Sach was the posture of defence assumed by the inhabitants after the receipt of the intelligence brought by Thomas Fallin and Williams. The former had proceeded on his mission to the authorities of Virginia for succour against a threatened invasion. The projected incursion of the CheroleeSy as communicated by Nancy Ward to Thomas, was this: Seven hundred warriors were to attack the white settlements. They were to divide themselves into two divisions of three hundred and fifty each, under chosen leaders, one destined to fall upon the Watauga settlements, by a circtiitous route along the foot of the mountains. The other division, to be commanded by the Dragging-Canoe in person, was, by a more northwardly route, to fall upon and break up the seittlements in the fork of the two branches of the Holston, and thence proceed into Virginia.

The alarm produced by this intelligence hastened the conio pletion of the defences and the embodiment of such a fored as the western settlements of Virginia and North-Carolina could supply. Five small companies, principally Virginians, immediately assembled under their respective captains, the eldest of whom, in commission, was Captain Thompsoiu They marched to Heaton's Station, where a fort had b^ea built, by the advice of Captain William Cocke, in advanoe of the settlements. Here they halted, as well to protect the people in the station as to procure information, by their spies and scouts, of the position of the enemy, of their number, and, if possible, of their designs. In a day or two it was ascertained that the Indians, in a body of three or four hundred, were actually on the march towards the fort* A council was immediately held to determine whether it was most advisable to await in the fort the arrival of the Indians, with the expectation that they would come and attack it, or to march out in search of them and fight them wherever they could be found. It was urged in council by Captain Cocke, that the Indians would not attack them in the station, and enclosed in their block houses, but would pass by them and attack the settlements in small parties; and that for want of protection the greater part of the women and children would be massacred. This argument decided the controversy, and it was determined to march out and meet theoL The corps, consisting of one hundred and seventy men, marched from the station and took their course down towards the Long Island, with an advance of about twelve men in front. When they reached what are called the Island Flats^ the advance guard discovered a small party of Indians coming along the road meeting them, and immediately fired on them ; the Indians fled and the white people pursued for some time, but did not meet the enemy. A halt wa^s then made, and the men were formed in a line. A council was then held by the officers, in which it was concluded that, probably, they would not be able to meet any others of the enemy that day, and^ as evening was drawing on, that it was most prudent to return to the fort. But before all the troops had fallen into ranks and left the place where tbey had halted, it was announced that the Indians were advancing, in order of battle, in their rear.* Captain Thompson, the senior officer, who was at the head of the left line, ordered the right line to form for battle to the right, and the line which he headed, to the left, and to face the enemy. In attempting to form the line, the head of the right seemed to bear too much along the road leading to the station, and the part of the line further back, perceiving that the Indians were endeavouring to outflank them, was drawn off, by Lieutenant Robert Davis, as quickly as possible, and formed on the right, across the flat to a ridge, and prevented them from getting round the flank. The greater part of the officers, and not a few of the privates, gave heroic examples to canse the men to advance and give battle ; of the latter, Robert Edmiston and John Morrison made conspicuous exertions. They advanced some paces towards the enemy and began the battle by shooting down the foremost of them. The battle then became general.

The Indians fought, at first, with great fury ; the foremost hallooing, the Unacas are running, come on and scalp them. Their first efifort was to break through the centre of our line* and to turn the left flank in the same instant. In both they failed of success, by the well directed fire of our riflemen. Several of their chief warriors fell, and, at length, their commander was dangerously wounded. This decided the victory. The enemy immediately betook themselves to flight, leaving twenty-six of their boldest warriors dead on the field. The blood of the wounded could be traced in great profusion, in the direction of the enemy's retreat. Our men pursued in a cautious manner, lest they might be led into an ambuscade, hardly crediting their own senses that so numerous a foe was completely routed. In this miracle of a battle, we had not a man killed and only five wounded, who all recovered. But the wounded of the enemy died till the whole loss in killed amounted to upwards of forty.f The battle lasted not more than ten minutes after the line was completely formed and engaged before the Indians began to retreat ; but they continued to fight awhile in that way, to get the wounded off the ground. The firing during the time of the action, particularly on the side of the white peopte, was very lively and well directed. This battle was fought on the 20th of July, 1776.

An official report of this well fought battle, will be also 17*76 \ E^^^^f ^^^ ^" detail than the preceding, but in most of I the essential parts entirely agreeing with it.

<* On the 19th our scouts returned, and informed us that they had discovered where a great number of Indians were making into the settlements ; upon which alarm, the few men stationed at Eaton's, oompleted a breast-work sufficiently strong, with the assistance of what men were there, to have repelled a considerable number ; sent expresses to the different stations and collected all the forces in one body, and the morning after about one hundred and seventy turned out in search of the enemy. We marched in two divisions, with flankers on each add and scouts before. Our scouts discovered upwards of twenty meetinff us, and fired on them. They returned the fire, but our men rushed on ui^m with such violence that they were obliged to make a precipitate retreat. We took ten bundles and a good deal of plunder, and had ffreat reas(Hi to think some of them were wounded. This small skirmish happened on ground very disadvantageous for our men to pursue, though it was with the greatest difficulty our officers could restrain their men. A council was held, and it was thought advisable to return, as we imagined there was a large party not far off. We accordingly returned, and had not marched more than a mile when a number, not inferior to ours, attadced vs in the rear. Our men sustained the attack with great bravery and intrepidity, immediately fonning a line. The Indians endeavoured to surround us, but were prevented by the uncommon fortitude and vigilance of Capt. James Shelby, who took possession of an eminence that prevented their design. Our line of battle extended about a quarter of a mile. We killed about thirteen on the spot, whom we found, and have the greatest reason to believe that we could have found a great many more, had we had time to search for them. There were streams of blood every way ; and it was generally tho\ight there was never so much execution done in so short a time on the frontiers. Never did troops fight with greater calmness than ours did. The Indians attacked us with the greatest fury imaginable, and made the most vigorous efforts to surround Ufl. Our spies really deserved the greatest applause. We took a great deal of plunder and many guns, and had only four men greatly wounded. The rest of the troops are in high spirits and ea^er foi\ anotlier engagement. We have the greatest reason to believe tliey are pouring in great numbers on us, and beg the assistance of our friends.

- A desperate hand-to-hand conflict took place during the battle^ The precise spot is still pointed out in a field on the left of the road passing through the grounds where the battle took place. The combatants were Lieutenant Moore, late of Sallivan, and a very large chief or leader of the Cherokees. Moore had shot the chief, wounding him in the knee, but not so badly as. to prevent him from standing. Moore advanced towards him, and the Indian threw his tomahawk but missed him. Moore sprung at him with his large butcher knife drawn, which the Indian caught by the blade and attempted to wrest ^ora the hand of his antagonist. Holding on with desperate tenacity to the knife, both clinched with their left hands. A souffle ensued in which the Indian was thrown to the ground, his right hand being nearly dissevered and bleeding profusely. Ho(Hre still holding the handle of his knife in the right hand, succeeded with the other to disengage his own tomahawk from his belt, and ended the strife by sinking it in the skull of the Indian. Until this conflict was ended, the Indians fought with unyielding spirit. After its issue became known* they retreated.

Mr. George Hufticre, late of Knox county, was in this battle, and gives further particulars. He say3 : While the captains were endeavouring to form line, some confusion ensued, when Isaac Shelby (a volunteer under no command and not in ranks) gave orders for each captain to fall into place, and with his company to march back a few paces and form line. This order was obeyed, and the line was immediately formed a short distance in the rear of four men left upon the eminence to watch the movements of the enemy. Encouraged by the apparent withdrawal of the troops and the small number in -igfat, the. Indians made a rapid forward movement against the four men on the rising ground, and pursued them into the line now completely formed, yelling and brandishing their tomahawks and war clubs. Edmondson being in the centre company, bore the weight of the enemy's assault several minutes, and himself killed six of the most daring of the Indians. John Findley was one of the wounded.

namber of their influential and most vindictive enemies, ^nd lessening the hostile spirit of the Oherokees. It induced m concord and union of principle to resist the tyranny of the British government. It attracted the favour and attention of the. new commonwealth; it inspired military ideas and a contempt of danger from our savage enemies. The inquiry^ afterwards, when* in search of Indians, was not, how many of them are there? but, where are they to be found ? This spirit was kept up and often displayed itself on several important occasions during the war. *

Another division of the Cherokees invaded the settlementil at another point and from another direction. This was commanded by Old Abraham of Chilhowee. That chieftain was distinguished more for stratagem and cunning, than by valoor and enterprise. He led his division along the foot of the mountain by the Nollichucky path, hoping to surprise and massacre the unsuspecting and unprotected inhabitants upon that river. The little garrison at Gillespie's Station, apprised of the impending danger, had prudently broken up their fort and had withdrawn to Watauga, taking with them such of their moveable effects as the emergency allowed, but leaving their cabins, their growing crops and the stock in the ranges to the waste and devastation of the invaders. The Indians arriving at the deserted station soon after the garrison departed from it, hoped, by rapid marches, to overtake and destroy them. In the rapidity of the pursuit, the standing corn, stock and improvements of the settlers, remained untouched and uninjured. The garrison reached Watauga in safety. The next morning, at sunrise, the Indians invested that place and attacked the fort, now strengthened by the small reinforcement from Gillespie's. Captain James Robert^ son commanded the ft>rces at Watauga, amounting in all to but forty men. Lieut. John Sevier and Mr. Andrew Greer were also present. The assault upon t)ie fort was vigorous and sudden. But, by the unerring aim of the riflemen within it, and the determined bravery of men protecting their women and children from capture and massacre, the assailants were repulsed with considerable loss. No one in the fi>rt was wounded. Mrs. Bean had been taken prisoner by the Indians on their march, the preceding day. I'he killed and wounded of the Cherokees were carried off in sight of the people in the fort. The number could not be ascertained^ as the Indians remained skulking about in the adjacent woods for twenty days. During that time expresses had succeeded in escaping from the besieged fort at Watauga, and in communicating to the station at Heaton's the dangerous condition in which the siege involved them. Col. Russell was requested to send them succour : and five small companies were ordered to proceed to Watauga. These could not be well spared from Heaton's - ^and some delay occurring, Col. Shelby raised one hundred iiorsemen and crossed the country to the relief of his besieged countrymen. Before his arrival at Watauga the siege was raised, and the Indians had hastily withdrawn. The attack of the Cherokees under Old Abraham, was on the SlsC of July, the next day after the Dragging>-Canoe had made his ansuccessful marph upon Heaton's Station near Long Island.

Mrs. Bean was captured near Watauga, and was taken by the Indians to their station camp over on Nollichucky. A white roan was there also a prisoner. He told her she was to be killed, and a warrior stepped towards and cocked his gun as if intending to shoot her. The white man, at the instance of the chiefs, then began to ask Mrs. Bean some questions : how many forts have the white people ? how many soldiers in each ? where are the forts 7 can they be starved outt have they got any powder? She answered these questions so as to leave the impression that the settlements could protect themselves. After conferring among themselves a few minutes, the chiefs told the white man to say to Mrs. Bean that she was not to be killed, l^ut that she had to go with them to their towns and teach their women how to make butter and cheese.

After she was taken into captivity Mrs. Bean was condemned to death. She was bound, taken to the top of one of the mounds, and was about to be burned, when Nancy Ward, then exercising in the nation the functions 3f the Beloved or Pretty Woman, interfered and pronounced her pardon. Her life was spared. We give farther details.

The fort ,at Watauga, when attacked, had one hundred and fifty settlers within its enclosures The women from the fort had gone out at daj'breab to milk the cows and were fired upon, but made a safe retreat to the fort. A brisk fire was then made upon the garrison, and kept up till eight o'clock, without efiect. The assault was repelled with considerable loss to the assailants, as was inferred from th^ quantity of blood left upon the ground. In a short time after the Indians renewed the attack and continued before the fork six days.

In the meantime, a soldier efiected his escape from Wap tauga and went to Holston express lor reinforcements. A detachment of one hundred rangers was instantly forwarded under the command of Col. Wm. Russell. On their way thi rangers fell in with a party of forty Cherokees, who were busy skinning a beef at a deserted plantation, fifty miles east of Long Island. Of these Col. Russell's men killed five and took one prisoner who was mortally wounded, and also made prize of twenty rifles belonging to the Indians.*

During the time the Indians were around tBe fort, James Cooper and a boy named Samuel Moore, went out after boards to cover a hut. When near the mouth of Gap f reek, they were attacked by Indians ; Cooper leaped into the river, and by divings hoped to escape their arrows and bullets, but the water became too shallow and he was killed by them and scalped. The firing by the Indians and the screams of Cooper were heard in the fort, and Lieutenant John Sevier attempted to go to his succour. Captain Robertson saw that the Indians were superior in force to that within the fort, and/ that it would require all the men he commanded to protect the women and children from massacre. The firing and screaming without, he believed to be a feint on the part of the enemy to draw his men from the fortification, and he recalled Sevier and his party from the attempted rescue. Moore was carried prisoner to the Indian towns, and was tortured to death by burning. A few mornings after the battle a man named Clonse was found in the thicket below the fort, killed apd scalped. . 11^ had probably chosen the darkness of the night to reaoh tbe fort from some of the settlements, and had been interoepted and slain. The intelligence of the defeat at the Island Plats had probably reached the division commanded by Old Abraham, and occasioned the precipitate retreat from Watauga.

Another division of the Gherokees, commanded by Raven^* had struck across the country, with the intention of falling npoD the frontier people of Carter's Valley. They came up Hdston to the lowest station, and finding the inhabitants toeurely shut up in forts, and hearing of the repulse at Watauga and the bloody defeat at the Flats, they retreated and relumed to their towns.

A fourth party of Indians had crossed the country still lower down, and fell in upon the inhabitants scattered along the valley of Clinch. To this body of the enemy no opposing force was presented. They divided themselves into small detachments, and carried fire and devastation and massacre into every settlement, from the remotest cabin on Clinch, to the Seven Mile Ford, in Virginia. One of these detachments made a sudden inroad upon the Wolf Hills Settlement* A station had been built there, near the present town (of Abingdon, at the house of Joseph Black. This station was a centre or rallying point for the infant settle. ments then being extended down the Holston Valley, into what is now Tennessee. As early as 1772, a congregation was organized and two churches built among these primitive people, to whom the Rev. Charles Cummings regularly preached. On this occasion, Mr. Cummings and four others, going to his field, were attacked by the Indians. At the first fire William Creswell, who was driving a wagon, was killed, and during the skirmish two others were wounded. Mr. Cummings and his servant, both of wlfom were well armed, drove the Indians from their ambush, and with the aid of some men from the fort, who, hearing the tiring, came to

- « The Maven is one of tbe Cherokee favourite war names. Carolina and Geoigia rememher Quorinnah, the Raven of Huwhase-town. He was one of the most daring warriors of the whole nation, and by far the most intelligent, and this Dune or war appellative admirably salted his well-known character.^ ** The nam^ pointa out an indef«tigftbl«, keeo^ sucoeBiful irvmar.^-^JLdair.

their relief, brought in the dead and wounded. Mr. Creswell had been in the battle at Long Island. His numeroas descendants reside in Sevier and Blount counties.

From the period that Mr. C. commenced preaching in the Holston settlements, up to the time of this attack, the men never went to church without being armed and taking their families with them. On Sabbath morning, during most of this period, it was the custom of Mr. Cummings to dress himself neatly, put on his shot pouch, shoulder his rifle, mount his horse and ride off to church, where he met his gallant and intelligent congregation - each man with his rifle in his hand. The minister would then enter the church, walk gravely through the crowd, ascend the pulpit, deposit his rifle in a corner of it, lay off his shot pouch and commence the solemn services of the day.*

The several invasions, by as many separate parties of Cherokee warriors, well armed, and carrying with them fall supplies of ammunition, were ascribed to the instigation of British officers. The imputation is a serious one, and should not be made without adequate testimony. It is abhorrent to the feelings of civilized man ; it is in direct conflict with the kindly sympathies of a christian people, and it is repugnant to all the pleasant charities of life, to incite a blood-thirsty and barbarous nation to perpetrate outrage and cruelty, rapine and murder, havoc and war, indiscriminately upon valiant men, helpless women and innocent children. Not only was this invasion by the Cherokees imputed to British agency, but the details of it were traced to a concerted plan of attack, arranged by Gen^jGage and the Superintendent of Indian Affairs.

John Stuart was sole agent and Superintendent of his Majesty's Indian Affairs for the Southern District. For a long time he had been suspected of endeavouring to influence the Indians against the American cause. In support of these suspicions, a gentleman from North-Carolina had given some particulars to the committee of intelligence, in Charleston, which he had collected from the Catawba Indians. Stuart departed suddenly from Charleston, just before the meeting of the Provincial Congress, and went to Savan* nalh There his official letter-liook was seen, by Mr. Habersham, in which a- full confirmation was found of the 8uspi« cions excited against him, and proving that his intention was, evidently^to arouse the resentment and stimulate the bad passions of the savages in their neighbourhood against Anglo-Americans struggling against oppression, and vindicating the rights of freemen. In the letter-book was found a despatch from Mr. Cameron, saying to Mr. Stuart, ** that the traders most, by some means or other, get ammunition among them, or otherwise they may become troublesome to Um for the want of it.** The ammunition was, doubtless, finmished, and went into the outfit of the several detachments of warriors that soon after invaded the qlliet and unoffending pioneers of Tennessee.

Only one of these written disclosures of the murderous policy adopted by England against American citizens, had yet reached the frontier ; but there were other sources of information, not less authentic or reliable, fVom which the machinations of the enemy were soon made known. The traders noticed at first a spirit of suspicion and discontent, and directly after unmistakable evidences of fixed resentment and hostility. This discovery was communicated to the settlers, and along with the friendly interposition of the Cherokee Pocahontas, saved the settlements from a surprise thdfC' might otherwise have proved fatal.

Simultaneously with these several invasions of the frontier settlements of Virginia and North-Carolina by the Cherokees, that warlike nation was carrying into execution the murderous policy instigated by British officers against South- Carolina and Georgia. A plan for compelling the colonies to submission, had been concerted between the British commander-in-chief. General Gage, and the Superintendent of Southern Indian Affairs, John Stuart. That plan shall be given in the words of a British historian :*

^British agents were again employed, in engaging the Indians to make a diversion, and to enter the Southern Colonies on their back and ddnideaa parts. Accnatomed to their diapositions and habits of mind, the agents found bnt litUe difficulty in bringing them over to their pni^ pose, by presents and hopes of spoil and plunder. A large body of men was to be sent to West Florida, in order to penetrate through the territories of the Creeks, Chickasaws and Cherokees. The warriors of theee nations were to join the body, and the Carolinas and Virginia were immediately to be invaded. At the same time the i^ttention of the colonies was to be diverted, by another formidable naval and military force, which was to make an impression on the sea coast. But this undertaking was not to depend solely on the British army and Indians. It was intended to engage the assistance of such of the white inhabitants <^ the back settlements, as were known to be well a£^ted to the British cause. Circular letters were accordingly sent to those persons by Mr. Stuart, requiring not only the well a^cted, but also those who wished to preserve their property from the miseries of a civil war, to repair to the royal standard as soon as it should be erected in the Cherokee country, with all their horses, cattle and provisions, for which they should be liberally paid."

A part only of this compKcated plan was executed. Sir Peter Parker appeared with a British squadron in May, o£f the coast of North-Carolina, and early in June prepared to attack Charleston with a large naval and military fbroe. The Indians were true to their engagement Being informed that a 'British fleet with troops had arrived off Charleston, they proceeded to take up the war club, and with the dawn of day on the first day of July, the Cherokees poured down upon the frontiers of South-Carolina, massacring without distinction of age or sex, all persons who fell into their ppwer. Several white men with whom Cameron and Stuart had been intriguing, painted and dressed as Indians, marched with and directed their attacks upon the most defenceless points of the frontier. The news of the gallant defence at Sullivan's Island, and the repulse of Sir Peter Parker, in the harbour of Charleston, on the 28th of June» arrived soon after that glorious victory, and frustrated in part the plan as concerted.

Preparations were immediately made, to march with an imposing force upon the Cherokee nation. The whole frontier, from Georgia to the head of Holston in Virginia, had been invaded at once ; and the four southern colonies, now on the point of becoming sovereign and independent states, assumed an offensive position, and determined in their turn to invade and destroy their deluded and savage enemies.

The Cherokee nation at this time occupied, as places of resi- ( dence or as hunting grounds, all the territory west and I north of the upper settlements in Georgia, and west of the Carolinas and South-western Virginia. They were the most warlike and enterprising of the native tribes, and, exeept the Greeks, were the most numerous. Intercourse with the whites had made them acquainted with the use of small arms and some of the modes of civilized warfare. They had made some advances in agriculture. They lived in towns of various sizes - their government was simple, and in time of war especially, the authority of their chiefs and warriors was supreme. Their country was known by three great geographical divisions : The Lower Towns, the Middle Settlements and Vallies, and the Over-hill Towns. The. number of warriors were, in the

To inflict suitable chastisement upon the Cherokees, several expeditions were at once made into their territories. Colonel McBury and Major Jack, from Georgia, entered the Indian settlements on Tugaloo, and defeating the enemy, destroyed all their towns on that river. General Williamson, of South- Carolina, early in July began to embody the militia of that state, and before the end of that month was at the head of. an army of eleven hundred and fifty men, marching to meet Cameron, who was, with a large body oCEsseneca Indians and disaffected white men, encamped at Oconoree. Encountering and defeating this body of the enemy, he destroyed their town and a large amount of provisions. He burned Sugaw Town, Soconee, Keowee, Ostatoy, Tugaloo and Brass Town. He proceeded against Toniassee, Chchokee and Eustustie, ijirhere, observing a recent trail of the enem3', he made pursuit and soon met and vanquished three hundred of their warriors. These towns he afterwards destroyed.

In the meantime, an army had been raised in North-Carolina, nnder command of General Rntherford, and a place of joining their respective forces had been agreed upon by that officer and Colonel Williamson, under the supposition that nothing less than their united force was adequate to the redaction of the Middle Settlements and Vallies. Colonel Martin Armstrong, of Surry county, in August raised a small regiment of militia and marched with them to join General Rutherford. Benjamin Cleveland was one of Armstrong's captains. Wil- Ham (afterwards general) Lenoir was Cleveland's first Wexbtenant, and William Gray his second lieutenant. Armstrong's regiment crossed John's River at McKenney's ford, passed the Quaker Meadows and crossed the Catawba at Greenlee's ford, and at Cathey's Fort joined the army under General Rutherford, consisting of above two thousand men. The Blue Ridge was crossed by this army at the Swannanae Gap, and the march continued down the river of the same name to its mouthy near to which they crossed the French Broad. From that river the -army marched up Hominy Creek, leaving Pisgah on the left and crossing Pigeon a little below the mouth of the East Fork. Thence throu^ the mountain to Richland Creek, above the present Waynesville, and ascending that creek and crossing Tuckaseigee River at an Indian town. They then crossed the Cowee Mountain, where they had an engagement with the enemy, in which but one white man was wounded. The Indians carried off their dead. From thence the army marched to the Middle Towns on Tennessee River, where they expected to form a junction with the South-Carolina troops under General Williamson. Here, after waiting a few days, they left a strong guard and continued the march to the Hiwassee towns. All the Indian villages were found evacuated, the warriors having fled without oflTering any resistance. Few were killed or wounded on either side, and but few prisoners taken by the whites - but they destroyed all the buildings, crops and stock of the enemy, and left them in a starving condition. This army returned by the same route it had marched. They destroyed thirty or forty Cherokee towns. * The route has since been known as Rutherford's Trace.

While the troops commanded by McBury, Williamson and Rutherford, were thus desolating the Lower Towns and Middle Settlements of the Cherokees, another army, not less valiant or enterprising, had penetrated to the more secure, because more remote, Over-hill Towns. We have seen that the great chieftains of these interior places, Dragging-Ganoe, Old Abram of Cbilhowee, and Raven, had, at the head of their several commands, fallen upon Watauga and the other infant settlements, and although signally repulsed, some of ihem had united with another detachment, under another leader, and were spreading devastation and ruin upon the unprotected settlements near the head of Holston and Clincfaf in Virginia. The government of that state, indignant at aggressions so unprovoked and so offensive, soon acted in a manner suitable to her exalted sense of national honour. Orders were immediately given to Col. William Christian to raise an army and to march them at once into the heart of the Cherokee country. The place of rendezvous was the Great Island of Holston. This service was undertaken with the greatest alacrity, and so active were the exertions of the officers and men that by the first of August several companies had assembled at the place appointed. This preparatory movement was itself sufficient to drive off the Indiana who still remained lurking around the settlements. Soon after Col. Christian was reinforced by three or four hundred North-Cai^lina militia, under Col. Joseph Williams, Col. Love and Major Winston. To these were added such gunmen as could be spared from the neighbouring forts and stations. The whole army took up the line of march for the Cherokee towns, nearly two hundred miles distant. Crossing the Holston at the Great Island, they marched eight miles and encamped at the Double Springs, on the head waters of Lick Creek. Here the army remained a few days, till the reinforcement from Watauga should overtake it. The whole force now amounted to eighteen hundred men, including paok-horse men and bullock drivers. All were well armed with rifles, tomahawks and butcher knives. The army was all infant}^, except a single compi^ny of light horse. While on the march the precaution was taken to send forward sixteen spies to the crossing place of the French Broad. The Indians had boasted that the white men should never cross that river. Near the mouth of Lick Creek were extensive cane-brakes, which, with a lagoon or swamp of a mile long, obstructed the march. The army succeeded, however, in crossing through this pass. The packs and beeves did not get through till midnight. At the encampment that night, Alexander Harlin came in and informed Col. Christian that a body of three thousand warriors were awaiting his arrival at French Broad, and would certainly there dispute his passage across that stream. He was ordered into camp with the spies. At the bend of Nollichucky the camps of the enemy were found by the spies, deserted, but affording unerring evidence that the Indians were embodied in large numbers. This, with the message of Harlin, put the commander on his guard, and the march was resumed, next day, with every precaution and preparation against a surprise. Harlin was dismissed with a request from Col. Christian that he would inform the Indians of his determination to cross not only the French Broad, but the Tennessee, before he stopped. The route to be pursued was unknown and through a wilderness. Isaac Thomas, a trader among the Cherokees, acted as the pilot. He conducted the army along a narrow but plain war path up Long Creek to its source, and down Dumplin Creek to a point a few miles from its mouth, where the war path struck across to the ford of French Broad, near what has since been known as Buckingham's Island. As they came down Dumplin, and before they reached the river, the army was met by Fallen, a trader, having a white flag in his rifle. Christian directed that he should not be disturbed and that no notice should be taken of his embassy. He departed immediately, and gave to the Indians information that the whites, as numerous as the trees, were marching into their country. Arrived at the river. Col. Christian ordered every mess to kindle a good fire and strike up teiit, as though be intended to encamp there several days. During the night a large detachment was sent down the river to an island, near where Brabson's mill now stands, with directions to cross the river at that- place, and to come up the rivviTy on its sonthem bank, next morning. This order was executed with great difficulty. The ford was deep, and the water so rapid as to require the men to march in platoons of four abreast, so as to brace each other against the impetuous stream. In one place the water reached nearly to the shoulders of the men, but the ammunition and the guns were kept dry.

Next morning the main body crossed the river near the Big Island. They marched in order of battle, expecting an attack from the Indians, who were supposed to be lying about in ambush ; but to their surprise no trace was found even of a recent camp. The detachment met no molestation from the enemy, and, joining the main body, a halt was made one day, for the purpose of drying the baggage and provisions which had got wet in crossing the river.

When it was understood in the Cherokee nation that Christian was about to invade their territory, one thousand warriors assembled at the Big Island of French Broad to resist the invaders. The great war path, which led through ity was considered as the gate to the best part of their country ; and the island being the key to it, the Indians determined to maintain and defend that point to the last extremity. From that place, a message was sent by Fallen, as already mentioned, addressed to the commanding officer, not to attempt the crossing, as a formidable host of their braves would be there to dispute the passage. After the departure of the messenger, a trader named Starr, who was in the Indian encampment, harangued the warriors in an earnest , tone. He said that the Great Spirit had made the one race of white clay and the'other of red ; that he had intended the former to conquer and subdue the latter, and that the pale faces would not only invade their country, but would overrun and occupy it. He advised, therefore, an immediate abandonment of their purpose of defence, and a retreat to their villages and the fastnesses of their mountains. The trader's counsels prevailed - all defensive measures were abandoned, and, without waiting for the return of their messengers, the warriors dispersed, and the island was found deserted and their encampments broken up and forsaken.

The next morhiog the army resumed its march. The route led along the valley of Boyd's Creek and down Ellejay to Little River. From there to the Tennessee River not an Indian was seen. Col. Christian supposed that, as the Cherokee settlements and towns were upon the opposite bank, he would meet a formidable resistance in attempting to cross it. When the troops came within a few miles of the ford, he called upon them to follow him in a run till they came to the river. This was done, and, pushing through, they took possession of a town called Tamotlee, above the mouth of Telico. The army, pack horses, &c., were all safely crossed over before night, and the encampment was made in the deserted town. Next morning they marched to the Great Island Town, which was taken without resistance. The fertile lands in the neighbourhood furnished a supply of corn, potatoes and other provisions, and the Indian huts made comfortable bivouacs for the troops. The commander, for these reasons, made this place, temporarily, head-quarters and a centre for future operations. A panic had seized the Cherokee warriors, and not one of them could be found. Small detachments were, therefore, from time to time, sent out to different parts of the nation, and finding no armed enemy to contend against, they adopted, as not a less effectual chastisement of the implacable enemy, the policy of laying waste and burning their fields and towns. In this manner Neowee, Telico, Chilhowee and other villages were destroyed. Occasionally, during these excursions, a few warriors were seen, escaping from one town to a place of greater safety, and were killed. No males were taken prisoners. These devastations were confined to such towns as were known to have advised or consented to hostilities, while such, like the Beloved Town, Chota, as had been disposed to peace, were spared. Col. Christian endeavoured to convince the Cherokees that he warred only with enemies. He sent oat tliree or four men with white flags, and requested a talk with the chiefs. Six or seven immediately came in. In a few days several others, from the more distant towns, came forward also and proposed peace. It was granted, but not to take effect till a treaty should be made by representatives from the whole tribe, to assemble the succebding May, at Long Island. A suspension of hostilities was, in the meantime, provided for, with the exception of two towns high up in the mountains, on Tennessee River. These had burnt a prisoner, a youth named Moore, whom they had taken at Watauga. Tuskega and the other excepted town were reduced to ashes.

Colonel Christian finding nothing more to occupy his army longer, broke up his camp at Great Island Town, marched to Chota, recrossed the Tennessee and returned to the settlements. In this campaign of about three months, not one man was killed. A few, from inclement weather and undue fatiguOf beeame sick. . No one died. The Rev. Charles Cummings accompanied the expedition as chaplain, and was thus the first christian minister that ever preached in Tennessee. A pioneer of civilization, of learning and of religion - let his memory not be forgotten !

Most of the troops commanded by Christian were disbanded at Long Island, where they had been mustered into service. A portion of them were retained and went into winter quarters. A new fort was erected there, which, in honour of the patriotic Governor of Virginia, was called ^'Fort Henry.^^ Its ruins are still pointed out on the lands of Colonel Netherland. Supplies of provisions were brought to it from Rock Bridge and Augusta counties, in wagons and on pack-horses.

Captain Thompson, who commanded a company at Long Island in July preceding, was with his company in this campaign, and formed the life-guard of the commanding general*