Yakima County, Washington - Chapter 9: The Yakima War, 1904 (part 1 of 2)

Chapter 9: The Yakima War

The Walla Walla council successfully terminated, Governor Stevens passed on to the north and east to continue the same kind of negotiations. He had not long departed before the great Yakima war burst suddenly over the Columbia plains; and to regions as far remote as Puget sound, Walla Walla and Rogue river, the horrors of war were simultaneously brought. The country was face to face with a widespread conspiracy to overthrow white occupancy and re-establish the uninterrupted reign of Indian barbarism over the entire Northwest.

This was the primary cause and purpose of that widespread and pervading outbreak. "While," says Evans, "many causes might be suggested as affecting the Indian mind and provoking hostility to American occupancy of the country; while it was precipitated by the perfidy of Indians who just before had joined in treaties to allure the white race into a belief in their security; while those very Indians went to that council to begin war there by the murder of the commissioners - yet that war, so far as the Indians were concerned, was made on their part, not because of any personal outrages committed by the whites, not because of any injustice sought to be inflicted by virtue of those treaties, not because the terms of the treaties were unsatisfactory, but solely because it was the Indian purpose to exterminate the white settlement, to force the white race to abandon the territory. That war on the part of the Indians is perhaps sanctioned by what may be called patriotism. If merit it had, then is that merit obliterated by the perfidious cruelty which marked its declaration and commencement by them. On the part of the people and authorities of the territory, the Oregon-Washington Indian war resulted from repeated and unprovoked outrages which were committed by savages upon unoffending and defenseless white men, women and children. ***** In no respect were any citizens of those territories the aggressors. No act of their citizens nor of their officials provoked hostilities. There was no cause of complaint by the Indians, nor were they afforded a shadow of justification for that outbreak of perfidy and hate during the summer and fall of 1855. The only offense of the Oregon-Washington pioneers in the Indian estimation was that as American citizens they were in the country. That presence, lawful in itself, was to the Indians a standing menace that others of that race would follow them. The war was initiated by the native population to discourage immigration or American occupancy. Forced upon our people, it was prosecuted by them solely to hold the country for our race, to protect the settlements, and to effect a peace which would be lasting and enable the white population then in the country, and those who sboiild come thereafter, to remain in safety. This conflict, so unexpected to the American settlers and for which they we're so ill prepared, may have been hastened by the negotiating of the treaties and the events which so quickly followed - events which could not have been anticipated by any, either Indian or white, who participated in these negotiations. In no sense, however, were these treaties the cause of those hostile feelings which brought about the war."

The argumentative tone of the foregoing quotation was inspired by the persistent efforts of the United States army officials, with Major- General Wool, chief in command of the Department of the Pacific, at their head, to make Governor Stevens and the citizens of Oregon and Washington in some way responsible for the war. General Wool lost no opportunity to slander the people of the two territories and it has been stated that in the prosecution of the war, he proved himself a more bitter enemy of Oregon and Washington than any of the Indian savages in arms. The enmity between the general and Governor Stevens is unsurpassed for venom in the annals of the Northwest.

Just prior to the outbreak of the war an event occurred which brought joy to many hearts. A discovery of gold was reported to have been made in the vicinity of the Hudson's Bay Company's Fort Colville and not a little excitement had been aroused in consequence. It was hoped that this would cause the long-looked-for large immigration of people into the territory and its more complete settlement and subjugation. Instead, it furnished the immediate occasion for the melancholy war, which did so much to retard development and delay settlement. The young commonwealth was fated to pass through a period of trials, dissimilar in many respects to that experienced by Oregon in the dark days of the Cayuse

So great was the feeling of security engendered by the successful negotiation of the treaties at Walla Walla - treaties which incorporated as one of their provisions pledges of good will on the part of the Indians toward the white race - that persons traveling from Puget sound to the Colville gold fields hesitated not to pass through the Indian country singly or in small squads, ill equipped to repel attack. Soon rumors reached the settlements that many such had been murdered by Indians, and that the Yakimas had taken an attitude of hostility toward white men. The rumors in the cases of Mattice, Jamison, Walker, Eaton, Cummings, Huffman, Fanjoy and others being partially confirmed, Sub-agent Andrew J. Bolon, then en route to the Spokane country to meet Governor Stevens, turned aside into the Yakima country to ascertain from Kamiakin himself the truth or falsity of the statements. He never returned to tell the story of his adventures, and as no white man accompanied him, only Indian evidence could be obtained as to what transpired. According to this the chief received Bolon in a haughty and insolent manner, whereupon the sub-agent made some threats. Kamiakin must have been deeply angered, for it is said he directed that Bolon should be killed. At any rate the sub-agent was murdered in a perfidious and brutal manner, by a son of Owhi, half brother of Kamiakin. Bolon's horse was also killed and the bodies of both were burned.

When the news of this melancholy event became known to the whites, Acting-Governor Mason, of Washington territory, made a requisition upon the military for a force to protect the route of the returning Colville miners. Major Rains, in charge at Vancouver, ordered Brevet- Major G. O. Haller, with one hundred men and a howitzer, to proceed from The Dalles into the Yakima country, there to co-operate with fifty men under Lieutenant W. A. Slaughter, for the purpose of inquiring into the difficulties. The Indians were abundantly prepared to meet him, not in council but on the battle-field. Ever since the signing of the Walla Walla treaty, the Yakimas had thought of nothing but war. The organizers of the hostile confederacy had steadily pointed out to those inclined to be peaceable that for fifteen years the whites had been pouring through their country into the Willamette; that their purpose not only to hold the country but to keep open the routes of travel for more to follow was plainly manifest; that a settlement in the Colville country and an open road thereto was an entering wedge by which the whites would gain possession of the interior, and that if anything was to be done to prevent white supremacy and the total subjugation of the

Central Washington

Indian race, it must be done quickly. In confirmation of their statements that the whites were determined to keep open the route by which should come uncounted hordes of their race, they pointed to the fact that but recently United States troops had passed through their country going to the Snake river with intent to protect the immigrant road from Fort Hall westward. A horrible massacre had taken place there during August, 1854, in which all the members of an immigrant train, except one boy, were murdered and outraged in the most brutal manner, one woman being compelled to witness the torturing of her children over a slow fire. To prevent the recurrence of such acts, Major Haller had gone in May, 1855, to the scene of the carnival of slaughter. This natural and praiseworthy act had furnished the Indian demagogues with an effective argument in their philippics against the white race. And indeed, though he succeeded in his expedition, capturing and hanging many of the perpetrators of this horrible crime, the Indian orators did not hesitate to publish assiduously a rumor to the effect that he had been cut off by the Snakes and his men all killed. By such false reports and appeals to their jealousy and prejudices, the Yakimas were wrought up to the fighting point and made ready to bear their part in the general outbreak. Similar arguments were used to inspire other Indians from California's northern boundary to the British line with similar passions, and a like eagerness to engage in acts of hostility.

Thus it came to pass that Haller with his handful of men met a determined foe, well equipped for battle. Leaving The Dalles on October 3, 1855, he fell in with the enemy three days later. The Indians were defeated in the first engagement, but on .Sunday, the 7th, completely turned the tables upon the whites, who were surrounded by a large and constantly increasing force of Indians. These were kept off by bayonet charges until nightfall, when a retreat back to The Dalles was decided upon. A running fight was maintained during the next day, but that night the Indians suffered a repulse, after which the whites were permitted to complete their journey without further molestation. The fighting on the retreat was all done by the advance guard, the rear guard having taken another trail, by which it reached The Dalles in safety. The loss on the expedition was five killed and seventeen wounded, though much property had to be abandoned or. destroyed. Lieutenant Slaughter, as soon as he became aware of the defeat of Haller, prudently recrossed the Cascades to the White river country.

this side of the Nez Perces and Spokanes, have either commenced open hostilities upon the whites, or are concentrating their forces for that purpose. I just arrived at this place this morning from The Dalles, and find the most alarming state of affairs as to the friendly relations heretofore existing between the Americans and the Walla Wallas, Palouses, Umatillas and Cayuses. I am doing all in my power to check the gathering storm ; but I fear nothing but a large military force will do any good towards keeping them in check. The regular force now in the country I do not consider sufficient for the protection of the settlers and the chastisement of the Indians. One thousand volunteers should be raised immediately and sent into this part of Oregon and Washington territories. Delay is ruinous. Decisive steps must be immediately taken. The)' must be humbled; and in all conscience send a force that can do it effectually and without delay. These Indians must be taught our power. The winter is the very time to do it."

It would seem that Major Rains took the same view of the emergency and of the inadequacy of the regular force to meet it as did Mr. Olney, for he called upon Acting-Governor Mason, of Washington territory, for two companies of volunteers, and upon Governor Curry, of Oregon, for four. Both the Washington companies, when organized, were mustered into the service of the United States, though it was understood that one of them should be sent upon the mission for which it was raised, namely, the relief of Governor Stevens. The Oregon governor refused to have the men who volunteered in response to his call mustered into the regular service, so the identity of the Oregon volunteers was maintained throughout the war, though their leaders at all times expressed a willingness to act in harmony with the United States troops for the vigorous prosecution of aggressive warfare.

October 30th Major Rains set out from The Dalles with a force of three hundred and fifty regulars. November 1st Colonel Nesmith followed with a force which a few days later was increased to five hundred and fifty-three men. The experiences of both regulars and volunteers up to November 12th, when both were in camp at the Ahtanum mission, were summarized thus in a despatch of that date from Major Rains to Governor Mason:

"Here we are without a battle, except a skirmish four days since with some forty Indians who defied us as we approached the Yakima river. We thought it. was the prelude to the big battle with the whole of their force, and forded the stream to an island with our mounted troops, eighteen dragoons and eight prisoners. Here we commenced the action, firing on the enemy, and ordering up our artillery and infantry to ford the stream. Our troops made a rush into the water, but, being or foot, tried again and again to cross the river, but failed, the rapid current sweeping away two of our best men, who were thus drowned; whereupon I sent back to Colonel Nesmith for two companies of volunteers, who, with our dragoons, drove headlong into the foaming current, and reaching the opposite shore, charged the enemy, who fled away over the hills, one of their balls striking, but fortunately not wounding, Colonel Nesmith's horse.

"Late in the afternoon, after recalling all our forces to the south bank of the Yakima river, we heard, some distance on the plain, the reports of small arms (indication of a fight), and, taking two companies, we proceeded in that direction until some time after night, when, the firing having ceased, we returned to the. edge of the timber and bivouacked for the night. Next day we found a number of Indians around us on swift horses, who were driven off by our mounted volunteer companies. As we approached the mountain gorge, we found the Indians, about three hundred in number, on the hilltops beating their drums atfd shouting defiance. These were soon driven from their position and scattered by discharges from our howitzers. We cut off some of them by a proper disposition of our troops; and two or more were killed. We continued our march to this place, sweeping the plains with our cavalry, dispersing, killing and wounding all the enemy we saw, and found the mission abandoned. Captain Maloney not having arrived in conjunction with Colonel Nesmith (who himself went in command), we despatched one hundred and sixty-eight volunteers and regulars, on our best horses, to proceed in the direction of the Naches pass, and ascertain his whereabouts. We are awaiting their report; for we cannot tell where the large body of the enemy is, unless they have gone that way to attack Captain Maloney's command."

In the engagement at the Yakima river (mentioned in Major Rains' despatch). Captain Bennett's company (Company F)and part of the Clackamas company (Company C) took part and were the first to cross the river and charge the enemy, who fled with great rapidity, so much so that the disabled state of the horses of the volunteers rendered pursuit unsuccessful. Captain Cornelius' company (Company D) having become separated from the main body of the volunteers in the engagement at the river, encountered a superior force of Indians and fought them nearly a half day. He kept them at bay and succeeded in taking some cattle and driving them into camp that night. Two of his men were severely wounded. The damage inflicted upon the Indians was not known. In the attack the next day at the mountain gorge spoken of by Major Rains, otherwise called the Two Buttes. the number of Indians was not less than five hundred. About one hundred, and fifty were counted upon the top of the hill, and the' remainder were in the brush. By some misunderstanding of the orders given to surround them, a gap was left open; and those

The regulars and volunteers encamped near the mission, which, having been abandoned, it was conjectured that the main force of the Indians had either gone to the Naches pass to attack Captain Malonev, or up the Columbia to Priests' rapids. Colonel Nesmith, with a command of two hundred and fifty men, proceeded toward the pass, - and after an absence of three days returned without having seen the enemy. He found the snow so deep as to prevent the forage of his animals, and was compelled to return. He found caches of Indian provisions, which he destroyed, and several Indian mares and colts, which were killed, as they would be of no service to the volunteers. Some wild Indian cattle were also found and killed, which furnished subsistence for the troops. In and about the mission were found vegetables and a variety of useful articles.

On Colonel Nesmith's return, a council of officers was held, by which it was deemed inexpedient to proceed to Walla Walla, owing to the scarcity of forage, the weak condition of the animals, and the difficulty of crossing the Columbia with the sick and wounded. It was decided to return to The Dalles and recruit. After burning the mission and a house owned by Kamiakin, the whole force, regulars and volunteers, took up their line of march for The Dalles. On their way they met Captain Wilson's command (Company A) with the pack train of supplies, which train had suffered great loss of animals and supplies by reason of the snows in the mountains, which in some places were four or five feet in depth. The expedition reached the Klickitat river, about twenty-five miles distant from The Dalles, on the 17th, and there encamped. The most cordial co-operation had existed between the regular and volunteer officers. All seemed animated with a common interest in accomplishing the ends and objects of the campaign.

Mention should be made of the fact that while Major Rains was at the Ahtanum mission he received a letter from Kamiakin, head chief of the Yakimas, making overtures of peace and friendship on certain terms. The reply of Rains was certainly vigorous enough and gave the chief an unequivocal statement of his position and intentions. It read as follows:

Your talk by Padre Pandozy is just received. You know me and I know you. You came among the white people and to my house at The Dalles with Padre Pandozy and gave me a horse, which I did not take, as Panawok had given Lieutenant Wood another horse for him. You came in peace - we come in war. And why? Because your land has drunk the blood of the white man, and the Great Spirit requires it at your hand.

You make the sign of the cross, and pray to the God of truth for mercy, and yet you lie when you say you "were very quiet, the Americans were our friends; our hearts were not for war." until Governor Stevens changed your feelings; for long before the treaty, which you agreed to, you proposed to the Walla Walla chief, Peo-peo-moxmox, to go to war, and kill off all the whites. He told us so. You have been preparing for this purpose a very long time; and your people agreed with the Cayuses, at the Walla Walla council, before the treaty was made, to murder all the whites there, which was only prevented by the Nez Perces disagreeing.

You know that you murdered white men going to the mines who had done you no injury, and you murdered all persons, though no white man had trespassed upon your lands. You sent me a delegation to stop Hamilton and Pierce from settling in your country. I wrote them a letter and they left. You murdered your agent Bolon for telling you the truth - that the troops would come upon you for these murders. Has his death prevented their coming? I sent a handful of soldiers into your country to inquire into the facts. It was not expected that they should fight you, and they did right to return back. Your foul deeds were seen by the eye of the Great Spirit, who saw Cain when he killed his brother, Abel, and cursed him for it. Fugitives and vagabonds shall you also be, all that remain of you, upon the face of the earth, as well as all who aid or assist you, until you are gone.

You say now, "If we will be quiet and make friendship, you will not war with us, but give a piece of land to all the tribes." We will not be quiet, but war forever, until not a Yakima breathes in the land he calls his own. The river only will we let retain this name to show to all people that here the Yakimas once lived.

You say that you will fight us with thousands, and if vanquished', those of you that remain will kill all your women and children, and then the country will be ours. The country is ours already, as you must see from our assembled army; for we intend to occupy it, and make it too hot to hold you. VVe are braves, and no brave makes war with women and children. You may kill them as you say, but we will not; yet we are thirsting for your blood, and want your warriors to meet us, and the warriors of all tribes wishing to help you, at once to come. The snow is on the ground, and the crows are hungry for food. Your men we have killed; your horses and your cattle do not afford them enough to eat. Your people shall not catch salmon hereafter for you, for I will send soldiers to occupy your fisheries, and fire upon you. Your cattle and your horses, which you got from the white man, we will hunt up, and kill and take them from you. The earth, which drank the blood of the white man, shed by your hands, shall grow no more wheat nor roots for you, for we will destroy it. When the cloth that makes your clothing, your guns and your powder are gone, the white man will make you no more. Wre looked upon you as our children and tried to do you good. We would not have cheated you. The. treaty which you complain of, though signed by you, gave you too much for your lands, which are most all worthless to the white man; but we are not sorry, for we are able to give, and it would have benefited you. After you signed the treaty with Governor Stevens and General Palmer, had you told us that you did not wish to abide by it, it would have been listened to. We wanted to instruct you in all our learning; to make axes, plows and hoes to cultivate the ground; blankets to keep you from the cold; steamboats and steam wagons which fly along swifter than the birds fly. and to use the lightning which makes the thunder in heavens to carry talk and serve as a servant. William Chinook, at The Dalles; Lawyer, chief of the Nez Perces; Steachus, and Weattinattitimine, hyas tyee of the Cayuses, and many others of their people, can tell you what I say is true. You, a few people, we can see with our glasses a long way off, while the whites are as the stars in the heavens, or leaves of the trees in summer time. Our warriors in the field are many, as you must see; but if not enough, a thousand for every one more will be sent to hunt you, and to kill you; and my advice to you, as you will see, is to scatter yourselves among the Indian tribes more peaceable, and there forget you ever were Yakimas.

While these events were transpiring in the Yakima country, a movement had been made by Major Mark A. Chinn, who, with Company B, Oregon volunteers, proceeded to the mouth of the Des Chutes, where Company H, under command of Captain Taylor, was encamped. Proceeding toward the Walla Walla country with both companies, he arrived at Wells Springs on the 17th of November. Here he was met by a messenger from Narcisse Raymond, a French settler in Walla Walla valley, with the following communication addressed to the commander in charge of the forces en route to Walla Walla:

Sir: However urgent and important the news I have to communicate, I almost despaired to despatch any from want of hands who were willing to risk life at this critical time; but Mr. McBean came to my assistance and offered the services of his son, John, who, in company with another man, will be the bearer of this. The news is gloomy and very different from what I had reason to expect when I left The Dalles on my way hither. Serpent jaune (Peo-peomox-mox) has shown his colors, and is a declared foe to the Americans. He has taken possession of the fort and pillaged it, government as well as Hudson's Bay Company's property; has placed himself on the south side of the Walla Walla river, on the hills, guarding the road with a force, it is said, of a thousand.

The young men on the Umatilla river are disposed for war, and John Whitford and Tolman instigate them to it. The chiefs of that place, at least the majority of them, are on the balance, and have not yet decided; but Stockalah and Walattelekt, with their people, have joined the Cayuses, and are doing all in their power to have them join against the Americans. The chiefs of#this valley have remained firm and will not join the unfriendly Indians. Their conduct since Mr. Olney's departure has been praiseworthy, and they did all they could to prevent Mr. Brooks' house from being burned and pillaged, but in vain. The chief, Howlish Wampool, did it at the risk of his life.

Two Nez Perce chiefs now here, Joseph and Red Wolf, desire me to tell you that all their tribe is for peace; that they will suffer no hostile Indians to remain among them. In justice to Pierre (Walla Walla chief), I beg to say that he stuck to his charge until forced away by Serpent Jaune and his people, but not until they had robbed three different times out of the fort. He was alone, and, of course, could not prevent them. As affairs stand, it is my humble opinion that it might not be prudent to make your way hither with the force at your command of one hundred and fifty men. I have requested the bearers of this despatch to proceed to The Dalles with the letters to tne respective addresses of Messrs. Olney and Noble ; and placed as we are, a mere handful of men, destitute of ammunition, the sooner assistance is tendered to us the better, for Serpent Jaune daily threatens to burn our houses and to kill us, and he is not the only enemy we have to dread.

Mr. Raymond and all the other settlers of the Walla Walla and Umatilla valleys had been directed by Indian Agent Nathan Olney to » withdraw from the country as soon as a sufficient escort should arrive for them, and it was with intent to furnish this escort that Major Chinn was marching when he received the startling intelligence contained in the letter just quoted. This information determined him to delay his march until he had received reinforcements and artillery, so he moved next day to the Umatilla and established there a station which became known as Fort Henrietta. It was situated where plenty of water and timber could be obtained, as well as sufficient grass for horses, and it consisted of a tract one hundred feet square, picketed in with large, split timber, with bastions of round logs in two of the angles, also two corrals for horses and cattle. Major Chinn sent at once to Colonel Nesmith for the requisite reinforcements and artillery. On the 19th and 20th of November, the colonel sent forward three companies consisting of one hundred and seventy men. He endeavored to procure the howitzers from the regular army, but General Wool had just arrived on the scene and his advent brought to an abrupt termination all hope of further cooperation between regulars and volunteers. The howitzers were, of course, refused.

"The arrival of General Wool," says Evans, "defeated every project which looked to a winter campaign against the Indians. He even suggested that the combination of the commands of Rains and Nesmith, in the Yakima country, had been injurious to the service because the Indians were so overawed by such a force, seven hundred men, that they fled upon the approach of the troops. General Wool ordered the regulars from Fort Dalles to Fort Vancouver, except a small garrison. He cerfsured Major Rains for calling for volunteers, and also for going into the Yakima country to make war against the hostiles. He accused the territorial authorities of sinister and dishonest motives. While not accusing the whites in Washington territory of murdering Indians, as he did charge the whites with in the Rogue river country, yet he maintained that the war should only be carried on upon the defensive. To any proposition of the territorial authorities to chastise the Indians for past misdeeds, he was opposed, and should use his efforts to defeat them. In fact, he was so bitterly prejudiced against the two territories, their official authorities, their volunteers and their people, that his sympathies were entirely with that savage race which it was his highest duty to keep in subjection. For the people who had the right to rely upon him for protection, he had no word of encouragement, no disposition to assist. At that time he was a greater marplot to the regaining of peace, and a more bitter foe to the Oregon and Washington people, than any hostile chief bearing arms against them."

However, such succor as was in the power of Nesmith was, as before stated, promptly despatched to Fort Henrietta. The three companies joined Major Chinn on the 29th of November, but the command was at once assumed by Lieutenant-Colonel Kelly, who accompanied the reinforcements. December 2d, Kelly took the field with about three hundred and fifty men, designing to make a swift march to Fort Walla Walla and surprise the Indians who were supposed to be in possession of it. Kelly found "it had been pillaged by Indians, the buildings much defaced and the furniture destroyed." Of his subsequent movements Colonel Kelly thus writes in his official report: ^

On the morning of the 5th, I despatched Second Major Chinn, with one hundred and fifty men, to escort the baggage and pack trains to the mouth of the Touchet, there to await my return with the remainder of the forces under my command. On the same morning I marched with about two hundred men to a point on the Touchet river about twelve miles from its mouth, with the view of attacking the Walla Walla Indians, who were supposed to be encamped there. When I was near to and making towards the village, Peo-peo-mox-mox, the chief of the tribe, with five other Indians, made their appearance under a flag of truce. He stated that he did not wish to fight; that his people did not wish to fight; that on the following day he would come and have a talk and make a treaty of peace. On consultation with Hon. Nathan Olney, Indian ' Agent, we concluded that this was simply a ruse to gaintime for removing his village and preparing for battle. I stated to him that we had come to chastise him for the wrongs he had done to our people, and that we would not defer making an attack on his people unless he and his five followers would consent to accompany and remain with us until all difficulties were settled. I told him that he might go away under his flag of truce if he chose; but, if he did so, we would forthwith attack his village. The alternative was distinctly made known to him ; and, to save his people, he chose to remain with us as a hostage for the fulfillment of his promise, as did also those who accompanied him. He at the same time said that on the following day he would accompany us to his village; that he would then assemble his people and make them deliver up all their arms and ammunition, restore the property which had been taken from the white settlers, or pay the full value of that which could not be restored; and that he would furnish fresh horses to remount my command, and cattle to supply them with provisions, to enable us to wage war against other hostile tribes who were leagued with them. Having made these promises, we refrained from making the attack, thinking we had him in our power, and that on the next day his promises would be fulfilled. I also permitted him to send one of the men who accompanied him to his village to apprise the tribes of the terms of the expected treaty, so that they might be prepared to fulfill it.

On the 6th, we marched to the village and found it entirely deserted, but saw the Indians in considerable force on the distant hills, and watching our movements. I sent out a messenger to induce them to come in, but could not do so. And I will here observe that I have since learned, from a Nez Perce boy, who was taken at the same time with Peo-peo-mox-mox, that, instead of sending word to his people to make a treaty of peace, he sent an order for them to remove their women and children and prepare for battle. From all I heve since learned, I am well persuaded that he was acting with duplicity, and that he expected to entrap my command in the deep ravine in which his camp was situated, and make his escape from us. We remained at the deserted village until about one o'clock in the afternoon; and, seeing no hope of coming to any terms, we proceeded to the mouth of the Touchet with a view of going from thence to some spot near Whitman's station, where I had intended to form a permanent camp for the winter.

On the morning of the 7th, the command set out early for Whitman's station, Peo-peo-mox-mox and the other Indian hostages being still with the white men. Soon after a crossing of the Touchet had been effected, the battle began. There is difference of opinion as to who fired the first shot. Kelly's report states that the Indians did, but Gilbert quotes A. P. Woodward as asserting that to his knowledge one Jont, of Company B, committed the first hostile act. The question is of importance only as it bears upon the larger one of whether or not Peo-peo- mox-moxand his people were acting in good faith in negotiating for peace. At any rate the firing soon became general, and all the companies except A and F, which were ordered to remain with the baggage, began chasing the Indians eagerly. "A running fight was the consequence, the force of the Indians increasing every mile. Several of the enemy were killed in the chase before reaching the farm of LaRocque, which is about twelve miles from the mouth of the Touchet. At this point they made a stand, their left resting on the river covered with trees and ' underbrush, their center occupying the flat at this place, covered with clumps of sage brush and small sand knolls, their right on the high ridge of hills which skirt the river bottom. "

The few white men who outran their companions and reached this vicinity first were compelled by the murderous fire from savage guns to fall back, but soon rallied and made a charge upon the Indians in the brush, in which charge Lieutenant Burrows, of Company H, was killed, and Captain Munson, Sergeant-Major Isaac Miller and Private G. W. Smith were wounded. Reinforcements of whites arriving, the Indians were compelled to fall back two miles to a farmhouse, in attempting to carry which Captain Bennett, of Company F, and Private Kelso, of Company A, were killed.

Continuing the narrative of the engagement, Colonel Kelly says in his report: "Howitzer found at Fort Walla Walla, under charge of Captain Wilson, by this time was brought to bear upon the enemy. Four rounds were fired when the piece burst, wounding Captain Wilson. The Indians then gave way at all points; and the house and fence were seized and held by the volunteers, and bodies of our men were recovered. These positions were held by us until nightfall. when the volunteers fell slowly back and returned unmolested to camp."

During the first day's engagement, at about the hottest part of the action, an event occurred which, though not mentioned in Kelly's official report, has been the theme of much discussion. Peo-peo-mox-mox and his companions in captivity were, with one exception, killed by the guards and volunteers surrounding them, and whether this action was justifiable from the fact that the prisoners attempted to escape, or was wholly unwarranted, will never be ascertained with certainty. The eye witnesses of the affair are not in accord as to the facts. Indeed, it is quite probable that no one of them is able to give an absolutely correct and detailed statement of all that transpired, such was the confusion and excitement prevailing at the time. Of this affair, Gilbert says:

"The following is an account of it as given to the writer by Lewis McMorris, who was present at the time and saw what he narrated. The hospital supplies were packed on mules in charge of McMorris, and had just reached the LaRocque cabin, where the first engagement had taken place. The surgeon in charge had decided to use it as a hospital in which to place those wounded in the battle and McMorris was unpacking the mules. Near it the unfortunate J. M. Burrows lay dead, and several wounded were being attended to. The combatants had passed on up the valley, and the distant detonations of their guns could be heard. The flag of truce prisoners were there under guard and every one seemed electrified with suppressed excitement. A wounded man came in with a shattered arm dangling at his side and reported Captain Bennett killed at the front. This added to the excitement, and the attention of all was more or less attracted to the wounded man, when some one said: 'Look out, or the Indians will get away!' At this seemingly everyone yelled, 'Shoot 'em! Shoot 'em!' and on the instant there was a rattle of musketry on all sides.

"What followed was so quick, and there were so many acting, that McMorris could not see it in detail, though all was transpiring within a few yards of and around him. It was over in a minute, and three of the five prisoners were dead, another was wounded, knocked senseless and supposed to be dead, who afterwards recovered consciousness, and was shot to put him out of misery, while the fifth was spared because he was a Nez Perce. McMorris remembers some of the events that marked the tragedy, however, such as an impression on his mind of an attempt by the prisoners to escape, that started the shooting; that everybody was firing because they were excited, and the target was an Indian; that he saw no evidence of an attempt to escape, except from being murdered; that they were killed while surrounded by and mingled among the whites; and that but one Indian offered to defend his life. The prisoner offering resistance was a powerful Willamette Indian called 'Jim' or 'Wolf Skin,' who, having a knife secreted upon his person, drew it and fought desperately. 'I could hear that knife whistling in the air,' said McMorris, 'as he brandished it, or struck at the soldier with whom he was struggling.' It lasted but a moment, when another soldier, approaching from behind, dealt him a blow on the head with a gun that broke his skull and stretched him apparently lifeless upon the ground. All were scalped in a few minutes, and later the body of Yellow Bird, the great Walla Walla chief, was mutilated in a way that should entitle those who did it to a prominent niche in the ghoulish temple erected to commemorate the infamous acts of soulless men."

us that the facts, briefly stated, were these: When asked what should be done with the prisoners, Colonel Kelly had told the guard he "didn't care a damn." The prisoners were neither tied nor in any way confined, but were mingled with the volunteers. When the firing became warm, and several wounded had been brought back to where the guard and prisoners were, some of the troops became badly excited and called out, "Shoot the damned Indians and kill them!" Several shots were fired and two or three of the Indians fell, though they were not attempting to escape. Then Peo-peo-mox-mox sprang off his horse, and walking towards those who were firing, said: "You don't need to kill me - I am not Jesus Christ!" and with these words he fell. The biting sarcasm of the dying words of Peo-peo-mox-mox, if these were his words, can only be appreciated when we remember that they were uttered by a savage who could not be made to understand why the white men had, according to their own account, killed their own God. It should be stated, however, that in answer to a direct question as to whether any such language was used, Samuel Warfield, the slayer of Peo-peo-mox-mox, stated that the only foundation for the story was something that occurred on the evening previous. Wolf Skin, he says, attempted to escape. He was immediately recaptured and while being tied to prevent a repetition of this attempt, said: "That is as much as could be expected of yon. Christ died for his people, and 1 can die for mine," whereupon one of the volunteers rejoined, "Christ did not run," raising a general laugh.

. It is but fair to add the account of the killing given by Mr. Warfield, the man who actually took the life of the Walla Walla chieftain. At the request of the writer, he furnished the following statement:

"Amos Underwood and I were guards over the six Indian prisoners, Peo-peo-mox-mox, Klickitat Jimmy, or Wolf Skin, Nez Perce Billy and three others. About four o'clock in the evening there were a number of soldiers around the guard and prisoners Word was sent two or three times for those soldiers to come to the front; but they did not go. Finally, Colonel Kelly came and ordered them to the front. I said to the Colonel, 'I want to go to the front. What will we do with these prisoners?' He replied, 'Tie them and put them in the house, if they will submit to you; if not, put them in anyhow.' Major Miller was there present among the wounded, having been shot in the arm. Just at that time Wolf Skin pulled his knife from his legging and struck at Major Miller, cutting his arm as it was thrown up to ward off the blow. In an instant some one broke a musket over the Indian"s head, killing him. Then the fight began. Five of the Indian prisoners were killed, either being shot or struck over the head with the guns, Peo-peo-mox-mox being the last one. I showed him how to cross his hands so that 1 could tie him and put him in the house as the colonel had told us, when he grabbed my gun and tried to wrench it around so as to shoot me. I jumped back and grabbed him by the collar and threw him down, still keeping hold of my gun. I also shot at him, but missed, he being too close. He caught me by the breeches leg and tried to regain his feet. I again jumped back from him as he tried to get up, struck him over the head with my gun, settling him for all time."

This account of Mr. Warfield is probably substantially correct as far as it goes, but it leaves open the question as to what incited Wolf Skin to draw his knife. One of the volunteers confessed that he became so excited by the fact that the whites at the front were being hard pressed and that some of them were killed and wounded that he completely lost his head and rushed back, shouting, "Shoot the Indians and kill them!" This and the attempted tying of their hands inspired the Indians with a belief that they would certainly be murdered, causing them to offer resistance, with the melancholy results heretofore given. If this surmise is correct, neither the Indians nor their guards could be very much blamed, the real cause of the tragedy being the hare-brained man whose wild shoutings alarmed the Indian prisoners. It is hard to understand how the officers could justify their conduct in retaining the Indians at all any longer than they wished to stay. They came under flag of truce, and if Colonel Kelly's report is true, remained voluntarily as hostages, and when they were no longer willing to stay they should have been set at liberty. Nathan Olney, the Indian agent, is quoted as having said: "If you let Peopeo-mox-mox escape, our hides will not hold shucks." Whether this was true or not, the whites were not justified in retaining any advantage gained by disrespect of a flag of truce and the honors of war, and the officers cannot therefore escape censure as being ultimately responsible for the massacre of the Indians.

Next day the battle was renewed. No better narration of its subsequent events can be given than that furnished by Kelly's report, which is therefore reproduced in cxtaiso.

Early on the morning of the 8th the Indians appeared with increased forces, amounting to fully six hundred warriors. They were posted as usual in the thick brush by the river - among the sage bushes and sand knolls and on the surrounding hills. This day Lieutenant Pillow, with Company A. and Lieutenant Hannon. with Company H, were ordered to take and hold the brush skirting the river and the sage bushes on the plain. Lieutenant Fellows, with Company F, was directed to take and keep possession of the point at the foot of the hill. Lieutenant Jeffries, with Company B, Lieutenant Hand, wilh Company I, and Captain Cornoyer, with Company K, were posted on three several points on the hills, with orders to maintain them and to assail the enemy on other points of

On the gth they did not make their appearance until about ten o'clock in the morning, and then in somewhat diminished numbers. As I had sent to Fort Henrietta for Companies D and E and expected them on the ioth, 1 thought it best to act on the defensive and hold our positions, which were the same as on the 8th, until we could get an accession to our forces sufficient to enable us to assail their rear and cut off their retreat. An attack was made during the day on Companies A and H, in the brushwood, and upon B on the hill, both of which were repulsed with great gallantry by those companies with considerable loss to the enemy. Companies F, I and K also did great honor to themselves in repelling all approaches to their positions, although in doing so one man in Company F and one in Company I were severely wounded. Darkness as usual closed the combat by the enemy withdrawing from the field. Owing to the inclemency of the night, the companies on the hill were withdrawn from their several positions, Company B abandoning its rifle pits which were made by the men of that company for its protection. At early dawn of the next day the Indians were observed from our camp to be in possession of all points held by us on the preceding day. Upon seeing them, Lieutenant MoAuliff, of Company B. gallantly observed that his company had dug those holes, and after breakfast they would have them again; and well was his declaration fulfilled, for in less than an hour the enemy was driven from the pits and fled to an adjoining hill which they had occupied the day before. This position was at once assailed, Captain Cornoyer, with Company K and a portion of Company I, being mounted, gallantly charged the enemy on his right flank, while Lieutenant McAuiiff, with Company B, dismounted, rushed up the hill in the face of a heavy fire and scattered them in all directions. They at once fled, to return to this battle-field no more, and thus ended our long contested fight.

The winter following the battle of the Walla Walla was an exceedingly severe one, and the suffering of the soldiers was sometimes extreme. The late W. C. Painter, of Walla Walla, was wont to describe his experience of trying to sleep with scant shelter and scantier covering and the thermometer at twenty below zero. Mrs. Victor quotes one of the volunteers, whose name she does not reveal, as having said:

"On the night of December 21st the snow fell from six to eight inches deep, and the mercury stood about twenty degrees below zero. Next morning it fell to my lot to go on guard. My raiment consisted of an old slouch hat, an old coat, a flannel shirt, a threadbare pair of pants, and an old pair of shoes without socks. I had run through my shoes during the battle, but found an old pair in a cache which answered the purpose. I donned my raiment, tied a string around my pants to keep them from slipping above my knees, and at six o'clock was ready for duty. My beat being one mile from camp, I trudged along through the snow until I reached my station, and then passed off the time as best I could. * * * When I examined my feet, strange to say, they were not very badly frozen, only the tops and sides were raised up in blisters. Several of the boys who had no shoes took rawhide and sewed it up in shape something like a moccasin. This beat bare feet to wade through the snow with. But the boys seemed to be content. Our tents were small and thin; our blankets were smaller and thinner. 1 had two of those long, narrow, thin blankets, one blue and one green, that were not long enough to reach from my nose down to my feet, and a saddle blanket; this constituted my bed."

But it is now time to return to Governor Stevens, who, as hitherto stated, had set out for the Blackfoot country upon completing his negotiations at the Walla Walla council. Having succeeded in inducing the dreaded Blackfeet to treat for the sale of their lands and started upon his return to Olympia, he had reached Hellgate in the present Montana, when a detachment of Nez Perces met him and gave him information of the war and his own isolated and imperiled position. It would require all the tact, ingenuity and daring of this eminent man to run the gauntlet of these multiplied dangers in safety, but the doughty governor was equal to the task. How he acted under these trying circumstances may best be told in his own language:

The result of our conference (with the Nez Perces) was most satisfactory. The whole party, numbering fourteen men, among whom were Spotted Eagle, Looking Glass and Three Feathers, principal chiefs among the Nez Perces, expressed their determination to accompany me and share any danger to be encountered. They expressed a desire that after crossing the mountains, I should go to their country, where a large force of their young men would accompany me to The Dalles and protect us with their lives against any enemy.

Having replenished my train with all the animals to be had, on November 14th we pushed forward, crossed the Bitter Root mountains the 20th, in snow two and a half to three feet deep, and reached the Coeur d'Alene mission the 25th, taking the Coeur d'Alenes entirely by surprise. They had not thought it possible that we could cross the mountains so late in the season.

With the Coeur d'Alenes I held a council, and found them much excited, on a balance for peace or war, and a chance word might turn them either way. Rumors of all kinds met us here: that the troops had fought a battle with the Yakimas and drove them across the Columbia towards the Spokanes, and that the Walla Wallas, Cayuses and Umatillas were in arms, and that they had been joined by a party of Nez Perces. The accounts were of so contradictory a nature that nothing certain could be ascertained from them, excepting that the several tribes below were in arms, blocking up our road, and had threatened to cut off ray party in any event. However, I determined to push on to the Spokanes.

The Spokanes were even more surprised than the Coeur d'Alenes on seeing us. Three hours before my arrival they had heard that 1 was going to the settlements by way of New York. I immediately called a council ; sent to Fort Colvilie for Mr. McDonald, in charge of that post of the Hudson's Bay Company; sent also for the Jesuit fathers at that point. They arrived. A council was held, at which the whole Spokane nation was represented. The Coeur d'Alenes and Colvilie Indians also were present.

The Spokanes and Colvilie Indians evinced extreme hostility of feeling; spoke of the war below; wanted it stopped ; said the whites were wrong. The belief was current that Peo-peo-mox-mox would cut off my party as he had repeatedly threatened. They had not jo'ined in the war, but yet would make no promise to remain neutral. If the Indians now at war were driven into their country, they would not answer for the consequences; probably many of the Spokanes would join them. After a stormy council of several days, the Spokanes, Coeur d'Alenes and Colvilles were entirely conciliated and promised they would reject all overtures of the hostile Indians and continue the firm friends of the whites.

Having added to my party and organized, etc., we thence made a forced march to the Nez Perce country. Mr. Craig had received letters which informed me that the whole Walla Walla valley was blocked up with hostile Indians, and the Nez Perces said it would be impossible to go through.

I called a council and proposed to them that one hundred and fifty of their young men should accompany me to The Dalles. Without hesitation, they agreed to go. Whilst in the council making arrangements for our movements, news came that a force of gallant Oregon volunteers, four hundred strong, had met the Indians in the Walla Walla valley, and after four days' hard fighting, having a number of officers and men killed and wounded, had completely routed the enemy, driving them across Snake river and toward the Nez Perce country. The next day I pushed forward, accompanied by sixty-nine Nez Perces, well armed, and reached Walla Walla without encountering any hostile Indians. They had all been driven across Snake river below us by the Oregon troops.

It is now proper to inquire what would have been the condition of my party had not the Oregon troops vigorously pushed into the field and gallantly defeated the

The country between the Blue mountains and the Columbia was overrun with Indians, numbering one thousand to twelve hundred warriors, including the force at Priests' rapids under Kamiakin, who had sworn to cut me off; it was completely blocked up. One effect of the campaign of the regulars and volunteers in the Yakima country under Brigadier-General Rains was to drive Kamiakin and his people on our side of the Columbia river, and thus endanger our movement from the Spokane to the Nez Perce country. Thus we had been hemmed in by a body of hostile Indians through whom we could have only forced our way with extreme difficulty and at great loss of life. We might all have been sacrificed in the attempt. For the opening of the way to my party I am solely indebted to the Oregon volunteers. Peo-peo-mox-mox, the celebrated chief of the Walla Wallas, entertained an extreme hostility toward myself and party, owing to imaginary wrongs he supposed to have been inflicted upon him in the treaty concluded with the Cayuses and Walla Wallas last June, and had been known repeatedly to threaten that I never should reach The Dalles. He was the first to commence hostilities by plundering Fort Walla Walla and destroying a large amount of property belonging to the United States Indian department.

At Walla Walla I found some twenty-five settlers - the remainder having fled to The Dalles for protection. With these were one hundred friendly Indians. Special Indian Agent B. F. Shaw, colonel in the Washington territory militia, was on the ground, and I at once organized the district, placed him in command and directed him, if necessary, to fortify, at all events to maintain his ground should the Oregon troops be disbanded before another force should take the field. The Nez Perce auxiliaries were disbanded and returned home.

Thus we had reached a place of safety unaided, excepting by the fortunate movements of the Oregon troops. Not a single man had been pushed forward to meet us, and though it was well known we should cross the mountains about a certain time, and arrive at Walla Walla about the time we did. Why was this? Arrangements had been made with Major Rains by Acting- Govern or Mason to push forward a force under Colonel Shaw to meet me at Spokane about the time of my arrival there. A company had been enlisted, organized and marched to Fort Vancouver to obtain equipments, rations and transportation, which Major Rains had promised both Governor Mason and Colonel Shaw should be promptly furnished them. Some little delay ensued, and in the meantime Major-

General Wool arrived, who immediately declined equipping the company, as promised by Major Rains, and stated that he could not in any manner recognize volunteers or furnish them equipments or transportation, and declined to supply their places with regular troops, of whom, at Vancouver alone, were some three hundred and fifty men.

The report then goes on to make grave accusations against General Wool. "All history," says Professor Lyman, "abounds in instances of intense personal feuds and disagreements, but our Pacific coast history seems to have been especially fruitful of them. That between General Wool, with some of the officers who echoed his opinions, the regulars, in short, on one side and Governor Stevens, supported by the volunteers and the nearly united people of the territory on the other, was particularly acrimonious. ' ' The following is an extract from Stevens' report showing the ground of his complaint against Wool:

"When remonstrated with by Captain William McKay, in command of the company to push forward to my assistance, when informed of the object for which the company was enlisted, and that if it was not pressed forward at once, or if some other force was not sent, Governor Stevens and his party would be in the most imminent danger, the general replied that in his opinion the danger was greatly exaggerated. That probably Governor Stevens would be able to protect himself, but if he could not, then Governor Stevens could obtain an escort from General Harney.

"What a reply was that! A moiety of the Indians now in arms had defeated a detachment of one hundred United States regulars; Major Rains had placed on record his opinion that an insufficient force would be defeated by these Indians, and my party was supposed to number no more than twenty-five men. Yet Major- General Wool very coolly says, 'Governor Stevens can take care of himself.' So, too, in the remark that I could obtain aid from General Harney. Did General Wool know that the distance from Fort Benton to the supposed position of General Harney was greater than the distance from Fort Benton to The Dalles, and that to obtain aid from him would require not less than six months, and that an express to reach him must pass through the entire breadth of the Sioux? Such ignorance shows great incapacity and is inexcusable.

"Mr. Secretary, Major-General Wool, commanding the Pacific Division, neglected and refused to send a force to the relief of myself and party when known to be in imminent danger, and believed by those who were less capable of judging to be coming on to certain death, and this, when he had at his command an efficient force of regular troops. He refused to sanction the agreement made between Governor Mason and Major Rains for troops to be sent to my

"The only demonstration made by Major Rains resulted in showing his utter incapacity to command in the field. As has heretofore been said, his expedition against the Yakimas effected nothing but driving the Indians into the very country through which I must pass to reach the settlements.

"I therefore prefer charges against General Wool. I accuse him of utter and signal incapacity, of criminal neglect of my safety. I ask for an investigation into the matter and for his removal from command."

In January, 1856, Governor Stevens reached his capital at Olympia and found that the storm of war was raging on the west as on the east side of the Cascade range. A full history of operations in the sound country need not here be attempted, but a brief outline is essential to the complete narration of the second great struggle for the possession of Washington territory. In October, 1855, the Indian situation became threatening, so much so that Acting-Governor Mason called for the organization of four additional companies, to be considered as a reserve force, their members a species of minute men, ready for immediate action in case of necessity. Blockhouses were erected by the settlers and other defensive measures adopted. The war was given inception in the manner usual to savages, namely, by the indiscriminate massacre of defenseless settlers. In a letter dated November 5th, Christopher C. Hewitt thus describes the dire results of the outbreak to the unoffending people of White river, upon whom the first blow fell.

"We started Monday morning (October 29th) for the scene of action. After two days' hard work we made the house of Mr. Cox, which we found robbed. We next went to Mr. Jones', whose house had been burnt to the ground; and Mr. Jones, being sick at the time, was burnt in it. The body of Mrs. Jones was found some thirty yards from the house, shot through the lower part of the lungs, her face and jaws horribly broken and mutilated, apparently with the head of an axe. The bones of Mr. Jones were found, the flesh having been roasted and eaten off by hogs. Mr. Cooper, who lived with Mr. Jones, was found about one hundred and fifty yards from the house, shot through the lungs. After burying the bodies, we proceeded to the house of W. H. Brown, a mile distant. Mrs. Brown and her infant, apparently ten months old, we found in the well, the mother stabbed in the back and head and also in the lower part of the left breast, the child not dressed but no marks of violence noticeable upon it Mr. Brown was found in the house, literally cut to pieces. We next went to the house of Mr. King, or to the site of it, for it had been burnt to the ground. Mr. "King and the two little children were burnt in the house, and the body of Mr. King, after being roasted, had been almost eaten up by hogs. Mrs. King was some thirty yards from the house. She had been shot through the heart and was horribly mutilated. Three children were saved, one the son of Mr. King and two of Mr. Jones. ' '

On hearing of the outbreak, General Wool sent additional troops and the regulars and volunteers carried on such warfare with the wily Indians as the nature of the country would permit. But the winter season, which is very rainy on the sound, and the dense primeval forest that covered the land, rendered campaigning against an elusive enemy exceedingly difficult and unsatisfactory. In the desultory fighting which followed the outbreak, a number of regulars lost their lives, among them the gallant and manly Lieutenant William A. Slaughter, and, though losses were also inflicted upon the Indians, little was accomplished toward the winning of a permanent peace.

Upon his arrival, Governor Stevens, with his usual vigor and resourcefulness, set about the onerous task of placing the territory on a satisfactory war footing. He contended that the volunteers who had been mustered into the service of the United States had been treated badly, so that it was proper that volunteers thereafter enlisted should be under the direction of the territorial authorities alone. As the term of enlistment of those volunteers called out by Acting-Governor Mason was about to expire, he issued a proclamation calling for six companies, reciting as the occasion for his so doing that "during the past three months a band of hostile Indians had been spreading alarm amongst the settlers residing on Puget sound, murdering the families, destroying property, causing claims to be abandoned, and preventing the usual avocations of the farmer, whereby a large portion of the territory had become deserted ; and positive want, if not starvation, stares us in the face during the coming year."

Three days after this proclamation was issued, an event happened which effectually proved that the call of the executive was not unwarranted. It had been impossible for the hostile Indians to secure the co-operation and support of all their race residing upon the sound, biit many remained friendly to the whites. In order to win over to hostility these friendly and neutral tribes, a bold move was determined upon by the red men in arms, one "utterly inexplicable, considering their usual mode of warfare." At 8:30 o'clock in the morning an attack was made on the town of Seattle, notwithstanding the fact that an American armed vessel was lying at anchor in the harbor. All day long the firing continued. Two white men were killed and a number of Indians, just how many could not be ascertained, though a shell from the United States ship (the Decatur) is said to have killed five. The Indians were not successful in their attempt to seize the town. Had they been, "thereby would have been settled the question by the great number of Indians upon the reservations who yet doubted as to which party should have their allegiance."

The defeat on White river of the hostile chief, Leschi, by a force of friendly Indians under Patkanim on February 15th, brought the war practically to a close in the vicinity of Seattle and the White, Green and Snoqualmie rivers. Thereafter the scene of hostilities shifted to the Nisqually country, where Quiemuth and Stehi were in command of the Indian enemy. Colonel Casey, of the regulars, was opposed to them and Major G. Hays, with a battalion of volunteers, was ordered to the scene to co-operate with him. March 10th the volunteers had a battle with the red men on Connell's prairie, the details of which were reported by Hays as follows:

At about eight o'clock this morning, Captain White with his company was ordered to the White river to build a blockhouse and ferry, supported by Captain Swindal and ten privates. He had" not proceeded more than half a mile from the camp when he was attacked by a large Indian force, supposed to be at least one hundred and fifty warriors and a large number of squaws. I immediately ordered Captain Henness to his support with twenty men. Captain Henness moved with great rapidity, a tremendous volley of guns announcing his arrival. I became satisfied that an additional force was necessary, and despatched Lieutenant Martin, of Company B, with fifteen additional men. The Indians by this time were seen extending their flank to the left with great rapidity. I then ordered Lieutenant Van O.^le, Company B, with fifteen men to check their flank movement, but before he could gain a position they had so extended their line as to make it necessary to send another party of twelve men under command of Captain Rabbeson, who succeeded in checking them. The fight by this time extended the whole length of our line, and one continuous volley could be heard from the Indian guns on the hill ani those of our men in the bottom. This firing continued some two hours. I saw the advantage which the Indians had in position, and determined to charge them. I ordered Captain Swindal to charge them from his position, which was central, and Captain Rabbeson to make a simultaneous move against their extreme left, while Captain Henness and Captain White were ordered to hold the position which they occupied.

This order was promptly obeyed and the charge made in the most gallant stvle by Captain Swindal against their center, and Captain Rabbeson against their left, through a deep slough, driving the enemy from their position and pursuing them some distance in their flight. Captain Rabbeson returned to camp, while Captain Swindal occupied a high ridge in the rear of the main body of the Indians. I ordered Captain Rabbeson to join Captains Henness and White, and directed Captain Henness to charge the Indians if he deemed it advisable. The Indians in front of Captains White and Henness were in strong position behind logs and trees and upon an elevation. It was deemed too dangerous to charge them in front. Captain Rabbeson was ordered to join Captain Swindal, make a flank movement to the right, and charge the enemy in their rear. This order was gallantly obeyed. Simultaneously with this movement, Captains Henness and White charged them in front. The Indians were routed and were pursued for a mile or more along a trail covered with blood. It is believed that not less than twenty-five or thirty were killed and as many wounded. They had been seen carrying off their wounded 'and dead from the time the fight commenced until it terminated. Withes and ropes were found on the ground they occupied, which had been used in dragging off their deadinto the brush. Hats, blankets and shirts were picked up with bullet holes in them stained with blood. They were forced to give up their drum, which they abandoned in their retreat. But two Indians were found dead on the field, one of whom was recognized as Chehalis John. The other was placed under a log. and has not vet been examined. The Indians had together their whole force They picked their own ground. They brought on the attack without being seen by our troops. I regard the victory of this day as complete - a grand triumph. They exceeded us in numbers nearly if not quite two to one, and we whipped and drove them before us. We had four men wounded, all of whom will soon get well.

After this battle the Indians were never again brought to a general engagement, though there was some desultory fighting. On the 23d of May, Lieutenant-Colonel B. F. Shaw, who was then in command of the volunteers, called a council of his officers to consider the advisability of withdrawing from the sound, leaving the regulars to maintain peace, and making an expedition into the Inland Empire. The council unanimously decided in favor of the expedition, giving the following reasons for such decision:

"The mounted volunteers having crossed the mountains, the necessity of protecting the settlements west of the mountains devolved upon the United States infantry commanded by Lieutenant-Colonel Casey. Should the volunteers remain west of the mountains, they assumed that Lieutenant-Colonel Casey would be obliged to go east of the mountains and to join Colonel Wright, and that, while infantry were best adapted to the service west of the Cascades, the mounted volunteers could operate in the regions east. The Yakimas were the leading element of the hostile party. Their main strength must be broken before pursuing individuals or small parties. They asserted that.if Colonel Wright did whip the hostiles with infantry, he could not follow them after a fight. If the volunteers remained west of the mountains, they were powerless to check an enemy over one hundred and fifty miles off. The volunteers must make a fight before going out of service. Sufficient troops would still remain west of the mountains to protect the settlements. It was necessary that depots of provisions should be established in the Yakima country before the winter. The Indians west of the mountains had been repeatedly defeated; whilst those east of the mountains had never been checked."

In conformity with this decision, Lieutenant- Colonel Shaw set out over the Cascades, via the Naches pass. But before tracing his operations on the east side it will be necessary to return to the Oregon volunteers whom we left in the Walla Walla country and review their further fortunes and movements, as also those of Colonel Wright and the regulars under his command. Details of the winter campaign of the Oregon volunteer regiment need not be given. Much effort was expended in discovering caches of provisions and otherwise foraging for supplies. The Indians in December withdrew across Snake river, whither the volunteers could not follow them for want of boats. But in February six were constructed of whip-sawed lumber and caulked with pine pitch, and in these, transported in wagons to the place where needed, the regiment crossed the Snake twenty-five miles below the mouth of the Palouse, dispersing a small band of hostiles that opposed their crossing, and capturing their horses. An extensive survey of the country between the Palouse and Columbia rivers was made, then a part of the command returned to Walla Walla, but the main body under Colonel Thomas R. Cornelius, who in December had succeeded Colonel Nesmith, resigned, moved to a point on the Columbia opposite the mouth of the Yakima river. Cornelius was delayed somewhat in his contemplated march into the Yakima country by lack of supplies, but on April 5th, with two hundred and forty-one efficient men, he started. Next day on Canyon creek the hostiles were met. No engagement took place that night. The following morning, however, Captain Hembree with a small detachment was attacked while reconnoitering, and Hembree was killed, after having despatched two Indians, the rest of the squad escaping back to camp and giving the alarm. Major Cornoyer pursued the enemy, came upon them toward evening in a fortified position, charged them and killed six of their number. Thus by a loss of eight did the red men atone for the killing and subsequent mutilation of Hembree.

On the 8th the command set out towards The Dalles. While encamped in the Klickitat valley they lost a number of their horses, but further than that experienced no reverses en route and inflicted no damage upon the Indians except the killing of two. In May the regiment was disbanded, but from it was formed companies, which, however, were' also mustered out in August.

We turn now to the operations of the regular troops east of the mountains, during the year 1856. In instructions to Colonel George Wright, issued in January, General Wool directed that two movements should be inaugurated as soon as climatic conditions should permit. "Expeditions should be prepared," said he, "at the earliest possible moment; that is, as soon as grass can be obtained, for Walla Walla and the Selah fisheries. As the snow will not allow the expedition to the latter so early by three or four weeks, the one to the former will be taken as soon as the season will permit, with four or five companies and three howitzers. It is desirable that the expedition should be conducted with reference to selecting a proper position for a post, and to ascertain the feelings and dispositions of the several tribes in that section of the country. I do not believe they will continue the war a great while. The occupation of the country between the Walla Walla, Touchet and Snake rivers, and the opposite side of the Columbia, will very soon bring those tribes to terms. The occupation at the proper time of the Yakima country from the Ahtanum mission, and that on the river above and below the Selah fishery, will compel the Yakimas, I think, to sue for peace or abandon their country."

It was such instructions as these that occasioned the unfriendly criticism of the people of the Northwest. "Not a word," observed Evans, "as to chastising the perfidious murderers of our citizens, nor the enforcement of the treaties, nor for the punishment of hostile acts which had destroyed the business of the country and retarded its settlement - not a word as to checking raids and depredations on isolated settlers." It was such insulting instructions as that sent to Colonel Wright at a later date - "Should you find, on the arrival of the troops in the Cayuse country, that a company is necessary to give protection to the Cayuse Indians from the volunteers, you will leave a company there with a howitzer" - that incited the positive hostility of feeling of the people towards Wool.

March nth Colonel Wright arrived at Fort Dalles. By the 26th, he was ready to, and on that date he did, start for the Walla Walla country. The folly of General Wool's orders became at once apparent. Had Wright made a vigorous movement against the ablest leader of the hostiles, Kamiakin, as he doubtless would have done if he had been instructed to reduce the belligerent Indians to submission, the Cascades tragedy would not have occurred. But the forces on the Columbia had been diminished by Wool's directions, two of the three companies at Fort Vancouver having been sent to Steilacoom about the middle of March, and on the 24th the company at the Cascades having been sent away. The movement of Wright up the Columbia to The Dalles had brought it about that a large amount of stores and supplies were temporarily at the Cascades, and for them there was no other protection than a detachment of eight men under Sergeant Matthew Kelly. The watchful Kamiakin was fully aware of the conditions, and had made preparations accordingly.

The settlements were on a narrow strip of bottom land on the north bank of the river. The south bank was precipitous, affording no opportunity for settlement. A saw-mill stood near the upper end of the portage; a little below were a number of houses and shops, among which was the store of Bradford & Company. Directly in front of this building's site is an island, and a bridge to connect it with the mainland was then in process of construction. The Bradford Broth- ers had been for some time building a tramway or species of wooden railroad between the upper and lower cascades. Upon this workmen were engaged building another bridge. There was considerable activity in the little village, whose importance the Indian war operations had greatly increased. Two steamers, the Mary and the Wasco, lay at anchor in the river on that eventful March morning, the quiet industry of which was to be so rudely disturbed.

The usual activities had just begun when the blood-curdling savage war whoop awoke the echoes. Then came the sharp reports of many rifles all along the line of the settlements. Fortunately an extended account of the attack on and defense of the Bradford store by one who was present and saw what he narrated has been preserved for later generations. It was embodied in a letter by Lawrence W. Coe, a partner of the Bradford Brothers in their store, to Putnam T. Bradford, who was east at the time:

On Wednesday, March 26th, at about 8:30 A. M., after the men had gone to their work on the two bridges of the new railway, most of them on the bridge near Bush's house, the Yakimas came down on us. There was a line about us from Mill creek to the big point at the head of the falls, firing simultaneously at the men ; and the first notice we had of them was the firing and crack of their guns. At the first fire, one of our men was killed and several were wounded. Our men, on seeing the Indians, all ran to our store through a shower of bullets, except three, who started down the stream for the middle blockhouse, distant one and a half miles. Bush and his family ran to our store, leaving his own house vacant. The Watkins family came into our store, after a Dutch boy (brother of Mrs. Watkins) had been shot in the house. Watkins, Finlay and Bailey were at work on the new warehouse on the island, around which the water was now high enough to run about three feet deep under the bridges. There was grand confusion in the store at first; and Sinclair, of Walla Walla, going to the door to look out, was shot in the head and instantly killed. Some of us commenced getting guns and rifles, which were ready loaded, from behind the counter. Fortunately, about an hour before, there had been left with us for shipment below nine government muskets, with cartridge boxes and ammunition. These saved us. As the upper story of the house was abandoned, Smith, the cook, having come below, and as the stairway was outside, where we dare not go, the stovepipe was hauled down, the hole enlarged with axes, and a party of men crawled up; and the upper part of the house was secured.

Our men soon got shots at the Indians on the bank above us. I saw Bush shoot an Indian, the first one killed, who was drawing a bead on Mrs. Watkins, as she was running for our store. He dropped instantly. Alexander and others mounted into the gable under our roof; and from there was done the most of our firing, as it was the best place for observation. In the meantime, we were barricading the store, making loopholes and firing when opportunity presented itself. I took charge of the store, Dan Bradford of the second floor, and Alexander of the garret and roof. -

The steamer Mary was lying in Mill creek; the wind was blowing hard down stream. Then we saw Indians running towards her and heard shots. I will give you an account of the attack on her hereafter. The Indians now returned in force to us ; and we gave everyone a shot who showed himself. They were nearly naked, painted red and had guns and bows and arrows. After a while, Finlay came creeping around the lower point of the island towards our house. We halloed to him to lie down behind a rock ; and he did so. He called that he could not get to the store, as the bank above us was covered with Indians. He saw Watkins' house burn while there. The Indians first took out everything they wanted, - blankets, clothes, guns, etc. By this time the Indians had crossed in canoes to the island ; and we saw them coming, as we supposed, after Finlay. We then saw Watkins and Bailey running around the river side towards the place where Finlay was, and the Indians in full chase after them. As our men came around the point in full view, Bailey was shot through the arm and leg. He continued on and plunging into the river swam to the front of our store and came in safely, except for his wounds. Fmlay also swam across and got in unharmed, which was wonderful, as there was a shower of bullets around him.

Watkins came next, running around the point; and we called to him to lie down behind the rocks; but before he could do so he was shot through the wrist, the ball going up the arm and out above the elbow. He dropped behind a rock just as the pursuing Indians came around the point; but we gave them so hot a reception from our house that they backed out and left poor Watkins where he lay. We called to him to lie still, and we would get him off; but we were not able to do so until the arrival of the troops - two days and nights afterwards. During this time he fainted several times from cold and exposure, the weather being very cold; and he was stripped down to the underclothes for swimming. When he fainted he would roll down the steep bank into the river; and, the ice-cold water reviving him, he would crawl back under fire to his retreat behind the rock. Meantime his wife and children were in the store in full view, and moaning piteously at his situation. He died from exhaustion two days after he was rescued.

The Indians were now pitching into us "right smart." They tried to burn us out - threw rocks and fire brands, hot irons, pitch wood - everything onto the roof that would burn. But as the bank for a short distance back of the store inclined towards us, we could see and shoot the Indians who appeared there. So they had to throw for such a distance that the largest rocks and bundles of fire did not quite reach us; and what did generally rolled off the roof. Sometimes the roof caught on fire; and we cut it out, or with cups of brine drawn from pork barrels put it out, or with long sticks shoved off the fire-ball. The kitchen roof troubled us the most. How they did pepper us with rocks ! Some of the biggest ones would shake the house all over.

There were now forty men, women and children in the house - four women and eighteen men who could fight, and eighteen children and wounded men. The steamer Wasco was on the Oregon side of the river. We saw her steam up and leave for The Dalles. Shortly after the steamer Mary also left. She had to take Atwell's fence rails for wood. So passed the day, during which the Indians had burned Inman's two houses, Bradford's sawmill and houses, and the lumber yards at the mouth of Mill creek. At daylight they set fire to Bradford's new warehouse on the island, making it as light as day around us. They did not attack us at night, but on the second morning commenced again lively as ever. We had no water, but did have about two dozen of ale and a few bottles of whiskey. These gave out during the day. During the night, a Spokane Indian, who was traveling with Sinclair and was in the store with us, volunteered to get a pail of water from the river. I consented, and he stripped himself naked, jumped out and down the bank, and was back in no time. We weathered it out during the day, every man keeping his post, and never relaxing his vigilance. Every moving object, bush, shadow or suspicious thing on the hillside received a shot. Night came again ; we saw Sheppard's house burn. Bush's house was also fired, and kept us in light until four A. M. , when, darkness returning, I sent the Spokane Indian for water from the river; he filled four barrels. He went to and fro like lightning. He also slipped poor James Sinclair's body down the slide outside, as the corpse was quite offensive.

which we gave them to return from The Dalles, we made up our minds for a long siege, until relief came from below. The third morning dawned; and lo! the Mary and the Wasco, blue with soldiers, and towing a flalboat loaded with dragoon horses, hove in sight. Such a halloa as we gave! As the steamers landed, the Indians fired twenty or thirty shots into ihem; but we could not ascertain with what effect. The soldiers as they got ashore could not be restrained, and plunged into the woods in every direction; while the howitzers sent grape after the retreating redskins. The soldiers were soon at our doors; and we experienced quite a feeling of relief in opening them.

Now as to the attack on the steamer Mary on the first day of the fight. She lay in Mill creek, and no fires, and wind blowing hard ashore. Jim Thompson, John Woodard and Jim Herman were just going up to her from our store when they were fired upon. Herman asked if they had any guns. No. He went on up to Inman's house, the rest stayed to help get the steamer out. Captain Dan Baugbman and Thompson were on shore, hauling on lines in the upper side of the creek, when the firing of the Indians became so hot that they ran for the woods past Inman's house. The fireman, James Lindsay, was shot through the shoulder. Engineer Buckminster shot an Indian with his revolver on the gang plank, and little Johnny Chance went climbing up on the hurricane deck, and killed his Indian with an old dragoon pistol; but he was shot through the leg in doing so. Dick Turpra, half crazy, probably, taking the only gun on the steamer, jumped into a flatboat alongside, was shot, and jumped overboard and was drowned. Fires were soon started under the boiler and steam was rising. About this time, Jesse Kempton, shot while driving an ox team from the mill, got on board; also a halfbreed named Bourbon, who was shot through the body. After sufficient steam to move was. raised, Hardin Chenoweth ran up into the pilot house, and, lying on the floor, turned the wheel as he was directed from the lower deck. It is almost needless to say that the pilot house was a target for the Indians. The steamer picked up Herman on the bank above. Inman's family, Sheppard and Vanderpool all got across the river in skiffs, and boarding the Mary were taken to The Dalles.

In the same letter Mr. Coe thus narrates the incidents of the attack which was made on the Lower Cascades simultaneously with that on the store :

George Johnson was about to get a boat's crew of Indians, when Indian Jack came running to him, saying that the Yakimas had attacked the blockhouse. He did not believe 'it, although he heard the cannon. He went up to the Indian village on the sandbar to get his crew, and saw some ot the Cascade Indians, who said they thought the Yakimas had come; and George, now hearing the muskets, ran for home. E. W. Baughman was with him. Bill Murphy had left the blockhouse early for the Indian camp, and had nearly returned before he saw the Indians or was shot at. He returned, two others with him, and ran for George Johnson's, with about thirty Indians in chase. After reaching Johnson's, Murphy continued on and gave Hamilton and all below warning; and the families embarked in small boats for Vancouver. The men would have barricaded in the warehouse, but for want of ammunition. There was considerable government freight in the wharf boat. They stayed about the wharf boat and schooner nearly all day. and until the Indians commenced firing upon them from' the zinc-house on the bank. They then shoved out. Tommy Pierce was shot through the leg in getting the boats into the stream. Floating down, they met the steamer Belle with Sheridan and forty men, sent up on report of an express carried down by Indian Simpson in the morning. George and those with him went on board the steamer and volunteered to serve under Sheridan, who landed at George's place and found everything burned.

The timely warning by Indian Jack enabled all the people to escape with their lives, though the houses were burned and much government property destroyed.

But how fared the middle blockhouse, commonly known as Fort Rains? As heretofore stated there were at this place eight soldiers under Sergeant Kelly. The commander of this squad had been warned the day previous that Indians in the vicinity were acting suspiciously but gave the matter no serious attention. When the attack came, the members of the detachment were quite widely scattered and one of the number, Frederick Bernaur, had gone to the Upper Cascades for a canteen of whiskey. This mau, on attempting to return, was shot through both legs, but managed to keep himself concealed, supporting his failing strength with the whiskey until night, when he stole into the blockhouse. The others, as soon as the truth became known, rushed for the protection of the fortification, and all reached it except Lawrence Rooney, who was captured by the Indians. The few families in the vicinity of the blockhouse also sought its protection, but were not so fortunate, several of their number being severely wounded in crossing the line of Indian fire. "We had," said Sergeant Robert Williams in his narrative of the attack, "seven wounded and three killed. Among the latter was Mr. Griswold, who might have escaped his death but for his overconfidence in the friendliness of the Indians toward him. The German boy, Kyle, mentioned in Mr. Coe's narrative, was killed while riding on horseback clown the road on the hill in front of us. The Indian that shot him stood by the side of a tree close to the road, his gun almost reaching to the poor boy, who fell instantly upon being shot.

"Tom McDowell and Jehu Switzler and another man to me before unknown, were on their way from the Upper to the Lower Cascades, but before they had proceeded far they discovered hostile Indians. Being themselves unarmed, they made a desperate effort to reach the blockhouse, which they did in safety. They proved to our small force a valuable acquisition. The three gallantly aided us during the defense. After they had got in, the door was made secure by a bolt, and then a strong chain was drawn tight across. That being completed, we gave our savage enemy a treat of canister shot, fourteen rounds in all, from our six-pounder gun, after which they precipitately retired. But we still, while in reach, presented them with a few shells. They retired back of the hills, out of range of our guns, to torture and put to a horrible death our unfortunate comrade (Lawrence Rooney), whom they had captured. We could not see them at it, but we heard his piercing screams. After they had accomplished this last inhuman and diabolical cruelty, the main portion left and went to the lower landing."